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Joao Cesar das Neves
Universidade Catlica Portuguesa
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I wish to thank the two anonymous referees for the comments on a previous version.
The usual disclamer applies.
The economic situation in medieval times was, of course, very different from
that faced by Aristotle. Trade was very active in the new cities in which Aquinas lived
(Langholm 1998b, 442). All this created very different meaning to the problems of
wealth and trade, and had strong influence in the scientific development, a point
stressed by Kaye 1998. It was much harder for a medieval thinker to accept that
trade with outside merchants would drain the community of its surpluses. All
modern analysts point to the fact that, although an academic, St. Thomas was very
much aware of the specific problems of his time (see e.g. Langholm 1992, 221-248).
At the intellectual level, the problem of wealth and private property raised
some new questions in the 13th century. These came from some extreme positions of
the Franciscan school and from the controversies between mendicant and secular
masters. The issues of extreme poverty and total rejection of money were much
debated in the period (see e.g. Langholm 1992, 32-34, c.XIV, 208-211, and 1998b,
444-5). Aquinas, a member of the D ominican order, combined a mendicant position
with a balanced common sense attitude towards wealth. All this would point to a very
different interpretation of Aristotles distinction by his medieval disciple.
It should also be mentioned that this Aristotle doctrine was distorted in
medieval times by a translation problem. William of Moerbecke was the most
influential of all Aristotelian translators in 13th century. In his translation of Politics,
the rendering of the Aristotelian kaplik, trade, as campsoria, money changing,
limited the meaning of the text. To Latin readers, the Philosophers condemnation was
directed, not towards trade, but only to usury (see Langholm 1983,. 53 and 1992, 177178). But it should be noted that St. Thomas managed to bypass this difficulty,
(somewhat surprisingly) reading Aristotle more correctly than William of Moerbeck
(Langholm 1992, 222).
Although these external elements are very important, the final conclusions
must be found in textual analysis. Here also some different positions must be taken
into account.
In order to consider this problem one should not look at the commentaries St.
Thomas made on Aristotles texts. Barry Gordon has explicitly stated that: St.
Thomas comments on another writer should not be taken to commit him personally to
a labor or cost of production theory of value. He is not expressing his own views
(Gordon 1975, 160). Several authors also warn us on the dangers of taking Aquinas
comments on Aristotles as his own views on particular subjects (see e.g. Noonan
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1957, 86, Roover 1958, 421, Hollander 1965, 618, 623 and Langholm 1998a,. 27)
while some have fallen exactly into this trap (see Wilson 1975, 64, Worland 1977,
509, Meikle 1995, 51). One should also note that the Aquinas comments on both the
Ethics and Politics are sententia, meaning brief explanations, and not expositio,
deeper comments with text discussions (see Torrell 1993, 332, Langholm 1998a, 27).
But there is no need to use Aquinas comments. There is one text from the
Summa Theologica, which has been taken to state clearly the adherence of the
scholastic doctor to the Aristotelian distinction. It is also Barry Gordon, which
formulates this position.
The sharp distinction between money and commodities is redrawn in the
Summa (I-II,2,1) For wealth is twofold, as the Philosopher says (Polit. i, 3), viz.
natural and artificial. Natural wealth is that which serves man as a remedy for his
natural wants: such as food, drink, clothing, cars, dwellings, and such like, while
artificial wealth is that which is not a direct help to nature, as money, but is invented
by the art of man(Gordon 1975, 160). After Gordon s argument, the ascription of
Aristotles distinction to Aquinas was frequent, as some recent works show (e.g.
Meikle 1995, 51).
St. Thomas has frequently used the taxonomic distinction of external goods,
goods of the soul and goods of the body. And he explicitly subscribes the theory of
the natural limit, as is pointed by Langholm 1992, 209. In the same question of
the Summa quoted by Gordon above, it is said.
The desire for natural riches is not infinite: because they suffice for nature in
a certain measure. But the desire for artificial wealth is infinite, for it is the servant of
disordered concupiscence, which is not curbed, as the Philosopher makes clear (Polit.
i, 3). Yet this desire for wealth is infinite otherwise than the desire for the sovereign
good. For the more perfectly the sovereign good is possessed, the more it is loved,
and other things despised: because the more we possess it, the more we know it. (...)
Whereas in the desire for wealth and for whatsoever temporal goods, the contrary is
the case: for when we already possess them, we despise them, and seek others: (...)
The reason of this is that we realize more their insufficiency when we possess them:
and this very fact shows that they are imperfect, and the sovereign good does not
consist therein. (I-II,Q.2,A.1, ad.3).
Gordon draws from the distinction between natural and artificial wealth
several consequences for Aquinas Political Economy. These are naturally parallel to
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to make use of money, and employed other things, living according to nature.
Wherefore Jerome shows by the words of our Lord, Who equally forbade both, that it
comes to the same to have money and to possess other things necessary for life. And
though our Lord commanded those who were sent to preach not to carry these things
on the way, He did not forbid them to be possessed in common. How these wo rds of
our Lord should be understood has been shown above (II-II,Q.188,A.7, ad.5)
In this text, Aquinas explicitly rejects Aristotles distinction. He does so by
alluding to a commentary by St. Jerome on the Gospel of Matthew. The easiest way to
find this text by Jerome is to look into Aquinas own Catena Aurea (Aquinas 1997,
vol. I). This work is a collection of the comments on the Gospels from the Fathers
made by St. Thomas. We know that St. Thomas used this work as a background
reference for his latter theological investigations (see Introduction to the 1997
republished edition by Aidan Nichols O.P. in Aquinas 1997, ix)
The specific object of this sentence is a small section of St. Matthews Gospel
(Mt 10, 9-10): 9 Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses. 10 Nor
scrip for your journey, neither two coats, neither shoes, nor yet staves: for the
workman is worthy of his meat. St. Thomas had already clarified before in the
Summa the theological meaning of this command from Christ (has been shown
above refers to II-II Q.185, A6 , ad 2; I-II, Q.108, A2, ad 3). But the use of the same
text in question 188 is very different. Here, St. Thomas refers to the commentary of
St. Jerome, which focus clearly on the distinction between riches and necessaries.
St. Jerome said: As He had cut off riches, which are meant by gold and
silver, He now almost cuts off necessaries of life; that the Apostles, teachers of the
true religion, who taught men that all things are directed by Gods providence, might
shew themselves to be without thought for the morrow (Aquinas 1997, 371). St.
Jerome notes the fact that Christ mentions both types of wealth. But St. Thomas uses
St. Jerome s opinion to go a step further.
The quote is taken not to focus on the distinction but as stressing the
similarities between gold and goods. Although they are different, the Lord had
mentioned both, which means that, at least in one sense, they are alike. This
similarity, which derives from the fact that the Lord mentions them both, is enough to
eliminate Aristotles philosophical distinction. Thus, it is not in Jerome that we find
the argument used by St. Thomas. It is St. Thomas himself, which, behind the
authority of the Father, is refusing Aristotles distinction.
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This quote comes from the part of the Summa dealing with the religious state.
The context clearly introduces the reasoning in the debate surrounding the extreme
Franciscan positions about wealth and money. St. Thomas has always followed a very
balanced position in the issue (see Langholm 1992, 209-220). It must be added that in
the debate such an argument would have been very powerful, coming directly from
the Gospel, through the authority of St. Jerome.
4. Conclusion
The clear conclusion from this quote is that St. Thomas does not accept
Aristotles distinction between natural and artificial wealth. This, along with the
central role the distinction had in Aristotelian economics, carries consequences for
Aquinas Political Economy. Its meaning is enhanced by the fact that this is one of the
cases in which the reverent Dominican friar is explicitly critical of the Philosopher.
And it is important to note that this rebuke is made in the field of his Political
Economy.
These fact stresses that the motivations for St. Thomas economic thought are
wider and deeper than is common knowledge. It is true, in his Political Economy as in
the rest of his works, that the philosophy of Thomas is not a new edition of the
philosophy of the old Aristotle, made for pure philosophical reasons and laboriously
harmonised with the Christian faith. Thomas is from the start a Christian
philosopher (Pesch 1988, 38)
Schumpeter also makes this point. He warns against considering St. Thomas
as simply the man who had succeeded in harnessing Aristotle for the service of the
Church. This misconception of the revolution of the thirteen century and, in
particular, of St. Thomas performance was not corrected but, on the contrary, was
fostered by the scientific practice of the next 300 years (Schumpeter 1954, 89). And
Langholm says, Thomas was not at all overawed by Aristotle (Langholm 1992,
207).
The parallel between Aristotle and Aquinas is complex. The Christian
philosopher, although a sincere Aristotles disciple, was an even more committed
disciple of the Church.
REFERENCES
Aquinas, St. Thomas 1947. Summa Theologica. Translated by Fathers of the English
Dominican Province: Benziger Bros.
Aquinas, St. Thomas 1997. Catena Aurea - Commentary on the four Gospels
collected out of the works of the Fathers. English translation first published in
1841, edited by John Henry Newman, ed. Southampton: Saint Austin Press.
Aristotle 1932. Politics , translated by H.Rackam, M.A.. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press (The Loeb Classical Library, vol. XXI).
Blaug, M. (Ed) 1991. St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274). Aldershot: E.Elgar (Pioneers
in economics series).
Gordon, Barry 1975. Economic Analysis before Adam Smith, London: MacMillan,
Hollander, S. 1965. On the Interpretation of the Just Price, Kyklos 18.4: 615-34, also
published in Blaug (Ed) 1991, 153-172.
Kaye, Joel. 1998. Economy and Nature in the Fourteenth Century - Money, Market
Exchange and the Emergence of Scientific Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Langholm, Odd. 1983. Wealth and Money in the Aristotelian Tradition - A study in
Scholastic Economic sources. Bergen: Universitetsforlaget.
Langholm, Odd. 1992. Economics in the Medieval Schools. Leiden: E.J.Brill.
Langholm, Odd. 1998a. The Legacy of Scholasticism in Economic Thought.
Antecedents of Choice and Power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Langholm, Odd. 1998b. The Medieval Schoolmen (1200-1400). in Lowry and Gordon
(Eds.) 1998, 439-502
Lowry, S.Todd. 1987. The Archaeology of Economic Ideas - The Classical Greek
Tradition. Durham and London: Duke University Press,
Lowry, S.Todd. 1998. The Economic and Jurisprudential Ideas of the Ancient Greeks:
Our Heritage from Hellenic Thought. in Lowry and Gordon (Eds) 1998, 11-38
Lowry, S.Todd and Barry Gordon (Eds) 1998. Ancient and Me dieval Economic Ideas
and Concepts of Social Justice. Leiden: Brill.
Meikle, S. 1995. Aristotles Economic Thought. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Noonan Jr., John T. 1957. The Scholastic Analysis of Usury. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press.
Pesch, Otto H. 1988. Thomas von Aquin. Grenze und Grsse mittelalterlicher
Theologie. Eine Einfhrung, French translation Thomas dAquin. Grandeur et
Limites de la thologie mdivale. Paris: Les ditions du Cerf.
Roover, R de. 1958. The Concept of the Just Price: Theory and Economic Policy.
Journal of Economic History, 18, December, 418-34, also published in Blaug
(Ed) 1991, 97-113
Schumpeter 1954 History of Economic Analysis. New York: Oxford University Press
Torrell, Jean-Pierre. 1993. Initiation a Saint Thomas dAquin. Fribourg, Suisse:
ditions Universitaires
Wilson, G.W. 1975. The Economics of the Just Price. H istory of Political Economy
7.1: Spring, 56-74, also published in Blaug (Ed) 1991, 207-225
Worland, S.T. 1977. Justum Pretium: One More Round in and Endless Series.
History of Political Economy 9.4, Winter, 504-21, also published in Blaug
(Ed) 1991, 226-243
Abstract - Aristotles distinction between natural and artificial wealth has been
an important issue in the analysis of this authors Political Ec onomy. St. Thomas
Aquinas, in the Aristotelian tradition, has been considered to accept this point of
his theory. The interpretation of the meaning of this distinction and the very
different medieval environment has created some doubts on this acceptance. The
decisive element is, nevertheless, that St. Thomas explicitly denies the value of
the Aristotelian distinction, in question 188 of II -II of the Summa. Such a
rejection has consequences in the foundations of Aquinas Political Economy.
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