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A WHOLE
PART-I
The last three paribhasa-s treated in the PP o f the VSK are not the interpretative
canons composed by Panini himself, they are rather, derived from the process
of
application of various sutra-s o f the AST. In other words, these paribhasa-s owe their
origin to the basic mannerism that P aninis sutra-s follow. So they can be conceived as
deductions from the application process o f Paninian rules. It is needless to say that the
three paribhasa-s have proved their unique importance in the whole field o f Paninian
Grammar, in as much as a proper interpretation o f the sutra-s of the A S T is impossible
without the help of these paribhasa-s. So their inclusion in the PP undoubtedly proves,
the grammatical intuition as well as prudence o f Bhattoji. Nagesa has taken up for
discussion in his PBSS these three interpretative canons. In the following paragraphs we
endeavour to
three
(i)
paranityantarahgapavadanamuttarottaram baliyah
149
parasutra. Thus the second sutra o f the A S T can be called a parasutra in relation to the
first one. So parasutra obviously implies the existence o f a
cajled a nitya function . The grammatical rule which relates such a function is called a
nitya rale. Nagesa has maintained this view in the PBSS.5 As the word nitya is a relative
term is Sanskrit Grammar, it obviously entangles the existence o f an anitya rule. The
term antaranga is also purely a technical one used in Paninian Grammar. The correlative
of the term antaranga is bahirahga. According to the DSG, the term antaranga refers to
that grammatical operation the causes of application o f which lie within or they lie before
1. DSG. p.20
2. nityasabdah praptyantaranisedharthah IV. 14, p.132
3. ayanmityasabdastyeva kutasthesvavicalitesu bhivesu vartate. On the P. sut,
nityavipsayoh (8.1.4)
4
150
the causes o f the bahiranga function.6 In Sanskrit Grammar the rule that states about an
antarahga function is called an antarahga rule. The term apavada refers to that type of
grammatical rule that sets aside the concept provided by a general rule. Thus an apavada
rule always obstructs the operation o f a general rule. Nagesa, in connection with the
nature o f an apavada rule specifically speaks of its obstructive characteristics.7 In the
JN P V the word apavada is applied to mean a particular rule in contrast with a general
rule.89The present paribhasa establishes the comparative strength o f the different type o f
grammatical rule among the unequal contenders. This interpretative canon, thus, has four
constituent parts, viz.
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
All these are shown clearly by S. R. Banerjee in his preface to the A S T ? So the
joint effect o f the present paribhasa is that among the subsequent, persistent, internal and
the exceptional rules, the successive one is stronger than the preceding one. So between a
para and a nitya operation, the nitya one prevails in case o f ambiguity, because o f its
superiority in the field o f grammatical operation. Among the para, nitya and an
6. op.citp.27
7
yena naprapte yo vidhirarabhyate sa tasya bldhako bhavati. pr. no. 58. PBSS, p.l 78.
151
antarahga operations, the antarahga is regarded as the strongest one and in the event of
a doubt this will occur superseding the other two types o f operation. Similarly, among
the para, nitya, antarahga and apavada operations, the last one is regarded as the
strongest and setting aside other operations, it comes to be operative at the time of
confusion in the grammatical field. Though all these parameters are not stated directly by
Panini in the AST, the functional process used in various places lays down this
dictum.This can be documented by the process o f application o f different sutra-s of
Panini in the case o f word formation. As for example, by the operational rule astabhya
aus (7.1.21), the nominative and the accusative plural o f the word astan takes au. In the
functional process o f this operation, three contending rules
ddeh parasya (1.1.54) and anekalsit sarvasya (1.1.55) demand their occurrence in
various perspective. Paninian Grammar sets the norm that the successive rule is always
to be followed when there arises a conflict between the operation o f equal importance.10
Owing to the strength o f the successive sutra, the rule anekalsit sarvasya comes to be
operative in the present case. As a result, au comes in the whole place o f ja s and sas.
Thus, the word astau is formed. Secondly, in the process o f word construction, the stage
tud + ti, can involve two contending rules viz pugantalaghupadhasya ca (7.3.86) and
tudadibhyah sahQ.1.77). Here, the first rule is a parasutra. The latter one, though a
purvasutra is a nityavidhi. So, on the strength o f the present paribhasa the nitya rule
comes to operate and thus the word tudati is formed. Again in the lexical representation
o f the word gramanini, the stage gramani + si can involve two rules viz. hrasvo
napumsake pratipadikasya (1.2.47) and ikoc i vibhaktau (7.1.73) where the former rule
has an antarahga status. But the latter rule which is a parasutra is o f nitya type. So
setting aside the nitya rule the stronger antarahga rule prevails here by the strength
152
o f the present interpretative canon and as a result the shortening o f the long vowel
ocpurs. Thus the construction of the word grdmanini takes place. The apavada rule
proves its strength over all types o f rule taken under consideration. As for example, the
rules ikoy anaci (6.1.77) and adgunah (6.1.87) are both antaranga rules which are
refuted by the apavada rule akah savarne dirghah (6.1.101) in connection with the
grammatical operation called sandhi. Thus the words like daityarih from daitya + arih
and srisah from sri + ishah get constructed in Paninian scheme. It is important to note
here that the term apavada sometimes, stands for an exceptional rule which becomes
completely irrelevant in case the equally powerful general rule is applied earlier.11 Thus
it can be understood from the method o f application o f the present paribhasa that the
school o f Paninian Grammar follows this type o f technical theorem which has added the
theoretical value o f the derivational process o f Sanskrit words collected by Panini as the
data in his AST. This is to be noted here that Bhattoji has not offered any explanation of
his own to the present canon in the PP o f the VSK. He has only referred to the canon
along with a handful o f other paribhasa-s of Paninian Grammar. In the KPS the idea
contained in the present paribKdsTi has been stated with the help o f a good number of
small
interpretative
canons
bahirangayorantarangavidhirbalavan\3 nilyddantarahgam baliyah14 and utsargapavadayorapavadavidhirbalavan15 and these are called baldbalasutram 6 because they suggest
11. PPSG.p.173
12. pr. no. 70
13. pr. no. 77
14. pr. no. 93
15r pr. no. 96.
16. PBS. p.77
153
the comparative strength o f one type of grammatical operation over another, in the
process o f word formation in Sanskrit language. In the H A M V also such interpretative
canons are treated as the rules called nyaya-s,.17 The essence o f the present paribhasa is
also established by H aradatta.18 It is important to note here that the idea o f establishing
the superiority o f one type o f rule over the other, in the field o f Paninian Grammar has
been shown in the sutra-vipratisedhe parafn karyaih (l A.2) which is also regarded as a
paribhasa rule by the eminent grammarians like
vipratisedhe etc. has established the idea o f solution, in the event o f conflict between two
rules having equal strength. The present paribhasa, on the other hand, has paved the
path o f solution when there arises a conflict between two rules o f unequal importance.
This is elaborately discussed by K. Das in his PPSG.20 A graphical representation o f this
paribhasa can be shown as follows.
Relative strength
154
(ii) asiddhambahirangamantarange
This is the second paribkasa in the group of the three interpretative canons
treated by Bhattoji at the end of the PP of his VSK. Though Panini has not postulated in
his A S T any rule concerning this deductive canon it has an accelerated affect in the
whole field o f Paninian Grammar. The subsequent grammarians have also accepted this
canon in their respective works. As for example, in his PBSC, Vyadi has incorporated
this canon21 . Purusottamadeva also deals with it in his LPV . 72 Nagesa too has treated
the same in the PBSS . 23 This paribhasa involves two correlative of Sanskrit Grammar
viz. bahirahga and antarahga. The word anga in both these terms refers to nimitta or the
conditioning factor. Nagesa has explained these two terms emphatically in his PBSS .24
Antarahga can be o f two types - one, that is applicable simultaneously and the other,
which follows subsequently.25 In the K PSV o f Bhavamisra, the concept o f antarahga is
stated to be dependant on the original base, whereas that o f bahirahga is dependant
155
on the suffix.26 According to Durgasimha, an antarahga is that which stays before the
base whereas bahiranga is that which remains outside the base.27 The paribhasa under
consideration states that when an antarahga rule is applied the bahiranga rule remains
ineffective. Thus this interpretative canon establishes the norm that in Sanskrit Grammar
the application o f the antarahga operation makes the bahiranga operation ineffective.
This paribhasa can be called a jnapakasiddha as well as a nyayasiddha. This is a
jndpakasiddhd paribhasa because it can be deduced from the rule vaha uth (6.4.132,).
This is clearly stated in the LPV.2S Thus by the application o f the rule vaha 5th in the
word visvavaha, samprasarana uth is enjoined in place o f v o f vaha when sas follows.
Then by the rule etyedhatyuthsu (6.1.891, au occurs in place o f a and . So visva - vaha +
sas is changed into visva - uth-aha + sas. Then because o f the single substitution o f u
and a as well as the elision of / of sas, the process gives rise to word visvauhah. This is
to be noted here that the cause o f the samprasarana here is the suffix sas whereas the
elided suffix nvi which occurs by the rule vahasca (3.2.641 remains as the cause of guna
in relation to the short penultimate letter by the force of the sutra
pugantalaghupadhasya ca (7.3.86). The suffix nvi takes place before the addition o f the
suffix sas and it remains in between the elements ias and vaha. So the guna in
connection with the short penultimate letter stays here as the antarahga operation but the
suffix sas remains outside the suffix nvi. Accordingly, the u, which comes as a result of
the operation samprasarana that arises in connection with the suffix sas, can be termed
as bahiranga. So according to the present paribhasa the bahiranga samprasarana
156
remains ineffective in connection with the opeation guna which is an antaranga function
here. It is for this reason that the inclusion o f uth by the rule vaha uth appears to be
fruitful.29 Thus the present canon involves four grammatical stages viz.
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
comes here by the strength o f the rule vahasca after which the rule vahah (4.1.61) will
cause the operation samprasdrana o f the letter v o f vaha and then by the result o f guna
o f u the letter o is supposed to come. So in the stage visva +oh +as, vrddhi o f a and o will
take place which produces au. The resultant form o f this stage comes to be visvauhah. In
die second stage, it is seen that the element uth can not be superfluous. It is because the
samprasdrana involved here is a bahiranga operation whereas guna is an antaranga
function. So guna , here, does not get the samprasdrana. Otherwise the form visvauhah
can not be established. For this the element uth is necessary. Thus the canon asiddham
bahirangamantarahge is suggested by the concerned rule. In the third stage, the
construction process shows the usefulness o f the aphorism vaha uth. Finally, the present
paribhasd has the scope o f operation in other cases also viz. the construction of the
words like syom h.30 Here it is important to note that the grammatical terms bahiranga
and antaranga according to Nagesa can not mean bahvapeksa and alpapeksa.31
157
T h e
s y s te m
I n
p re s e n t p a r ib h a s a
o f
o u r d a y
a c tiv itie s
o u r
to
th e
o ffic e
life , a
a s
a n d
a d v o c a te s
to
th e
in
a f te r g e ttin g
h e
s ta rts
h is
p ra c tic a l life
p r in c ip le
o n e s .
o f
a p p lic a b le
to
th e
v ie w
o f h is
o w n
in
h e
fo llo w s th e
v ie w
o f
u p
b e
fro m
c a n
b a h ir a n g a
a ls o
T h e
I t is
ru le
T h is
id e a
c a n
w h ic h
P a ta n ja li
( 8 .2 .1 ) .
a n y
o f th e
th e
V S K
c a n
c a lle d a
b e d
is
h a s
b e
te rm e d
w o rk s
a ls o
fa lls
c a n o n
o u t
w ith in
s u p p o rte d
c o n n e c tio n
w ith
h is p re d e c e s s o rs
th is
w ith
b y
p a ra lle l
d u tie s
u n d e r
a re
n o te
th a t
g iv e n
s u p e r
g o in g
to
p rio rity
in
c o n s id e ra tio n
a ls o
e la b o ra te ly
th a t th is p a r ib h a s a
p r e s e n t
th e ju r is d ic tio n
N a g e s a . 33
c a n o n . T h is
o r
lik e
illu s tra te d
h e re
th e
u ltra -p e rs o n a l
a n ta r a h g a
fu n c tio n s a r e
im p o rta n t to
w h ic h
a s
o r p u b lic
a n ta r a h g a
p o in te d
e q u a te d
fir s t p e rfo rm s h is
in te rp re ta tiv e
a ls o
b e
lo k a n y d y a s id d h a p a r ib h a s a .
S a n s k rit G ra m m a r. A ll th e s e
h i s N y a s a . 32
a p p lic a b ility .
fu rn is h e d
s im p ly
w h ic h , it
e tc .
s a m e
p u r v a tr a s id d h a m
th e P P
f a c e
b a h ir a n g a
c a n n o t b e
in
h is
th e
u n iv e rs a l
c a n o n
th e
in
fo r
p e rs o n
a fte rw a rd s
J i n e n d r a b u d d h i
la c k s
life ,
w a s h in g
e tc . T h u s
c o m p a ris o n
b y
d a y
s u c h
p riv a te jo b s
p ra c tic a l
tr e a te d
in te rp re ta tiv e
o f th e
B h a tto ji
le a d s
u s
to
s u tr a
h a s
th in k
n o t
th a t
in th is re g a rd .
(iii) a k r ta v y u h a h p d n in iy a h
T h is
o p in io n
in
th e
tre a te d
in
/ . P P 35
a n d
3 2 .
is
th e
la s t p a r ib h a s a
v rtti
P a n in ia n
to
P P 36
c a tr ip id y a m
3 4 . o p .c it;, P B S . p .2 9
3 5 r o p .c it., ib id , p .1 5 5
3 6 . o p .c it., ib id , p .2 1 6
th e
g ra m m a tic a l
G ra m m a r. I n
o p .c it., K V , v o l. I ,
3 3 . iy a m
th is
o f
th is
c a n o n
P P
o f
c a n o n .
th e
T h is
V S K .
is
h is P B S C , V y a d i h a s
is
s ta te d
w ith
s o m e
a ls o
B h a tto ji
p ra v a rta te trip a d y a
a p p e n d e d
a jh a p a k a p a r ib h a s a
in c o rp o ra te d th is
a d d itio n a l
a s id d h a tv a t. P B S S . p .1 2 7
h is
b e in g
c a n o n .34 I n
c o m m e n ts .
p .5 0 1
n a
h a s
th e
N a g e s a ,
158
though discusses this canon in his PBSS, does not accept it37 as it is not mentioned in the
MHB. Jinendrabuddhi deals with this canon in connection with the rule vipratisedhe
param karyam .38 The word vyuhah refers to a resolution.39 It also refers to a
determination in a specific manner.40 S. R. Banerjee has taken the term vyuhah in the
sense o f a fiitile resolution.41 M.V. Mahashabde has also supported this view in his
explanation to the present canon in the PP 42 .The TB commentary has taken the word
akrtavyuha
in the sense o f that which is unsuccessful.43 It explains the term uhah as an
operation in general and the term vyuhah as an operation which has its causes to be
destroyed.44 The word paniniyah refers to the followers o f Panini.45 Thus the present
paribhasa sets the convention that the scholars o f Paninian school do not bring into
effect, the grammatical operation when the causes o f the concerned function
are
supposed to disappear afterwards. Bhattoji has stated this in his vrtti attached to
this canon.46 Thus it is clear from this canon that the followers o f Paninian Grammar
never undertake a fiitile operation. It is important to note that in Paninian school there is
another interpretative canon carrying the same sense viz. krtamapi sastram nivartayanti.
159
But the canon under consideration is a shorter and hence more convenient one. This is
illustrated with example in the TB commentary o f the VSK.47 A.S. Sastri in his KAD
commentary maintains that if the probability o f the destruction of the cause o f an
antaranga operation by a bahirahga function prevails, the concerned antaranga rule is
not undertaken in the grammatical field.48 This is seen in the construction of the word
sedusah. In the accusative plural form o f the word sedivas, the stage sad + vas + sas
involves the inclusion of the augment it by the rule ardhadhatukasyed baladeh (7.235).
The next stage occurs as sad + it + vas + sas. Here, though vas can be included in the
domain o f the baladi affix, it will get this status destroyed due to the subsequent sas
affix
samprasdrana operation o f vas will take place. Thus, the status o f baladi to the element
vas will not remain at all. Accordingly, the augment it will not occur for which the word
sedusah, instead o f sedysah is constructed. The vrtti provided by Bhattoji to this canon
invokes the existence o f the effect o f such a norm in the practical life also. This is
clearly mentioned in the TB.49
Thus the last three paribhasa-s treated by Bhattoji, in the PP o f the VSK
haye a wide scope o f application in
the field o f
application solves many problems that crop up in the process o f word construction in
the Paninian system o f Grammar.
160
PART-n
T h e
P P
in te rp re ta tio n
b ra n c h
th e
o f
o f
m a g n u m
S o
s e rv e
p u rp o s e
b re v ity .
P a n in ia n
m e ta
it
re s o rt to
a s
ru le s
c a p o n s tr e a te d
in v o lv e
s u b s titu tio n
tr e a te d
ru le s .
5 0 . W
e n d s
th e
b y
T h e
a r e a
is
c o m e
ta k e n
th e
a n d
th e o ry
G ra m m a r
s c o p e
h a s
a n d
w ith
c a n
th is
h a s
b y
th e
th e
lin g u is tic
d o w n
fo r
p rin c ip le s
B h a tto ji
e s ta b lis h
s m a lle s t
u n it
in
o v e r
th e
th e P P
o r
o f
o f
o f
S a n s k rit
w h ic h
o f c o u rs e
h a s
g e n e ra liz a tio n
n a tu re
m e ta
o f th e
ru le s .
V S K
a s
fo u n d
m o rp h o lo g ic a l
m o rp h o lo g ic a l
w o rd
e le m e n ts
in te rp re ta tiv e
c o m m a n d
th a t
in fle c tio n
s ta g e s
p ro c e s s , P a n in i
th e ir
s ig n ifie s
a n d
v a rio u s
th e
la id
o f p a r ib h a s a
s tro n g
u n d e r c o n s id e ra tio n
a s s u m p tio n
o f
m o rp h o lo g ic a l
fo rm a tio n . T h e A S T , th e
th e
fro m
h e
th e
m o rp h o lo g y
o f w o rd
re p re s e n ta tio n
w h ic h
f o r
c o m p o s itio n ,
w ith
d o c u m e n ta tio n . I n
th e
w o rd
b a s ic s
s ta rts
g e n e ra liz a tio n
u n d e r
T h e
c o n c e rn e d
re g u la tio n s
f o r
im p o rta n c e
a rra n g e m e n t,
in v o lv e s th e
fo rm a l
m e a n in g fu l
s p e c ia l
G ra m m a r.
p rim a rily
th e
ru le s
w ith
d e riv a tio n a l
ru le s
T h e
o f
P a n in ia n
d e a ls
w ith
o f a
is
c a n
im p o rta n c e
in
T h u s
a re n a .
p ro v e
o f
th e
h e re .
I t
o f P a n in i.
w h ic h
o f P a n in ia n
th e o re tic a l
c h a p te r,
o f
P a n in i
G ra m m a r
T h e p a r ib h a s a - s
th is
ru le s
P a n in is
a n d
w e ll
th e
o f
la n g u a g e
ta k e
V S K ,
u n i t s .50 T h u s t h i s
o p u s
fo rm a tio n .
to
th e
lin g u is tic s
la n g u a g e
th e
o f
is
a lre a d y
th e
m e ta
a n d
N o t
th e
to
firs t
ru le s
s ig n
s p e a k
B h a tto ji a ls o
n o tic e d
o f
o f
h a v e
r e la te d
th e
th e
g iv e n
tw o p a r ib h a s a
th a t
to
th e
p rin c ip le s
g o v e rn in g
ris e to
m a n y
e le m e n ts
( 1 .2 .2 8 ) .
tre a te d
b y
B h a tto ji
g ra d a tio n ,
f o r a p p lic a tio n
s u tr a -s
c o n c e rn e d
in
th is
a u g m e n ta tio n ,
in
o th e r ru le s
,th e jm p a k a p a r ib h a s a - s
le x ic a l d ic tu m
r u l e s o f t h e P P 51 a r e
a c a s c a
ru le s
o f v o w e l
P a n in ia n p a r ib h a s a
e b s te r s P o c k e t D ic tio n a r y .p .3 2 8
5 1 . ik o g u n a v r d d h i ( 1 .1 .3 ) a n d
P a n in ia n
d e d u c e d
w ith
th e
fro m
P a n in ia n
tra n s fo rm a tio n
o f
161
vowel sounds . This can be termed as type o f vikara or replacement o f a vowel.52 The
qualitative or quantitative change o f a vowel sound is called ablaut variation by modem
linguists. Ablaut is regarded as one o f the characteristics o f the Indo-European family of
languages.53 The grammatical operations called guna, vrddhi and samprasarana are the
technical terms used for representing the nature o f the vowel gradation in Sanskrit
Grammar. The first paribhasa mle o f the PP incorporates the principle as to how the
vowels i, u, r and / are affected by the operation called guna and vrddhi. This canon is
involved in the process o f construction of words like medyati, marstih, marstum etc. The
second canon o f the PP highlights
shortening, lengthening and plutation in a word entangle the vowel sounds only. This
norm is seen to be involved in the formation o f the words atiri gramani etc.
Next comes the topic o f augmentation involved in the lexical stems of Sanskrit
words. Bhattoji has taken up theparibhasa-s adyantau takitau(i.\A6) and midaco ntyat
parah (1.1.47) in this regard in his PP o f the VSK. These two rales are connected with
the placement process o f augments o f various kinds. The addition of augments in various
stages o f lexical construction o f a word is very common in Sanskrit Grammar. It can
be obtained in both the declensional and conjugational elements. As for example, the
words like paycmsi etc. show the use o f man element which is a mit augment. Similarly,
the forms like agamat and abhavat involve the addition o f the element at which
is a tit augment. For this reason, the interpretative canon guiding the augmentation
process in various Sanskrit words are taken up for discussion by Bhattoji in the PP of
his VSK. These rules can be helpful in finding out the additional element added to the
52. PPSG, p. 54
53. A Handbook of Sanskrit Philology, p.65
162
original unit They are also a useful device for the study o f allomorphs.54 The
morphological study of Sanskrit language involves the substitution and replacement
process in various stages o f word formation noticeable in the Grammar o f Panini. The
lexical item is very often seen to be changed or modified in various segments under
divergent grammatical circumstances. A substitute always possesses a close relation with
the substituendum in Paninian Grammar and the placement process o f the substitute is
affected by the conditioning characteristics reflected in various aphorisms o f the AST. In
this area also the lexical operation follows various interpretative canons whenever or
wherever necessaiy. Bhattoji, in the PP o f the VSK has treated a good number o f
interpretative canons related to substitution process which shows their effect in various
parts o f many Sanskrit words. It is to be noted here that the replacement operation
always signifies an original item, which is to be treated as the locus o f the proposed
operation and it is earmarked with the sixth case ending in a sutra, which is incorporated
by the paribhasa rule sasthi sthaneyoga (1.1.49). Thus in case o f euphonic combination
the letters, y, v, r, l, are substituted for i, u, r and l respectively by the rule ikoyanaci.
Accordingly, the words like ityadi, bahvasraya etc. are formed. Similarly, the rule
tasminniti nirdistepurvasya ( l . 1.66) and tasmadittyuttarasya(\ A.61) also establish the
criteria o f determining the place o f occurrence of the grammatical operation involved in
the construction process of Sanskrit words. The paribhasa - alo ntyasya (1.1.52)
nicca(\A.53>), adeh parasya (1.1.54), anekalsit sarvasya guide the process of
replacement involved in the various stages o f word formation by determining
the principle to be followed in this connection. Thus the words like sah, tau,
sakha, sdkhayau, utthanam, bhavisyati, astau etc. are formed with their respective
lexical items passing through the different stages o f additions and replacement. The
54. PAL, p. 16
163
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