Some Issues On Apocalyptic - Paul B. Decock

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999
Some issues in apocalyptic in the exegetical

literature of the last ten years
Paul B Decock
ABSTRACT
In 1989 there was a follow-up meeting on the 1979 Uppsala Colloquium on apocalypticism. The results were published in a small volume edited by Collins and
Charlesworth in 1991. Since then interest in apocalyptic has continued and this survey intends to give an overview of the literature on this issue since that time. The
article focuses particularly on the following aspects: apocalyptic: literary genre or
theological concept; the apocalyptic genre; eschatological or cosmological in content; apocalyptic movements; social context and function; apocalypses and
mysticism; the sources of Jewish apocalyptic; Jesus,
and apocalyptic traditions;
apocalyptic views and wisdom; apocalyptic traditions and the Book of Revelation;
apocalyptic and the rest of the New Testament; apocalyptic literature and biblical
interpretation.
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2009).
Apocalyptic literature continues to attract the attention of Old and New Testament scholarship. First of all, because of the conviction that canonical literature has to be seen more clearly in relationship to contemporary non-canonical
literature Oewish, Christian, and other), scholars are confronted with a good
number of apocalyptic texts. Furthermore, the conviction that apocalyptic
texts have significantly shaped the very beginnings of Christianity causes this
interest to persist.
Some indications of the first can be seen in the establishment of the Journal
for the study of the Pseudepigrapha, which even has a Supplement series of nearly
twenty volumes. There is also a new series called Guides to Apocrypha and
Pseudepigrapha. It is also noteworthy that the Hermeneia Commentaries have
recently started including commentaries on non-canonical works like 1 Enoch,
4 Ezra, the Shepherd of Hermas, besides a commentary on the letters of
Ignatius. The A nchor Bible already includes commentaries on the Apocrypha.
We can also see the publication in 1990 of M G Reddish's 'Reader,' which
brings together selections from Jewish and early Christian apocalyptic literature (Reddish 1990), as a further indication that the study of apocalyptic texts is
not limited to specialists.
This survey does not include the many interesting works on apocalyptic
features in the later literature and art. We have also omitted studies on the
rhetoric of apocalyptic texts in later history, like for instance O'Leary {1984}.
0254-9356/99 NTSSA
APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE
Given all this, the survey can still not claim to be exhaustive, but I trust that it
gives an idea of the main issues discussed in these last ten years.
1
APOCALypnc: LITERARY GENRE OR THEOLOGICAL

CONCEPT?
Since Hanson's article (1976) the threefold distinction between apocalyptic
genre (apocalypse), apocalyptic eschatology, and apocalyptic movements (apocalypticism), has been widely accepted. However, there still seems to be disagreement about the weight to be given to each of these and the exact relationship between these three.
According to Collins (1991:13), 'the term "apocalyptic" refers first and
foremost to the kind of material found in the apocalypses. To use the word in
any other way is to invite terminological confusion.' Collins refers specifically
to Sturm (1989:37} and de Boer (1989:187}, who are not happy with what they
see as an emphasis on genre. They wonder whether something has to be considered apocalyptic because it is found in apocalypses. Sturm (1989:37) finds
the approach of the theological concept more promising, but admits that 'there
is wide disagreement here, too' (1989:37}. However, Sturm finds in the literature on the theological concept a regular return to the idea of rf!1Jelation, which
he sees as an important clue. Apocalyptic, at least in Paul, has to do with
epistemology, 'the birth of a new way of knowing both present and future,
one that is God-given' (de Boer 1989:187}. The idea of an 'epistemology at the
turn of the ages' as one of the central points of New Testament apocalyptic
appears in some other articles in the J L Martyn Festschrift. For instance,
Boomershine concludes his article as follows:
The knowledge that is gained in these parables of Jesus, in 2 Corinthians, and in
Mark is that we know ourselves and our communities at the juncture of the ages as
beloved enemies of the Kingdom who are called to be storytellers, parablers, and
apostles of the -signs of the new age hidden in the midst of the old age by the grace of
God. (Boomershine 1989:165; see also Duff 1989:281, 285-287; Brooks 1989:107)
Nickelsburg seems to go along with Collins, but he too reflects on the function of revelation. He summarises his discussion on 1 Enoch:
... we may properly use the term "apocalyptic" to characterize the texts in 1 Enoch,
because the claim to revelation or, indeed, the literary form that presents this claim,
is not accidental to the text, but is essential to its worldview, or construction of
reality. The authors' revelations are the salvific means by which the readers bridge
and overcome the dualisms that are the very nature of reality as they understand and
experience it. (Nickelsburg 1991:62).
For Nickelsburg 'revelation' is central to apocalyptic. He then tries to
understand why revelation would be so central to 1 Enoch (and in apocalyptic
texts in general) and finds the basic reason for this in the heightened awareness
of dualism: the present is radically different from the future; the 'here' is radically different from the 'there'; the human realm is radically different from the
divine realm. 'Thus, the disastrous character of human existence is emphasized
by means of dualistic comparisons that are made in temporal, spatial, ontological terms' (Nickelsburg 1991:60).
While humanity is described as locked in misery in the here and now of the
human condition, revelation not only opens up perspectives of salvation in the
future when God intervenes, but provides a bridge which overcomes the
dualism.
Thus the books of Enoch are a corpus of texts that guarantee future salvation on the
basis of a present reality to which the seer has been privy and which he now reveals.
That seer ... is the bridge between opposing worlds: present and future, earthly and
cosmic, human and divine (Nickelsburg 1991:62).
Himmelfarb (1991) has similar reflections. She looks at the themes of revelation, rapture, and transformation of the visionaries in certain apocalypses and
argues that
Once we have realized how widely this problem [of the distance of God] was per
ceived, we realize that angels are not its cause but an attempt at its solution. The
development of a picture of the world in which a large number of angels play so
prominent a role should be understood not simply as a reflection of a sense of dis
tance but as an attempt to overcome that distance. The idea that the heavens are full
of angels assures human beings of contact with the sphere of the divine, if only its
periphery (Himmelfarb 1991:90).
The fact that certain exceptional humans have communion with the angels
and are taken up into the heavens is a sign that all the righteous can expect to
cross the boundaries that separate humans from the divine realm.
Sim (1996) would like to make a clear separation between the apocalyptic
genre on the one hand and apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism on the
other. Against Collins, he denies that there is a necessary relationship between
apocalyptic eschatology and the apocalyptic genre. Some apocalypses, like 2
Enoch and 3 Baruch, 'contain hardly any eschatological material, but focus on
completely different themes such as the heavenly world, cosmology and astro
nomy (Sim 1996:25), while 'some of the clearest expressions of apocalyptic
eschatology (and therefore of apocalypticism) are found in texts which do not
belong to the apocalyptic genre' (Sim 1996:25-26). He points to the Qumran
community, which apparently did not produce any apocalypses although they
collected and cherished them.
Matthew preferred the genre of the gospel to that of the apocalypse to
express his apocalyptic eschatological view point. In order to avoid the confu-
sion of seeing a necessary link between the genre and apocalyptic eschatology,
Sim has been thinking about the possibility of a new name for apocalyptic
eschatology. Davies (1989:253) has accepted the name millenialism (or millenarianism), but Sim finds that 'an application of this word to early Jewish
and Christian movements would be both anachronistic and misleading' (1996:
27; also 55-58). He is not satisfied with the solution of Collins, who distinguishes two sub-types in the apocalyptic genre, historical apocalypses and
apocalypses with heavenly journeys. While the first expects the end of history,
the second type does not, but is more interested in individual reward and
punishment after death. Sim argues that in the end Collins is forced to accept
two types of apocalyptic eschatology, one which is eschatological (end of history) and another which is mystical (individual reward after death). For Sim
these are two distinct streams within early Judaism; 'they should be differentiated from one another and given different names as a result' (Sim 1996:30).
Boccaccini (1991) reports on developments in Italy since 1979. In that year a
new journal of Judaic studies, Henoch, was started. The main names are Paolo
Sacchi, Gabriele Boccaccini, and Liliana Rosso Ubigli. Paolo Sacchi and his
Italian team also see some problems in an approach which would limit itself to
genre and world-view:
Two documents do not necessarily belong to the same tradition of thought because
they share the same literary genre and the same world-view. An ideological affinity
exists only if they have consciously organized and developed their thoughts out of
the same generative idea {Boccaccini 1991:35).
Sacchi believed that the oldest stratum of the oldest section of 1 Enoch
reaches as far back as the fifth century BCE. The various sections or books
were brought together towards the end of the first century BCE by an editor
who 'was aware that they belonged to the same tradition of thought, in spite of
the often strong theological differences between one book and the other' (Boccaccini 1991 :34). This raised questions about 'the generative idea of the tradition.' Apocalyptic must be defined in terms of ideology, which can be compared to other Jewish ideological traditions. He seems to think of Christianity,
Pharisaism and Essenism as comparable ideological traditions. It is insufficient
to remain on the level of genre and world-view (Boccaccini 1991:36-37). The
apocalyptic tradition is definitely not static and homogeneous. It has developed
over a long period of time and is complex and dynamic. However, it is possible
to recognise at its core a specific understanding of evil, 'understood as an
autonomous reality, antecedent even to humankind's ability to choose' (Boccaccini 1991:37). This conception of evil is not one of the many apocalyptic
ideas, but 'the generative idea of a distinct ideological tradition of thought, the
corner-stone on which and out of which the whole "apocalyptic" tradition is
built (Boccaccini 1991:37).
Sacchi distinguishes between the apocalyptic genre (apocalypse), the apocalyptic world-view (apocalypticism) and the apocalyptic tradition. He would
disagree with Collins and many others that the apocalyptic tradition is the tradition of thought of the apocalypses. Amazingly, Sacchi has come to the conclusion that Daniel and Revelation do not belong to what he has identified as
the apocalyptic tradition!
It [the apocalyptic tradition] is rather one of the Jewish traditions of the Second
Temple period, which, like other contemporary traditions, was influenced by
apocalypticism and wrote apocalypses .... The documents belonging to the apocalyptic tradition are neither all, nor only apocalypses (Boccaccini 1991:48).
One of the interesting aspects of the work of the Sacchi group is that they
have studied the apocalyptic tradition down from the fifth century BCE to the
early second century CE and compared it with other traditions in Judaism like
Wisdom, Daniel, Essenes, Christianity, the Pharisaic and Rabbinic tradition.
The apocalyptic tradition, in the end (2 Baruch and especially 4 Ezra) was
unable to give a satisfactory answer to the questions raised in the course of its
long history. Faced with the issue of the consequences of the sin of Adam and
human freedom and responsibility 4 Ezra ends up in a deep pessimism about
the final destiny of humankind. 'The success of Christianity and Rabbinism as
the two winning J udaisms of antiquity would depend strongly on their ability
to meet the questions of a questioning generation with more coherent and reassuring words' (Boccaccini 1991:48).
According to Adler (1996a:7-8) the discussion of what is considered apocalyptic will turn 'into an amorphous study of Christian eschatology' if we try
to give priority to it as a theological idea rather than focusing our study on
works which have been recognised as apocalypses.
2
THE APOCALYPTIC GENRE
The definition of the genre as developed by Collins (1979:9) and his group has
been widely accepted (Hanson 1992:279). Collins (1991:13-14) is satisfied with
the basic distinction of two broad types in the genre: historical apocalypses
and heavenly ascents. With regard to the inclusion of function (besides content
and form) Collins is prepared to accept the amendment offered in Semeia 36
(Yarbro Col1ins 1986:7: an apocalypse is 'intended to interpret present earthly
circumstances in the light of the supernatural world and of the future, and to
influence both the understanding and the behavior of the audience by means of
divine authority' (Col1ins 1991:19). This is not as specific as the earlier attempts
to articulate the function in terms of a 'group in crisis.'
Humphrey (1995:159-160) also raises the question of function but in the
end proposes to modify the definition of the genre by adding the dimension of
identity to the content. This would mean that the content of revelation should
be seen in three dimensions, the temporal, the spatial and the identical. She
comes to such a conclusion after studying the theme of transformation in four
apocalypses Qoseph and Aseneth, 4 Ezra, the Apocalypse, and the Shepherd of
Hermas}. This theme aims at the question of identity: who people are in the
sight of God. This corresponds in a way to the description of function accepted
by Collins but in a more focused way. In terms of the content of the apocalypses, Kreitzer {1997:61-66} discusses three perceptual axes: the temporal
one, the spatial one and the anthropological one.
Hellholm {1991} discusses the question of the definition of generic texts and
of the analysis of texts as generic entities. He calls for a greater attention to the
levels of abstraction in defining generic texts. In the analysis of texts as generic
entities he stresses the need for a syntagmatic approach to complement the
paradigmatic one.
Malina {1995} would prefer to abandon the label 'apocalypse' and see the
genre of the apocalypse as a subset of the astronomical and astrological literature in antiquity (Malina 1995:12):
While the terms "apocalypse n or "eschatological apocalyptic n sound duly esoteric
and learned, the terms shed little light on the sort of book this last document of the
New Testament really is .... however, it seems rather that "apocalypse n and "eschatologyn are simply part and parcel of the theological jargon of the past century,
that fossilize perception and misdirect interpretation. ... As a matter of fact, the
book of Revelation and works like it (e g the books of Enoch) are really a subset of
the astronomical and astrological literature in antiquity (Malina 1995:12).
Now the main characteristic of those ancient producers of astral prophecy was that
they were given divinely guided interpretation of celestial phenomena. Their astral
prophecy consisted of information imparted by means of experience with celestial
entities: stars, singly or in constellations, personages such as angels or demons, and
God (gods). When written down, this experience takes the shape of a type or genre
of writing, for example an oracular utterance, a story of the experience, or a list of
the events shortly to occur .... So we may say that as a genre or type of writing,
astral prophecy, like that in the book of Revelation, is a type of astronomic writing
with a narrative framework which sets forth information derived from the
prophet's interaction with celestial entities (Malina 1995:26).
As we have seen, Sim {1996:23-31} also has problems with the fact that Collins puts heavenly ascents and historical apocalypses in a common category.
The study of Abusch {1995} on ascent to the stars in Mesopotamian ritual is
helpful in making us more aware of the meaning of the stars in the cultural
context of the Ancient Near East. Identification with the stars was seen as a
sharing in their wakefulness, because the stars are visible throughout the night.
Identification with the stars is a way of arming oneself against the evil powers.
The article of A Y Collins {1995} on the seven heavens in Jewish and Christian
NEOTESTAMENTICA 33( I) 1999
apocalypses, on the other hand, is a warning not to be too quick to see

astronomical influence everywhere. She concludes that the idea of the seven
heavens was probably borrowed from Babylonia but that it 'probably involved
magical rather than cosmographical ideas (1995:87). 'The reasons for adapting
this motif probably included the magical properties of the number. The tradition of the sabbath and the motif of seven archangels may also have reinforced
the choice of this motif' (1995:86).
3 CONTENT: ESCHATOLOGICAL OR COSMOLOGICAL?

With regard to form and content, Collins (1991) rejects the positions of
scholars like Carmignac (1979-81), Rowlands (1983), and Barton (1986) that
there is no common content to the apocalypses. 'If apocalypticism is understood as the world-view of the apocalypses, then it is a broad world-view, within which several more specific ideologies and movements can be identified'
(Collins 1991:16). From the beginning of apocalyptic studies the eschatological
content has been privileged. Kreitzer points out that the identification of the
apocalyptic and eschatology may be attributed to Weiss. This confusion persisted among scholars after him and, for example, led Kasemann to speak of apocalyptic as the mother of Christian theology ... when it is quite clear that what
Kasemann meant was that "an eschatological framework of thought was the
source of all subsequent Christian theological development'" (1992:57).
This one-sided emphasis on the eschatological content of the apocalypses
has been corrected gradually through various factors, for example the discovery that the oldest apocalyptic text (the book contains astronomical writings: 1 En 72-82) is more concerned with the mysteries of the cosmos than
with the course of history and its fulfilment. Humphrey (1995:157) still feels,
however, that in the common perception the image of the historical apocalypses is still too dominant (and even distorts the Semeia definition of the
apocalyptic genre).
4 APOCALYPTIC MOVEMENTS
Are we able to identify apocalyptic movements behind the various apocalyptic
texts? Collins believes that we cannot speak of a single apocalyptic movement .
At the least we must allow for several movements, at different times, not
necessarily connected with each other genetically. Moreover, we should not
necessarily posit a community or movement behind every text, .. .' (Collins
1991:23).
The 'chosen righteous' of the Enoch tradition may be such a community;
the same may be true of the Essenes.
To say that Qumran was an apocalyptic community is not, of course, to describe it
exhaustively. As we have seen, apocalypticism allows for many variations and can be
combined with various theological traditions. Qumran can be called a halachic community as well as an apocalyptic one (Collins 1991:24; see also Collins 1990).
Hanson maintains that at Qumran 'the perspective of apocalyptic eschatology has been elevated to the status of an ideology .. .' (1992:281). While 1Enoch
and Jubilees were not composed at Qumran, they probably kept in contact
with the communities where they originated, possibly Essene communities.
However, not all apocalypses originated in Essene circles; 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch
must have originated in Pharisaic circles (Hanson 1992:281).
Garcia Martinez (1992) takes position against Hartmut Stegemann (1983),
who at the Uppsala Colloquium tried to show that Qumran had no special
interest in apocalyptic and that the apocalyptic texts found there must be seen
as foreign bodies. Garcia Martinez's book is a collection of articles originally
written in Spanish during the eighties and updated for this collection. It deals
with a selection of Aramaic texts from Qumran: the Aramaic Enoch fragments,
the Book of Giants, 4QPrayer of Nabonidus, 4QPseudo Daniel Aramaic,
4Q246, and the various copies of the Description of the New Jerusalem (1Q32,
2Q24, 4QNJ, 5Q15, llQNJ), but does not deal with the most important and
most characteristic texts like 1QS, 1QM, or 1QH.
Stone (1990:378; 1991:76) is also inclined to accept that the author of 4 Ezra
functioned within an apocalyptic circle. With regard to 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch,
Collins (1992:287) recognises that they witness to a debate about God's justice
but he leaves it an open question whether this implies a significant social movement.
Lacocque (1993) maintains against Davies (1977), Collins (1977) and Nickelsburg (1983) that we should take seriously the views of previous scholars (e g
Hengel 1974:174-247, 250-254) on the Hasidim of 1 and 2 Maccabees in order
to understand the formative milieu of Jewish apocalypticism: 'The split
between Pharisees and Essenes is a bifurcation between a tolerant branch and an
intolerant branch of Hasidim' (Lacocque 1993:339).
5
SOCIAL CONTEXT AND FUNCTION
With regard to the social context and the function of the apocalypses, instead
of the previously common view that the function was to console a group in
crisis, Collins now accepts the more general formulation in the light of the suggestions of Hellholm (1986) and Aune (1986): 'intended to interpret present
earthly circumstances in the light of the supernatural world and of the future,
and to influence both the understanding and the behavior of the audience by
means of divine authority.' 'A definition, then, serves not only to define the
common elements, but also to provide a foil against which the variations in
particular works can be highlighted' (Collins 1991:19).
In other words we must be attentive to the particularities of each work and

be ready to acknowledge differences.
Nickelsburg (1991) situates 1 Enoch's dualistic eschatology at a period when
biblical temporal dualism became heightened by spatial dualism, which was
more developed in the wisdom tradition. This wisdom material is then
endowed with the authority of revelation, because the seers have been granted
the privilege of witnessing the mysteries in the transcendent spatial realm. Why
was there such a mutually reinforcing dualistic construction of reality in 1
Enoch? 'Surely, experience played a role; people felt alienated and victimized.'
(Nickelsburg 1991:64). This experience was apparently not limited to the
Enochic authors, but can also be found among other peoples in the Hellenistic
age.
Stone (1990; 1991) deals with 4 Ezra and is rather cautious: 'We are ignorant
of how the apocalypses functioned and were used. This is due to the lack of
information in conventional historical sources, aggravated by the
pseudepigraphic mode of writing (Stone 1991 :75).
Stone gathers from 4 Ezra 12:42 that Ezra is recognised as a prophet by the
people and that he accepts that role.
In spite of the individual character of 4 Ezra, the author seems clearly to have been
rooted in a social context and tradition of apocalyptic teaching. His role was recognized and confirmed by that social context (Stone 1990:42).
Perhaps the author transferred to Ezra something of the actual social context in
which he lived. We should stress, a social context in this sense need not be the
society as a whole, it may be a limited group or circle within the larger society
(Stone 1990:378).
He comes to this conclusion because a number of texts distinguish three

participating groups: the seer, the inner group, the people (Stone 1991:76).
Bauckham (1993a:90-91) would see the inner group in 4 Ezra, the five scribes,
merely as secretaries and not as prophets as is the case in the Ascension of
Isaiah, where there is an inner group of prophets.
The view that the apocalyptic communities are communities in crisis is still
widespread (Hanson 1992:280). However, this crisis can take different forms:
'Apocalypticism can provide support in the face of persecution (Daniel), reassurance in the face of culture shock (the Book 0/ Watchers) or social powerlessness (the Similitudes 0/ Enoch), reorientation in the face of national trauma (2
Baruch, 3 Baruch), consolation for the fate of humanity (4 Ezra)' (Collins
1992:287).
However, Davies (1989) argues that the typical milieu of apocalyptic writing is that of the establishment and that it must be seen as establishment literature. Davies first gives an overview of the positions of Rowley, PlOger, Hanson
and Hengel. The second part of his article focuses on mantic wisdom and its
I0
practitioners in Babylon and Judaism as the setting for apocalyptic works. In

Judaism the practitioners of mantic wisdom must be found among the scribes.
Davies points out that the milieu of the apocalypses fits in very well with that
of the wisdom teachers. the maskiJim of Daniel 12:1-3. who were not particularly anti-establishment. He draws our attention to what is now judged to be
the oldest apocalyptic text. 1 Enoch 72-80. the Astronomical Book. One of the
puzzling aspects of the universe for this book is the independence of the moon
from the sun. The sun regulates the days and the years; the moon the months.
The problem is that the lunar cycle of 12 months does not fit into the solar
cycle (of 365 days). This type of speculation fits in well in the milieu of the
scribal schools.
We have become very much used to the idea that eschatology is central to.
even a sine qua non for apocalypticism. The discovery that 1 Enoch 72-80 must
have been our oldest apocalypse makes it clear that eschatology is not an essential topic for apocalypses. Davies presses the point that only 'if eschatology is
made a sine qua non of apocalyptic literature can Ben Sira be excluded from the
circles whose interests appear reflected in apocalypses' (1989:264)
He argues that the apocalyptic aspect of Ben Sira is almost totally overlooked. It is interesting to note the prominence of Enoch in this work (44:16;
49:14); there is also the interest in Joseph. Shem. Seth and Adam. The description of the model scribe in Sirach 39:1-11 shows interest in the hidden things.
According to Davies (1989:263) the scribes are generally members of the
establishment. are generally at the centre of their society rather than on the
periphery; they are more cosmopolitan than parochial, more open rather than
members of closed conventicles. Davies agrees with Collins that we have to be
careful not to generalise too hastily at this stage. We have to study each
apocalypse in its own right. Davies concludes that the apocalypses show a great
variety of positions and that we cannot be justified in claiming that all
apocalypses and apocalypticism is a type of resistance literature. or even antiestablishment literature. Davies (:258) prefers to speak of inner-establishment
disputes:
"apocalyptic is a literary function with an immediate cultural context (manticscribal), often a political (anti-Hellenistic, nationalistic), and a number of social
contexts-inner-scribal Listenwissenschaft, polemics Oubilees, Epistle of Enoch},
social-religious encouragement to the populace (Daniel), consolation (4 Ezra), enthusiastic moral fortification of a millenarian group (Revelation) (Davies 1989:269).
In a later article Davies (1993) attempts a sociological reading of Daniel. He

agrees with Reid (1989) 'that the authors of Daniel are members of a "falling
elite.... .' (1993:355). After examining the symbol of the court in Daniel. he concludes:
II
The overriding interest in chapters 10-12 in political events, in the machinations of

kings, betrays a fascination with the workings of the court, where, as in chapters
1-6, the centre of the author's interest really lies. Here too we have evidence of the
affiliation of the authors, and an endorsement of the suggestion that they are indeed
a deprived elite still interested in and privy to political machination but now at the
level of the heavenly court (1993:356).
Bilde (1994) compares Gnosticism, Apocalypticism, and early Christianity
and sees these three movements as closely related marginalised groups: in all
three, revealed knowledge (faith) brings salvation; the revealer is of fundamental importance; there is social dualism, a negative attitude towards this world,
and an anti-Jewish attitude.
The historical development of all three religious currents was driven by different
types of conflict with traditional Judaism. All three groups were sectarian and
polemical, and in all cases their attacks seem to have turned against Judaism, which
they all opposed in an attempt to interpret their own situation. This potential
appears to have been realized first in the community of Qumran, and later in Early
Christianity (1994:31).
Cook (1995) has re-examined the question of the origins of apocalypticism
by focusing on three proto-apocalyptic texts: Ezekiel 38 and 39, Zechariah 1-8
and the Book of Joel. He disagrees with Hanson on many points. First of all,
he disagrees on the kind of sociological approach chosen to study these texts.
While Hanson works with the model of conventicles which have been pushed
to the periphery of society and the sociological theory of deprivation, Cook
works with more specific sociological and anthropological theories about millennial groups. Studies of millennial groups throughout history show that not
all of these can be explained by the causal theory of deprivation or even the
'relative' deprivation theory (even when combined with the cognitive dissonance theory). Not all of them are deprived or marginal. Joachim of Fiore,
for instance, was a highly respected figure in the Church and in the society of
his time. Cook prefers to approach millennial movements with more of an
open mind rather than work with the negative presupposition that it is merely
a coping mechanism. His approach is based on sociological studies of groups
throughout the world and throughout history which held millennial
worldviews. These kinds of worldviews combine ' ... a linear view of history
with a futuristic eschatology that pictures an imminent radical change in the
way things are' (1995:26). 'Whether or not it expects a messiah, the apocalyptic
worldview focuses on divine agency in bringing the eschaton' (1995:27).
The new stage in world history is something radically new: 'Either a cosmic
renewal occurs, or a golden age, or the earth is transformed into a paradise'
(1995:28). An ethical dualism usually divides the elect from the rest of
humanity.
12
Cook follows the outcome of the studies of Wilson (1981) on the family
resemblances between these millennial groups. Cook also developed a typology
of millennial groups in which he distinguishes six types: endogenous and
peripheral, endogenous and central; the next four are exogenous: dominated
and peripheral, dominating and peripheral, dominated and central, dominating
and central. Cook concludes that the three texts he is examining belong to
groups which are central rather than peripheral in their own society: the
Ezekiel group is dominated but central in their own society; Zechariah 1-8 and
Joel are endogenous and central. This allows Cook to draw the conclusion that
these protoapocalyptic texts are the products of Zadokite groups with a central
position in their society. This goes against the widespread view that apocalyptic has its roots among prophetic groups as opposed to priestly groups, among
the marginalised rather than among the central groups. The conclusions of
Cook challenge the views of Hanson and enable us to put the views of Davies
(1989) in perspective. This study helps us to understand the importance of the
Ezekiel traditions in later apocalyptic writing, the scribal character of what is
apocalyptic, the role of mantic wisdom as one of its roots, its importance in a
Zadokite community like Qumran, ... Cook makes it clear that apocalyptic is
not necessarily the worldview of fringe group in conflict with the dominant
group.
6 APOCALYPSES AS ACCOUNTS OF MYSTICAL EXPERIENCES?
Hengel has remarked in his great work on Judaism and Hellenism (1974:1,253)
that the great significance of the apocalyptic concept is the fact that it forms
the Jewish pendant, based on the historical thinking of the Old Testament, to
Hellenistic mysticism and the mystery religions.
There are two issues to consider here: the first one is to determine the
affinity between apocalyptic viewpoints and mysticism; the second one deals
with the more limiting question whether apocalypses should be seen as reports
of mystical experiences or not.
Himmelfarb (1991) cautions against the views of Scholem and Gruenwald
on the continuity between the apocalypses and merkevah mysticism and their
view that the apocalypses, like merkevah mystical texts, report actual mystical
experiences of the visionaries. Himmelfarb wants to emphasise that the
apocalypses are 'literature, indeed one may even say fiction' (1991:86). She subsequently softens this statement by stating that we cannot make general statements (4 Ezra might be a report of experiences). However, if mystical experience is reflected in the apocalypses we must be aware that these reports are
shaped by the assumptions of the mystic'S tradition. There are many mirrors
between experience and text. In her 1995 article, she adds that simply reading
accounts of ascents was believed to have special power. Much of this article
13
examines the techniques used to induce ascent and she concludes that while
these existed, ascents were basically raptures, that is, they were seen as the outcome of God's initiative.
Stone (1991) argues that the Book of 4 Ezra is not simply a composition
designed to forward certain theological ideas within a literary framework of
revelation but rather reflects the author's religious experience, mediated in a
traditional fixed form (1991:73). There is clearly a turning point in the story: in
the dialogues (sections 1-3) Ezra is in dispute with the angel and holds views
which he seems to have rejected by the end of the book (14:28-36). Harnisch
and Brandenberger believe that the views of Ezra expressed in sections 1-3 are
in fact the views of 'opponents' of the author of the book; according to
Harnisch they would be sects or groups within the Judaism of his time, perhaps of a gnosticising character; according to Brandenberger they would be
those holding more skeptical views. Stone (1990:16-18,30-33; 1991:73) would
see the views of Ezra and those of the angel as the two sides struggling within
Ezra. His pain and distress are represented by Ezra; the answers he knows
intellectually are represented by the angel. Ezra is not changed by listening to
the intellectual arguments. His transformation, conversion, enlightenment
takes place in Vision 4.
A major feature of Vision 4 is role reversal. At the stan of the experience, the
mourning woman plays the role that Ezra did in Visions 1-3, to which Ezra
responds the way the angel did in those Visions. This dynamic precipitated a very
powerful religious experience in the course of which the seer received enlightenment
and fell unconscious. This experience was one of religious conversion. In it, the values and ideas that had previously been externalized in the figure of the angel were
internalized by the seer, while his pain was now outside him, seen as the woman,
and she is wondrously transmuted into the Heavenly Jerusalem (Stone 1991:74).
Ezra's deep emotions about the destruction of Zion were channeled by the access of
the women's grief and the human need to console her. The act of reaching out in
comfon catalyzed the internalization of Ezra's newly integrated world views (Stone
1990:31).
McGinn (1991) in a study on the origins of Western mysticism begins with

a chapter on the Jewish matrix. He rejects the views of many New Testament
scholars who would label mysticism as a later import from Hellenism and fail
to recognize its Jewish roots.
The religious world of last Second Temple Judaism provided a matrix for Christian
mysticism in two related ways-through the mystical, or at least protomystical,
ascents to the vision of God found in the apocalypses, and through the movement
towards the establishment of a canon of the sacred texts of Israel and the creation of
the tools and techniques to render it continuously alive for the believing community
(1991:22).
14
Lemmer {1996} sees apocalypticism and mysticism as overlapping to some

extent, and he lists a number of common elements: in both there are divine
revelations, often while in prayer; both advocate asceticism and the study of
Scripture, ... However, each of these has a distinct focus: apocalyptic ism was
addressing 'insecurity and a deprivation of particular religious identity, due to
political and other upheavals {1996:371}; mysticism responded to the necessity
'of a more a-material religious expression and deprivation of temple worship
{1996:371}. While apocalyptic influence on the New Testament cannot be
denied, it is also probable that early Jewish mysticism 'has shaped New Testament thought structures' {1996:359}.
According to J J Collins {1995} reports of ascents to heaven in the
apocalypses are meant to legitimate those who had ascended as mediators of
divine revelation. It did not normally involve an enthronement in heaven.
There was, however, a tradition about the enthronement of Moses, as can be
seen in the Hellenistic Exagoge of Ezekiel. The Qumranic text 4 QM is about
one of the teachers of the community who claims to have been enthroned in
the heavens like Moses. An important point to remember from this article is
that not all ascents had enthronement or deification as their aim. It is precisely
this connection between ascent and transformation which Segal {1995: 111} sees
as the Jewish basis of Paul's mysticism: 'For Paul, as for the earliest Jewish
mystics, to be privileged enough to see the Kabod or Glory of God [which,
according to Segal, Paul identified with Christ] is a prologue to transformation
into his image'.
Stroumsa {1995} has drawn our attention to the influence of the Greek
katabasis traditions on the hekhalot literature, where we find references to
descents. Like ascents, descents were also revelatory experiences. In late antiquity {the time of Augustine and Plotinus} the search for the secrets of the
universe 'was now forgotten, and the sOl.!l's adventure became her attempt to
merge with the divinity' {1995:147}. The descent metaphor was re-shaped by
Augustine into that of going inside oneself: Intus Deus altus est. For the rest, the
descent metaphor survived as a literary motif (Dante's Inferno).
Stroumsa {1996} also argues that early Christianity inherited esoteric traditions from contemporary Judaism, particularly apocalyptic literature where
Jewish esotericism had its roots. This was overlooked by scholars of the last
century, who saw in this influence from the Greek mystery cults and oriental
religions. These secret traditions provided the material upon which the
Gnostics built to develop their systems. Before the end of the second century
the Church Fathers played down and denied the esoteric traditions. Stroumsa
sees two reasons: the 'abuse' of these tradition by the Gnostics, and the claim
of Christianity to be a religion for all. Following Hans Jonas, Stroumsa sees the
origins of Christian mysticism as closely linked to the disappearance of
15
Christian esotericism. While Jewish mysticism was esoteric, Christian mysticism became exoteric. 'In a revealed religion ... religious truth was no longer hidden. It remained, however, protected behind the veil of the infinite interpretation and the constant striving for imitatio Dei' (1996:9). The shift is from secrets that should not be revealed to secrets that cannot be expressed in words.
Only the person who is transformed, an interior person, can penetrate deeper
and deeper into the mystery.
Vanni (1998) focuses on the mystical experience in the Book of Revelation.
For Vanni mystical experience is not merely a question of ecstasies or visions,
but of an extraordinary contact with the transcendent reality, the risen Christ,
God enthroned. In order to interpret a mystical text like the Book of Revelation it is important to pay attention to the way the liturgical context and the
language aim at communicating something beyond the conceptual level, the
transcendent reality which the author himself has experienced. The author
wants to lead the audience similarly into a direct experience of God and the
risen Christ. Vanni examines the language and symbolism of the Apocalypse in
order to show how John 'works creatively' on the language in order to say
what cannot be said. The 'strangeness' of the language of the Apocalypse is the
result of this struggle with the limitations of language so common in all mystical writings.
7 SOURCES OF JEWISH APOCALYPTIC
Hanson (1992:281) continues to maintain that biblical prophecy is the most
likely source, but he accepts that at the beginning of the Hellenistic era
apocalyptic texts started drawing on 'rather refined sciences such as learned
speculation on celestial and terrestrial phenomena and sapiential reflection
betraying stronger connections with Mesopotamian mantic traditions than
with Egyptian or Israelite wisdom ... (1992:281). Sa:b0 (1994) follows the same
line and concludes that ' ... the new phenomenon of Danielic Apocalyptic was
created and developed in the matrix of this learned or didactic eschatology'
(1994:91).
Michel (1993) argues that apocalyptic cannot be seen as a straightforward
development from wisdom (nor from prophecy). It must be seen as one of various responses to the crisis of wisdom, besides the response of Job and Qohelet.
While wisdom had a sense that humans could fathom the world and history,
apocalyptic sawall this as a deep mystery which humans are unable to
penetrate. In a similar vein, Rowlands (1990:34) follows Hengel who saw
apocalyptic as part of a wider religious phenomenon in late antiquity, as
'higher wisdom through revelation.'
According to Lemche (1994), apocalyptic should not be seen as a development of biblical prophecy but rather a development from the prophets as they
16
in reality were, 'part of a broad spectrum of specialists including necromancers,

soothsayers, magicians, and augurists' (1994:101).
On the popular level apocalyptic can therefore have arisen as a substitute religion
for the whole system of auguries and omens ... ; but to a great degree or with equal
probability it may be a question of a learned form of religion. because the interpretation of omens and the consulting of oracles among the learned was no longer
accepted (1994:102-103).
The view that apocalyptic is in some way a deficient form of prophecy is
still alive. According to Uffenheimer (1997:217):
The rise of apocalyptic hundreds of years afterwards [after Haggai and Zechariah]
still bears the impon of this failure [of Haggai's and Zechariah's eschatological
activism]. for despite the authenticity of the religious fervour of these visionaries
they dared not interfere any more in the course of history. nor make any public
statements. Their only way of activity was to calculate the time of redemption on
the assumption that history is the playground of supernatural forces .... This passive
attitude towards history was the prelude of the spiritualistic flight from history and
internalization of redemption as has become evident in early mysticism.
According to Cook: 'Although Persian and Hellenistic influences affected
its development, Israelite groups are the source of Jewish apocalypticism,
rather than Iran and Zoroastrianism' (1995:213). Within Israel he prefers to
leave space for diversity: not only prophetic groups but also priestly groups
were at the origins of the millennial worldview.
While the studies of VanderKam (1984) and Kvanvig (1987) point to a
Babylonian origin. the study of Hultgard (1991) re-opens the question of
Iranian influences because of the possibility that the Zoroastrian Bahman Yasht
(9th-10th century CE) contains an ancient and apocalyptic core. According to
Hultgard the book can be studied in two contexts, that of Iranian mythology
and Hellenistic-Parthian apocalyptic and the later context, Zoroastrian,
Byzantine, early Islamic. Jewish apocalyptic and the Iranian classical doctrine
of the world ages can be seen as comparative materials for the first context of
Bahman Yasht.
Cohn (1993) reaffirms the view that it was Zoroaster who first expressed
the conviction that the conflict between cosmos and chaos was not an endless
struggle but would ultimately result in a world which would be for ever
untroubled and totally secure. It was a late, modified, monistic form of
Zoroastrianism, called Zurvanism, which influenced apocalyptic groups. Such
views were foreign to the Hebrew Bible, but were accepted by some Jews, if
relatively only a few. 'The Messiah of the Book of Revelation has far less in
common with any messianic figure in the Hebrew Bible than with the divine
warriors in the various versions of the combat myth .. .' {1993:226}.
17
Grayson (1992) has pointed to the Akkadian prophecies (beginning well

before 1000 Be) as a genre which could have been at the origin of the historical
apocalypses.
8 JESUS, Q AND APOCALYPTIC TRADITIONS

Jesus' relationship to apocalyptic viewpoints has been a point of debate since
Weiss and Schweitzer at the end of last century. Yarbro Collins (1992:289)
accepts that it is more credible to accept a continuity between the Baptist
movement of John and the earliest Church, both of which seem to have been
apocalyptic. This broad acceptance has been contradicted in recent years by,
among others, Crossan (1991, 1994), Borg (1994), Hartin (1994). These scholars
seem to be inspired by the work of Kloppenborg (1987a, 1987b) and Mack
(1988, 1992). Rather than an apocalyptic Jesus, these scholars see Jesus as a wisdom teacher of the cynic type: 'Maybe he Uesus] had never even heard of the
Cynics and was reinventing the Cynic wheel all by himself. But the differences
as well as similarities between Jesus and the Cynic preachers are instructive
even if not derivative' (Crossan 1994:122). They were populists, advocating a
rigorous life-style and also living by it. Different from the Cynics, Jesus was
functioning mainly in the rural areas and organised a communal movement.
Jesus started out as an apocalyptic like John, but broke away from him and his
position, as can be seen from Matthew 7:33-34 and Luke 7:33-34 (Crossan
1994:45-48). The apocalyptic picture of Jesus, which we find in our New
Testament texts, was a re-interpretation of the traditions about Jesus by the
Christian communities in the light of their own experiences.
Taylor (1997) has argued against such views by showing that both Mark and
Q must be seen as standing within the Hebrew prophetic-apocalyptic-eschatological tradition. The argument for two clearly defined strata, an earlier, nonapocalyptic and a later, apocalyptic stratum, is not convincing. It is based on an
unjustifiable dichotomy between wisdom and prophetic-apocalyptic traditions
in Israel. Furthermore, such a reconstruction presupposes that Galilee was so
totally hellenised 'that Jesus and his followers are denied any distinctively
Jewish characteristics' (1997:461).
Allison (1992) recognises that Jesus and the early Church 'drew from Jewish
apocalypticism ideas and inspiration as well as followers,' but that 'from the
outset they passed beyond their nurture and went their own way' (1992:20;
similarly Geddert 1992).
9 THE RELATIONSHIP OF APOCALYPTIC VIEWS TO WISDOM
This issue appears in various contexts: it appeared in the discussion on the
origins of apocalyptic traditions and Jesus' relationship to them. There is a further discussion on the relationship between the two in Q and in Paul.
18
A recent work on Wisdom in Q, {piper 1989}, seems to confirm the views

of Kloppenborg that the wisdom traditions in Q stood fairly independent from
apocalyptic traditions.
Johnson {1989} has studied the relationship between the two in a study on
Romans 9-11. She begins by pointing out that there has been a 'long-standing
dichotomy in scholarly minds between the two' {3}. 'For most ... Paul is either
an apocalyptist or a wisdom thinker' {1989:49}. There can be no doubt that
Paul has been influenced by both in spite of the fact that these two are so different. She, therefore, distances herself from scholars who onesidedly
emphasise the one or the other. She is also critical of the few scholars who have
recognised the confluence of both in Paul's theology (and in a number of texts
of the early Jewish literature and of the NT): for example Scroggs {1967-8};
Reese {1979}; Hamerton-Kelly {1973}. These authors speak of 'apocalyptic wisdom,' but they give very little explanation about the meaning of such a
seemingly complex concept. Reese explains briefly: 'An apocalyptic event calls
for a new form of insight which we can call apocalyptic wisdom' {1979:147}.
He speaks of 'many natural links' between wisdom and apocalyptic events, but
he fails to be more specific. Hamerton-Kelly {1973} recognises that wisdom and
apocalyptic views work together in Paul, not so much in the elaboration of a
wisdom christo logy but of a soteriology: 'Paul's unique contribution ... to early
Christian thought about pre-existence is not in the realm of Christology, but in
the doctrine of the Church' (Hamerton-Kelly 1973:196). Johnson first attempts
to clear a way in the confusion of the discussions on what constitutes 'wisdom'
and what constitutes 'apocalyptic' by establishing their 'ideal' forms: 'Viewed
in their "ideal" forms, these ways of looking at God and the world stand at
opposite ends of a scale with regard to immanence and transcendence' Oohnson
1989:70}. For the 'ideal' sage meaning can be found in this present life, and in
human activity; for the 'ideal' seer meaning is looked for in the future order,
and in the future divine activity. For the sage wisdom is available for all who
search; for the seer it is given. The sage believes in the basic order in the present, while the seer can only expect this after God's eschatological intervention.
Despite these contrasts there are also points of continuity between the two: the
seers call themselves wise men, for instance. Johnson is interested in focusing
on particular texts and on the use made of apocalyptic themes in wisdom texts
and of wisdom themes in apocalyptic texts. She attempts to plot the texts on a
continuum between 'ideal' wisdom and 'ideal' apocalyptic literature. She first
looks at a selection of texts from early Jewish literature: Wisdom of Solomon,
1 Enoch, 4 Ezra, Qumran, 2 Baruch. After that she turns to a similar analysis
of Romans 9-11. In conclusion, she notes first the fact that it was not unusual
at the time of Paul for apocalyptic texts to borrow sapiential elements and also
the other way around. Furthermore she concludes that there is a pattern of
usage suggesting that:
19
the more an apocalyptic writer employs traditional wisdom language and motifs, the
more he sees potential for meaningful human life before the eschaton. Similarly, the
more transcendent God's wisdom is, and the more hidden in heavenly mysteries, the
more the author locates hope for meaningful life in the disjunctive future Qohnson
1989:207).
Applied to Romans 9-11 she concludes that 'the use of traditional wisdom
material places the author at some distance from the "ideal" apocalyptic perspective in as much as the present and the eschatological future are not drastically disjunctive' Gohnson 1989:211). Furthermore, the use of the wisdom
tradition also helps Paul 'to maintain a balanced tension between God's impartial treatment of all and of God's faithfulness to Israel' Gohnson 1989:208).
Penner (1996) also gives an overview of the interaction between apocalyptic
and wisdom materials in early Jewish and early Christian texts.
10 APOCALYPTIC TRADITIONS AND THE BOOK OF
REVELATION
Some scholars have seen the Revelation of John as a Jewish apocalypse with
only a thin layer of Christian varnish (Bultmann), while the other extreme position is to see it as a continuation of Old Testament prophecy, quite different
from Jewish apocalyptic. This second extreme has recently been defended by
Mazzaferri (1989). This touches on the discussion of the difference between
prophetic and apocalyptic eschatology. Priest (1989) continues the well worn
path that 'prophetic eschatology had to do with historical events leading up to
the End', while apocalyptic eschatology 'expected God's sovereignty to be displayed at the glorious End, not in the history of the world' (1989:190).
Priest sees the reason for John's choice of the apocalyptic genre, with its
apocalyptic eschatology, in the experience of the undue delay of the parousia.
He wants to reassure his communities that the coming of Christ is near.
Prophetic eschatology emphasizing 'God's working out in history the events
leading up to the End' was no longer sufficient to explain the delay and to
encourage the faithful. Apocalyptic eschatology, with its images of 'God's
divine breaking into the world' seemed a more appropriate scenario (1989:200).
However, the Book of Revelation does not seem to press such distinctions
between prophet and apocalyptic visionary. From the text of Revelation it
appears that John presented himself indirectly as a prophet and that he made
no clear distinction between Israelite and Christian prophets (10:7; 11:3-13;
16:6; 22:6) (Yarbro Collins 1992b:703).
.
Bauckham is of the opinion that scholarly discussion has not paid sufficient
attention to the variety within the Jewish apocalypses and to the 'various
dimensions of Revelation's possible relationship to them' (1993a:269-270). One
way to explore this (and which has not yet been done sufficiently) is to study
20
'the way in which motifs, themes, ideas, images, biblical texts, ... that appear in
Revelation also appear in Jewish apocalypses and later Christian ones.' In his
monograph (1993b) he examines some of these items; chapter 8 deals with
traditions about the messianic war. The article just mentioned (1993a) focuses
on the resurrection as 'giving back the dead.'
We could mention here also the work of Lietaert Peerbolte (1996) on the
antecedents of the Antichrist. This is an example of the kind of studies Bauckham advocates. According to Lietaert Peerbolte the Antichrist tradition
developed out of a Jewish tradition of eschatological opponents and opposition. This took different forms: climax of evil, false prophets, echatological
tyrants, the coming of Belial, chaos monsters, final assault of the Gentile
nations, Nero redivivus.
In the second stage of early Christian eschatology [ - when the vivid expectation of
the end had calmed down], speculations grew as to the exact moment of the parousia
and on the events that would precede it. It is in this second stage that the earliest
Christian speculations on eschatological opponents arose as answers to specific,
existential and theological questions. Various traditions on opposition were combined in diverse ways at various places, more or less at the same time (1996:219).
The figure of the Antichrist, from the time of Irenaeus onwards, brought
together all these various forms of opponents in 'the concept of Antichrist as
the single eschatological opponent of Jesus Christ' (1996:345). These speculations on eschatological opposition were used to assure Christians of the nearness of Christ's final triumph. In a third stage of Christian eschatology these
echatological expectation became 'stock elements in the Church's dogmatic
storehouse' (:219). From Irenaeus onwards we find ' ... elaborate speculat.ion on
the coming of the Antichrist... evolving out of the material contained in the
writings of the New Testament...but often without a direct link with the actual
situation of author or readers' (:220).
Jenks (1991) argues that the Antichrist myth was of Christian origin, a
christo centric adaptation of Jewish traditions (1991:361-363).
Yarbro Collins (1996) deals with a variety of different themes: the seven
heavens, numerical symbolism, the Son of Man in the Gospel tradition and in
Revelation, political resistance in Revelation, and the origins of Christian baptism.
11 APOCALYPTIC WRITING AND THE OTHER NEW TESTAMENT
WORKS
11.1 Paul
Present-day scholarship is fairly well attuned to the apocalyptic dimension of
Paul's writings. The Martyn Festschrift offers a number of articles which confirm that this trend is continuing.
21
De Boer (1989) distinguishes two types of eschatology in Judaism and Paul,

a cosmological-apocalyptic one and a forensic-apocalyptic one. In the first, evil
is a force which only God can overthrow; in the second, evil is the willful
rejection of God the Creator (with emphasis on free will). Paul accepts the
first, but is in conversation with people who accept the second.
Hays (1989) develops the hypothesis that Romans 1:17 and Galatians 3:11
presuppose an apocalyptic/messianic interpretation of Habakkuk 2:4 (the
righteous one). Kovacs (1989) attempts to show that 1 Corinthians 2:6-16 is
not an anti-gnostic passage but rather an apocalyptic text in which Paul
develops his basic kerygma, while Soards (1989) interprets Galatians 2:17 in an
apocalyptic perspective.
We should mention here also the study of Kuck on Paul's use of apocalyptic judgment language in 1 Corinthians 3:5-4:5 (1992) and that of Longenecker
(1991) in which he compares 4 Ezra and Romans.
The study by Matlock (1996), Unveiling the apocalyptic Paul, focuses not so
much on Paul, but on the 20th century interpreters of Paul who dealt with the
issue of Paul and apocalyptic views (Schweitzer, Dodd, Buitmann, Cullmann,
and Kasemann). He focuses particularly on the 'general confusion engendered
over "apocalyptic'" (1996:19). His deeper interest seems to lie in the
hermeneutical aspect of the debate.
One simple reason for the hermeneutical concern is that recognition of the place of
"apocalyptic" is celebrated as a triumph of objective criticism over theological
embarrassment at such a foreign and threatening conceptuality .... I will suggest that
objectivist hermeneutical ideals (which I shall often address through their typical
expression in a "two-stage" method) do not ring true to our experience (Matlock
1996:15-16).
Morray-Jones (1993) also deals with the apocalyptic background of Pau!'

Aune (1993a) recognises the apocalyptic framework of Paul's thinking but he is
particularly attentive to the ways in which Paul has modified Jewish apocalypticism: 'the softening of the distinction between this age and the age to come
with his emphasis on the hidden presence of the age to come within the present
age' (1993a:32); 'the change from the present evil age to the future age of salvation has become paradigmatic for the transformation of the individual
believer .. .' (1993a:32-33) (e g the old creation-a new creation). Aune also
believes that Paul has 'historicized the apocalyptic conception of a temporary
messianic kingdom in terms of a temporary period between the crucifixion and
resurrection and his Parousia' (1993a:34).
11.2 Matthew
Yarbro Collins (1992a:290) points out that Matthew developed his sources in an
apocalyptic direction as can be seen, for instance, in the death and resurrection
22
stories in 27:51b-53 and 28:2-4. Furthermore, Matthew's emphasis is not so

much on expectation as on fulfilment. Cope {1989} understands the presence of
apocalyptic themes (particularly the judgment with reward and punishment) in
Matthew as a function of his Christian Judaism and faithfulness to the demands
of the Law. Brooks {1989} focuses his attention on Matthew 6:19-34 and sees it
differently:
Apocalyptic paraenesis may be distinguished from ethical paraenesis in that it does
not aniculate requirements of entry into the lordship of God. but presupposes the
creation of an entirely new way of knowing by the lordship of God. The disciple is
in a circle of perception. The creation of the insight to seek the Kingdom of God
and to find it along with God's righteousness is an act created within the
eschatological lordship of God in God's Kingdom as proclaimed by Jesus {Brooks
1989:107}.
Sim {1996} also notes Matthew's particular interest in apocalyptic themes.

Sim identifies the characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology: dualism, determinism, eschatological woes, arrival of the saviour figure, the judgement, the
fate of the wicked, the fate of the righteous, the imminence of the end. He also
holds the widely accepted view that. 'the adoption of apocalyptic eschatology
and its alternative symbolic universe is in direct response to the perceived
crisis' {1996:70}. Part II of this study is an examination of the presence in Matthew's Gospel of the characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology. His conclusion
is that it is clear that Matthew 'stands firmly within the general Jewish {and
Christian} apocalyptic-eschatological tradition .. .' {1996:176}. Part III examines
the social setting of the Matthean community and concludes that in the
aftermath of the events of 66-70 they found themselves marginalised, within
the world at large, within Judaism, and even within Christianity, which was
becoming predominantly a law-free Christianity.
11.3 Hebrews
Anderson {1989} draws our attention to the apocalyptic character of 'today' in
Hebrews. 'Today' is the brief period between the two appearances of Jesus
{9:28}. During this limited time salvation is offered. The 'applied apocalyptic' is
the duty to proclaim Jesus as the one who has come and who will come.
Hebrews does not seem to look beyond the confines of Judaism.
11.4 1 & 2 Peter
Parker {1994} argues against the view that 1 Peter simply speaks about an
imminent end. According to 1 Peter the revelation of Christ is already a present reality through the suffering of his faithful:
23
... the important thing, from which is developed an interpretation of the Christian
life and suffering as revelation, is that the Christian has been reborn by God into
this living hope, a world in which the glory shines from the beginning, the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead (1994:31).
Achtemeier (1996), in his commentary on 1 Peter, includes a discussion on

the apocalyptic genre and 1 Peter (1996:105-113, 315). He follows the
provisional definition of the apocalyptic genre proposed by J J Collins as a
point of reference and concludes that 'the form and content of the letter make
it appropriate to speak of elements of an apocalyptic eschatology rather than a
full-blown apocalyptic system' (1996:105).
Perhaps the most characteristic of 1 Peter are those dements that interpret present,
earthly circumstances in light of the supernatural world and the future (e g 1:6-7;
4:12-13, 15-18; 5:1-4, 9-10) and seek in that way to influence both the understanding and the behavior of the readers... (1996:107).
11.5 Jude
Charles (1993) reacts against the view which sees the letter as an expression of
Early Catholicism and prefers to see it as reflecting early Jewish Christian
apocalypticism (1993:62).
11.6 James
According to Penner (1996), the framework of James (1:2-12; 4:6-5:12) sets the
entire epistle in an eschatological framework. The wisdom material must be
seen against an eschatological background.
12 BIBUCAL INTERPRETATION IN APOCALYPTIC liTERATURE
There seems to be a considerable amount of interest in tf.e use of the Old
Testament in the New. For instance, the 1996 Colloquium Biblicum Lovaniense
had as theme: The Scriptures in the Gospels. Intertextuality: the use of the Old
Testament in the Four Gospels. This question is important for the apocalyptic
concept: at the heart of apocalyptic literature we find reflection on Scripture,
development of Scripture and retelling of Scripture. Knibb (1993), for instance,
sees the authors of Daniel as scholars-in the tradition of manticism-who
'wrote on the basis of scholarly reflection on the scriptures' (1993:411).
According to Clements (1988) the transition from oral to written prophecy
was crucial for the apocalyptic genre.
The rise of apocalyptic, therefore, was only possible because prophecy had come to
take on a written form. With this written form there was opened up the possibility
of new forms of interpretation based on scribal techniques of word association,
etymologizing and the like. (1988:22).
24
Once prophecies were written down the original historical context receded
into the background and the meanings of the texts were found in the literary
context of Scripture as a whole. Released from their historical context of origin
texts can become paradigms for God's action in new contexts. They become
revelatory (- apocalyptic) of God's purpose.
Stroumsa (1996) argues that the spiritual exegesis of the early Church grew
out of the esoteric tradition of interpretation of Scripture in Judaism, not
directly out of the Greek methods developed by Homeric commentators
(1996:125-126). He points particularly to the writings of Origen where we can
see his interest in the Jewish apocrypha and in some biblical texts (Genesis 1-3,
The Song of Songs, the first and last chapters of Ezekiel, particularly the
references to the divine chariot and the temple). However, the esoteric teaching
is accessible mainly through the Jewish esoteric biblical hermeneutics, the
spiritual hermeneutics of the Old Testament (1996:121).
With regard to the Book of Revelation, Fekkes (1994) examines the
influence of Isaiah and prophetic traditions. Before starting with his main topic
he spends nearly a hundred pages on the 'methodological underpinnings.' He
first establishes that John was a Jewish Christian prophet who 'takes up where
the prophets left off' and 'takes over what they left behind' (1994:58). John follows the exegetical practices of his time; he does not simply use 'the OT as a
religious thesaurus to pad his visions with conventional symbolism and
rhetoric.. .' (1994:288). John's study of Isaiah was one of 'the more important
pre-visionary influences which provided the substance and inspiration for the
vision experience and for the final redaction' (1994:288).
At the end of a brief article on the Old Testament in the book of Revelation Willis (1989) concludes that the Old Testament is not used within the
framework of promise and fulfilment but rather as a reminder of what happened to previous generations of God's people and how God stood by them.
He draws parallels between Old Testament events and ideas and the circumstances
in which he ~d his readers find themselves ... There is an underlying assumption of
continuity between Old Testament Israel and the New Testament church reflected
in the statements and language of the book of Revelation .... And the same God who
delivered his people then will deliver them now again.(1989:238}
Moyise (1995) finds that the older approach of the 'use of the Old
Testament' (usually predominantly historical-critical) needs to be balanced by a
literary approach (intertextuality). This approach can help us to understand
that in quoting a text we unavoidably change its context. Furthermore, this
approach works on the assumption that the meaning of the quoted text is not
fixed by the author but leaves to the reader the task of discovering it on the
basis of the instructions present in the text and on the basis of other texts
known to the author. This approach is particularly helpful for the Book of
Revelation with its allusive use of Scripture.
25
The study of Ruiz (1989) on the use of Ezekiel in Revelation 16:17-19:10

begins with a good overview of the litet:ature on the issue since Swete and
Charles. In interpreting John's use of Ezekiel, he seems guided by a line from
Wheelwright: 'A poet's way with symbols is by recontextualizing to give them
new life' (1989:528). This helps him to appreciate John's free and creative use
of the ancient prophecies. The eating of the scroll (Rv 10:8-10), an image taken
from Ezk 2:8-3:3, 'serves well as metaphor for his reutilization of material
from the prophetic literature in his own book of prophecy' (Ruiz 1989:508).
The issue of the use of Scripture in the Pseudepigrapha (and in the New
Testaq1~nt) is dealt with in a collection of essays edited by: Charlesworth &
Evans (1993). Charlesworth (1993) concludes that the Pseudepigrapha give us a
vivid picture of pre-70 Judaism and show how important biblical interpretation
was. It was like a crucible. 'In it ancient humanity's wisdom, scientific observations, and speculations were melted down and shaped to reappear as Jewish
tradition' (1993:43). Kee (1993) compares the surveys of Israel's history in different works and concludes that what is determinative is 'not the choice of
biblical material for interpretation and application ... but the life-world of
assumptions and values which are operative in the minds of interpreters and
their intended readers' (1993:64). VanderKam explores the biblical interpretation in 1 Enoch and Jubilees. These two texts 'provide windows into the
processes of interpreting older authoritative compositions at a time when the
bounds of the Hebrew Scriptures were not set and when other writers were
making revelatory claims for their literary efforts (1993:97). Moessner (1993)
looks at the tradition of the death of Moses as it appears in the Testament of
Moses and in its correspondence to the death of Jesus in Luke-Acts. Davids
(1993) examines the use of the Pseudepigrapha in the Catholic Epistles (excluding the Johannine ones). Some parts of the Church (the community represented by Jude) do not seem to make a distinction between the Pseudepigrapha
and the Old Testament. Other parts Games, 1 Peter) share the apocalyptic
world view of the Pseudepigrapha and read the Old Testament in much the
same way as the Pseudepigrapha. A third part (2 Peter) shows increasing discomfort. with the way the Pseudepigrapha read the Old Testament. 'Their
method is to simply refer to narratives or quote phrases, expecting the readers
to be familiar with the material' (1993:244).
13 THE CHRISTIAN APPROPRIATION OF JEWISH APOCALYPTIC
MATERIAL
The volume edited by VanderKam and Adler (1996) focuses on the study of the
transmission, use and reworking of Jewish apocalypses in their Christian settings.
26
APOCALYPTIC IN TIlE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE
Adler (1996a:12-13) sees the apocalypses as secret wisdom in written form.

The esoteric character of these writings was intended to enhance their
importance. 'Esotericism functioned to intensify the impact on those receiving
the words of revelation for the first time' (1996a:15). These books were particularly popular in the select circles but the developing 'orthodox' Christian circles disapproved of them not so much because of heretical contents but because
of their claim to autonomous authority based on direct divine inspiration
(1996a:19-20). Nevertheless. a good number of apocalypses were preserved and
respected: 4 Ezra is included in most versions of the Vulgate. Furthermore.
Christian chroniclers and apologists made use of the materials in the
apocalypses. particularly to explain the origins of things.
VanderKam (1996) has examined the reception of 1 Enoch. Enochic motifs
and Enoch in early Christianity. 1 Enoch was more popular among Christians
than among Jews. While it was considered authoritative before 300 C E. after
that time it lost that status. It even fell into oblivion and would have been lost
had it not been preserved in Ethiopic.
Bergren (1996) deals with the Christian influence on the transmission history of 4. 5. and 6 Ezra. The chapter by David Frankfurter (1996) looks at
regional trajectories of Jewish apocalypses in early Christianity. It is important
to be able to understand the concrete contexts in which Jewish apocalypses
were transmitted: 'their geographical. demographic. and economic location; ...
indigenous traditions about sacred texts and oracles. prophecy and charisma.. .'
(Frankfurter 1996:131). He found Egypt a useful area to work on because of
the rich balance of source material from that region. Adler (1996b) has traced
the Christian adaptation of the apocalypse of 70 weeks from Dn 9:24-27. It has
often been observed that Christian apocalypses do not show any particular
interest in historical surveys. but these historical surveys appear in other
genres. particularly in Christian apologetic literature and historiography.
14 SOME CONCLUSIONS
The distinctions proposed by Hanson in 1976 between the apocalyptic genre
(apocalypse). the apocalyptic eschatology as a religious perspective. and apocalypticism as the symbolic universe of a movement in which apocalyptic
eschatology has been elevated to an ideology. has been useful in furthering
research. However. there is disagreement on the relationship between the apocalyptic genre and apocalyptic eschatology. Do all apocalypses express apocalyptic eschatology? Should primacy be given to form or to content? I would
side with those who hold that a study of apocalyptic should start with those
works which have been recognised as apocalypses (form) rather than with a
construct presented as apocalypic theology (content).
27
The widespread view that all apocalyptic literature is the product of

marginalised or even persecuted groups, or that all apocalyptic literature must
be seen as crisis literature has been challenged. The definition of what is
apocalyptic has accordingly been broadened in these last ten years to allow for
greater diversity. Apocalyptic literature could be produced and read by groups
belonging to the dominant or the marginal spectrum of society. Not all
apocalyptic literature is predominantly preoccupied with eschatology. There
are historical apocalypses as well apocalypses about heavenly journeys. All
apocalyptic material, however, intends to reveal God's hidden truths, which
are crucial for the life of the believers.
The roots of apocalyptic seem to be very complex. We must bear in mind
that apocalyptic developed at a time of intense cultural exchange between Hellenism and Judaism, between East and West, between the contemporay world
of those days and what were for them remains of the venerable ancient cultures. Charlesworth's image of the crucible is very helpful here as well
(1993:43).
The discussion on the impact of apocalyptic on Jesus and the early Jesus
movement is far from resolved. The reception of apocalyptic material into the
New Testament writings is undeniable, but much work still remains to be
done on the way specific apocalyptic motifs, themes, ideas, images, biblical
texts were integrated into the New Testament writings.
A new area of investigation, which is very important for an understanding
of Christianity and apocalyptic, is the appropriation of Jewish apocalypses by
the Christian Church. Here again regional diversity must be appreciated.
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Marcus & Soards 1989:17-48.
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Father Dr Paul B Decock, St Joseph's Theological Institute, Cedara, Private

Bag 6004, Hilton, 3245 South Africa.

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NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

Some issues in apocalyptic in the exegetical

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

APOCALypnc: LITERARY GENRE OR THEOLOGICAL

Since Hanson's article (1976) the threefold distinction between apocalyptic

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

THE APOCALYPTIC GENRE

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33( I) 1999

apocalypses, on the other hand, is a warning not to be too quick to see

3 CONTENT: ESCHATOLOGICAL OR COSMOLOGICAL?

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

SOCIAL CONTEXT AND FUNCTION

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

In other words we must be attentive to the particularities of each work and

He comes to this conclusion because a number of texts distinguish three

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

practitioners in Babylon and Judaism as the setting for apocalyptic works. In

In a later article Davies (1993) attempts a sociological reading of Daniel. He

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

The overriding interest in chapters 10-12 in political events, in the machinations of

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

McGinn (1991) in a study on the origins of Western mysticism begins with

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

Lemmer {1996} sees apocalypticism and mysticism as overlapping to some

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

in reality were, 'part of a broad spectrum of specialists including necromancers,

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

Grayson (1992) has pointed to the Akkadian prophecies (beginning well

8 JESUS, Q AND APOCALYPTIC TRADITIONS

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

A recent work on Wisdom in Q, {piper 1989}, seems to confirm the views

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

De Boer (1989) distinguishes two types of eschatology in Judaism and Paul,

Morray-Jones (1993) also deals with the apocalyptic background of Pau!'

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

stories in 27:51b-53 and 28:2-4. Furthermore, Matthew's emphasis is not so

Sim {1996} also notes Matthew's particular interest in apocalyptic themes.

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

Achtemeier (1996), in his commentary on 1 Peter, includes a discussion on

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

The study of Ruiz (1989) on the use of Ezekiel in Revelation 16:17-19:10

APOCALYPTIC IN TIlE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

Adler (1996a:12-13) sees the apocalypses as secret wisdom in written form.

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

The widespread view that all apocalyptic literature is the product of

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

Bauckham, R J 1993a. Resurrection as giving back the dead: A traditional image of

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

Collins, J J & Charlesworth, J H. 1991. Mysteries and revelations: Apocalyptic studies

Garda Martinez, F 1987. Encore l'apocalyptique.JSJ 17.

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

NEOTESTAMENTICA 33(1) 1999

Kreitzer, L J 1997. s v 'Apocalyptic, apocalypticism'. Dictionary of the later New Testa.

APOCALYPTIC IN THE EXEGETICAL LITERATURE

Rowlands, C 1990. s v 'Apocalyptic'. A dictiOnary~biblical interpretation.