Professional Documents
Culture Documents
This paper tells a story about miscegenation between US military personnel and
Okinawan women from 19451952, which includes sexual violence, the establishment of entertainment districts, and the emergence of international marriage. Whereas this history has been mobilized
by leftists as a truth-weapon in the struggle for political sovereignty from the US military, this paper
takes an explicitly genealogical approach. Drawing on Foucaults work on biopower, this paper shows
how Okinawans were transformed into petitioning subject subjects that negotiated the sexual
exploitation of their bodies in tandem with the radically changing relationship between their bodies
and the territory.
ABSTRACT
One of the standard questions asked of the prominent half Koreans interviewed is How
did your parents meet? The answer is always some variation of I dont know. But so often
we do not even know that we are haunted by what we do not know. (Cho 2008: 35)
Introduction
If history is written by the victorious, then Okinawans, who only know defeat, have no
history. Since the landing of the victors in 1945, there have been reports of at least 100200
children of mixed-parentage born between US military personnel and Okinawan women
every year. As Okinawans, these individuals not only lack a history, but as racially mixed,
they are constantly betrayed by a language through which they can articulate their birth
even though they are incessantly interrogated about their origins with the seemingly
innocuous question Are you haafu? As Okinawans become increasingly engulfed by
national history, the conditions of the possibility of existence for these individuals who
were born in the very shadows of the US and Japanese states are vanishing.
This paper is my way of telling the story about the origins of Amerasians in Okinawa
from the landing of US military troops on the island in 1945 to the day Okinawa was officially
severed from the Japanese administration in 1952. This is not a plea to the victors to include
a minority voice into historys grand narrative. I instead choose to embrace Okinawas condition of defeat. Moreover, I choose to gamble with the idea that precisely because both the US
and Japans construction of a national history is predicated on the active covering up of these
bastard offspring of the nation-state, their existence suggests that miscegenation that takes
place in the shadows of state sovereignty carries an inherent critique of history within their
very veins. This critique is called genealogy the story of descent.
In the next part of this paper, I deal explicitly with the problem of method: history as a
story of the struggle for state sovereignty versus genealogy as an uncovering of the way
subject formation takes place. This is instrumental for the second part of the paper, in which
ISSN 14649373 Print/ISSN 14698447 Online/10/03035520 2010 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2010.484172
The body is laid alongside everything that touches it, including diet, climate, and soil. In
this sense, the body does not stand autonomous from the relief of a landscape (or what
Foucault calls a milieu5), but it is merely one of many plural material elements in it. The
body is the malleable material of governmentality a new technology of biopower that is
not related to the territory, but to a sort of complex of men and things (Foucault 2007: 96).
Furthermore, governmentality is different from the juridical framework in that subjugation
to the sovereign is not the end of power; it operates within a dimension beyond good and
evil of the law, and instead seeks to arrange (disposer) elements in a way that is beneficial for
the population. The body, along with everything that touches it is the material that is
manipulated in order to care for the population.
At the same time, [t]hese elements may join in a body whereupon the body becomes
the pretext of their insurmountable conflict. The clash of these different elements is
expressed through the body, but the body is misread through the lens of history as a pure
and unified subject that stands autonomous to the milieu. With the emergence of Boulainvilliers historico-political discourse, history represses these other elements in order to
catapult a unified subject with pure origins into a political battle for the truth.
Genealogy, on the other hand, reminds us of the infinite hybridity of origins. Whereas
the soul pretends unification or the self fabricates a coherent identity, the genealogist sets
out to study the beginning numberless beginnings whose faint traces and hints of color are
readily seen by an historical eye (Foucault 1977: 145). This opens up the possibility for an
alternative arrangement of relationships that can give birth to different kinds of subjects.
In postwar Japan, resisting subjects appealed to homogeneous historical origins in
order to effect the political goal of extricating the enemy out of the territory. These resisting
subjects successfully purged the American enemy out of their territory and bodies
While the Japanese took for granted the very existence of sovereignty in their protest
against its violation, Ifa made it clear that Okinawa was never even bestowed the luxury.
Furthermore, as the Japanese protested against the occupying forces infiltrating their
communities and contaminating the sanitation of the Japanese spirit, body, and polity,
Okinawas experience of occupation was composed of a radically different spatial arrangement. As historian Nakano Yoshio notes,
the confiscation of land by the U.S. military in Okinawa was not like the situation in Japan
where the military only confiscated necessary land on an individual basis. First, the U.S. military completely occupied the entire island of Okinawa, confined citizens who survived the
war into camps, and only then allowed for the land not needed by the military to be free for
return. (Nakano 1969: 27)
Contrary to the propaganda, the US military did not annihilate Okinawans but instead
placed them in internment camps as soon as they were captured. In this way, Okinawas
lack of sovereignty was expressed in the spatial configuration of wartime and occupation
through internment camps. It was in or around the internment camps where countless rapes
occurred (Hokama 1986: 1020).
As Okinawans were released from the internment camp and repatriated to a now
US-military occupied Okinawa, sexual violence continued to penetrate their everyday lives.
Accounts from Okinawan women are voluminous.8
Stories of [GIs] sneaking into civilian dwellings and raping women were told on a daily basis
For American G.I.s, occupied Okinawa was an area of extraterritoriality. Women could
not go outside with ease. Even if they stayed in their dwellings, they did not know when a
G.I. would find their way inside. (Shima and Committee for Editing Shima Masus Memoirs
1986: 89)
In fact, it was the infamy of sexual violence in Okinawa and Manila that prompted the
Japanese to take pre-emptive measures and establish the RAA or Recreation and Amusement Association.9 Officer Taniuchi of the Security Division of the Police Department posed
as a reporter to ferret out information from American reporters about what to expect from
the Americans soon to arrive in Japan. What he learned was unsettling:
The soldiers who have already taken up base in Okinawa and Manila and are first in line for
occupation in the Japanese mainland are under the great expectation that women will surely
be prepared for them. (Kanzaki 1974: 128)
According to the group for pre-treaty settlement of loss and reparation, there were 76
reported crimes against women between 1945 and 1949 (Miyazato 1986: 19; Takushi 2000:
114). Of course, it goes without saying instances of sexual violence went mostly unreported
and therefore cannot be accurately reflected in the statistics.
Since men of all ages adolescent, conscription age, and elderly were mobilized into
the Okinawan War effort, a disproportionately larger female population was left behind in
the postwar period to care for a disproportionately high number of underage, elderly, or
incapacitated dependants. With chronic sexual violence threatening women on one hand
and the responsibility to save their families from starvation on the other, many were driven
The US Military Government made efforts to contain the situation through a series of
special proclamations in March 1947. Special Proclamation No. 14 declared, Prostitution
Prohibited with Members of the Occupation Forces. Special Proclamation No. 15, Venereal
Disease Control called for the establishment of clinics to treat VD, isolation of infected
patients, requirement for all health care providers to report all cases of confirmed or
suspected VD, and compulsory treatment. Special Proclamation No. 16 declared Female
Sex Slavery Prohibited for women and girls under the age of eighteen (Okinawa Prefectural
Archives 1947a).
In this period, Okinawa is often referred to as the Forgotten Island after the wellknown Time magazine article attesting to the subhuman conditions, international apathy,
and US military neglect (Gibney 1949: 24). Okinawans attempted to fend for themselves as
the GIs entertained themselves with a free-for-all looting of the island and its women.
Keystone of the Pacific, 19471952
The management of sexual relations in Okinawa, however, took a turn as Okinawa
approached its reverse course of occupation and emerged as the Keystone of the Pacific.
Political talks were rekindled by the increased fear of the spread of communism in 1947.
Terasaki Hidenari, Advisor to the Emperor, relayed the following message in September
1947 regarding Okinawa:
The Emperor hopes that the United States will continue the military occupation of Okinawa
and other islands of the Ryukyus. In the Emperors opinion, such occupation would benefit
the United States and also provide protection for Japan. The Emperor feels that such a move
would meet with wide-spread approval among the Japanese people who fear not only the
menace of Russia, but after the Occupation has ended, the growth of rightist and leftist
groups which might give rise to an incident which Russia could use as a basis for interfering internally in Japan. (Okinawa Prefectural Archives 1947b)
General MacArthur quickly made use of the message, and made public his intention to
retain the Ryukyu Islands upon the justification that they were not Japanese.
The Ryukyus are our natural frontier [T]here was no Japanese opposition to the United
States holding Okinawa since the Okinawans are not Japanese and because the Japanese
foreswore war [M]aintenance of the United States air forces in Okinawa is of real significance to Japan and an obvious guarantee of her own security. (Nippon Times 1947: 1)
The discrepant positions between the Department of State and the US military started
to come together in February 1948 when George Kennan, director of the policy planning
staff in the Department of State, met with MacArthur in Tokyo. The issue focused on how to
strike a delicate balance between the US and Japan. MacArthur made it clear that American
Mr. Senaga stated that dancehall is merely a beautiful name to a prostitution district considering it institutes a system for monitoring syphilis. Hence, speaking from a position [that
advocates] the protection of human rights and womens liberation, he expressed his absolute
opposition. (Uruma Shimp 1949c)
However, Okinawans directly involved in securing the everyday safety of civilians such as
village leaders and the police reluctantly supported the establishment of the special quarters as the lesser of two evils. The article continues:
The Goyeku Village leader and Koza Police Chief both contested of the wretched conditions
of Chbu Chiku (Okinawas middle district), and supported the establishment of a breakwater [of the flesh] that would maintain the social peace by gathering the prostitutes in one area
as a policy for preventing depravity of the youth and harm to the residents. (Uruma Shimp
1949c)
Quickly, the issue became polarized and set the tone for the rest of the occupation. Shima
Masu captured the essence of the dilemma.
These two positions were representative of the debate that took place that day. Both were
serious arguments. Residents living around the bases, however, were troubled by the fact
that ideals could not solve the very real problem at hand. This debate took place in every
corner of Okinawa, and finally, everyone was resigned to accept the establishment of a
special drinking district. (Shima and Committee for Editing Shima Masus Memoirs 1986: 91)
Headlines for the Uruma Shimp directly after the town meeting made the exact same characterization: The Great Dilemma of the Entertainment District: A Debate between Ideals
and Reality (Uruma Shimp 1949c).
While this situation became an opportunity for counterparts in Japan to decry the
infringement of Japanese sovereignty, interlocutors in the Ryukyus had no such recourse
nor were they able to extricate the problem out of the confines of their state and bodies as
Japan exported the violence of the US military to Okinawa. At this point, they violently hit
the limits of sovereignty. They could no longer posit resistance, as recourse to a pre-existing
autonomous will, if restored, would liberate them from the yoke of oppression. This model
of resistance divides the community between those with a strong versus weak will; between
those who are politically correct versus those marred with false consciousness.
Rather, as Shima poignantly attests, this bipolar division between strong and weak,
correct and false, collapsed. As if to echo Ifas last words at the end of the war, The only
choice Okinawans ha[d] [wa]s to throw themselves before the will of their descendents after
them because an autonomous will was not a luxury afforded to them (Ifa 1998: 194).
Instead, this irreconcilable choice between ideals and reality folded into the sheer will to
survive. The residents who lived around the bases internalized this radical split precisely at
the moment when they could no longer posit an outside to power.
Perhaps this is the moment of defeat referred to in the writings of the Okinawan poet
Kiyota Masanobu after the 1956 shimagurumi ts or all-island struggle.10 No longer was it
an issue of whether or not to reject the US military wholesale, but rather how to best negotiate the terms upon which land would be leased to the US military. Similarly, it was no
longer feasible to adhere to the ideal of eradicating prostitution, but rather, the issue was
now how to best negotiate the boundaries of territorial, in tandem with the bodily control
over the sexual relations between GIs and Okinawan women. This marks an important
Koza, in middle Okinawa, was followed by a lifting of the off-limits restriction in Naha of
southern Okinawa in January 1950. The Okinawa Times reported the GIs delight in looking
forward to meeting the young Okinawan ladies on the street (The Okinawa Times 1950).
After seeing how off-limits areas profited from the infiltration of GIs into the community, northern Okinawa also petitioned Sheetz to lift the Okinawan ban. According to
Ikemiyagi Shui, village leaders justified their request to the US military by stating, contact
with Americans would promote democratization, friendship with American officers
would edify English language studies and friendly relations would heighten the level of
trust between the villagers and American officers (Ikemiyagi 1971: 43).
This put Sheetz in an awkward yet desirous position. Okinawans were poised as
subjects who petition for prostitution while Sheetz was poised as the authority who
bestows the privilege for Okinawans to prostitute themselves. Of course, in light of the
1947 special proclamations, he was at the same time compelled to publicly display his
outright opposition to sexual slavery and prostitution as a violation of individual free
will. Ever conscious of the opposition from Senaga and his Okinawa Peoples Party
(OPP), he cautiously welcomed the off-limits removal for the following five reasons:
(1) to promote friendship between the people of the US and the Ryukyus; (2) to give
the people of Okinawa an opportunity to make money; (3) to prevent American
soldiers from entering villages; (4) to establish souvenir and art shops; (5) to establish
recreation halls (Ikemiyagi 1971: 45). Furthermore, in the recreation hall, [he]
intend[ed] to create the opportunity for young good Okinawan women to dance in a
morally sound manner. Sheetz was clear that he did not want to be mistaken for
establishing a brothel for the US military and said, I am absolutely opposed to prostitution (Ikemiyagi 1971: 45).
Of course, Okinawans not only saw through the ludicrousness of Sheetzs statement,
but VD statistics proved it. Before the war, Okinawa Prefecture was second only to Kyoto in
the lowest VD contraction rate in Japan. This trend however, was reversed in the postwar
era. Syphilis cases rose 583.8% (111 to 759), gonorrhea cases rose 112.5% (711 to 1511), and
chancroid cases rose 980% (10 to 108) from 1949 to 1950 (Inafuku 1979: 159).
While most were able to see through Sheetzs rhetoric, interpretations on the truth behind
it tenaciously revolved around the concept of free-will. That is, prostitution was either justified by the local girls in sufficient numbers who were willing to entertain the soldiers
wants (Morris 1968: 84) on one hand, or condemned because they were forced to prostitute
themselves to G.I.s as a means of living and eating on the other (Council for Operation
of the Center for Elderly Welfare in Okinawa City, Urasoe City, Ginowan City, Gushikawa
City, Ishikawa City, and Nakagami County 1986: 6566). That is, whether or not that will
was respected or violated, the sanctity of an autonomous will was nonetheless posited. In
this register, Sheetzs strategy was to highlight Okinawan agency and downplay any
instance where political opposition can dig up evidence of slave-like exploitation to criticize
the draconian force of the US military.
By freeing ourselves from the constraint of this register however, we can alternatively
ask what is at stake with the emergence of this type of subjectivity of a subject that petitions for his/her own subjugation out of a sheer desire to survive. As was the case in
Japan with the abolition of RAA in 1946, and in Okinawa with the issuance of the 1947
Special Proclamation No. 16 Female Sex Slavery Prohibited, it was clear the US military
was particularly opposed to the logic of slavery in facilitating sexual contact. Additionally,
slave wages or starvation wages wielded upon Okinawans to compensate for the US
militarys lack of labor reserves bred deep anti-American sentiment in 1948 (Maehara
1970: 12). It was actually through this experience of slave-like conditions that transformed
Okinawans such as Senaga from US military appointed collaborators to recalcitrant antiAmerican politicians and ushered in the emergence of political parities such as the
trouble making OPP.
Because of the Okinawan resentment of being treated as a forgotten island, a wasteland for Americas most undesirables and object of unabashed extraterritoriality, Sheetz
attempted to diffuse dissent by conscientiously reflecting on the occupations mistakes and
rectifying them with the promise for democratization precisely at the moment when it
needed to secure Okinawa as the Keystone of the Pacific. Although a commitment to
human rights and democracy is one way of explaining this transition, it can also be argued
that slavery is an inhibitor of capitalist expansion because it does not create laboring
subjects that consume as they produce. As Marx showed, slavery impedes capitalist
expansion because consumers must be produced to absorb surplus value generated by
production. Hence, it is no surprise that Sheetz found outright exploitation an impediment
to the base construction of Okinawa as a military outpost of the Pacific.
When the US military confiscated land to build military bases, farmers were separated
from the land from which they drew subsistence, and thrown into the military-dominated
capitalist economy as laboring subjects. Not only was this true for base-construction laborers, but for the formation of a sexual labor force.
Originally, the formation of the special drinking quarters was designated by the [US] military but most of the hostesses that worked there were individuals who lost their means of
production in agriculture to the bases. (Council for Operation of the Center for Elderly
Welfare in Okinawa City, Urasoe City, Ginowan City, Gushikawa City, Ishikawa City, and
Nakagami County 1986: 6465)
This shift between politics over bodies to politics as its pulsating body is a crucial one.
While Japan used the metaphor of the violated woman as the most politically charged
symbol with which to resist a violation of its sovereignty, the same strategy for Okinawa
failed to obtain. Not only does this suggest a total infusion of power within the body politic,
but a total infusion of power within the human body. The struggle for territorial control
collapsed into a struggle for boundaries of sexual control within the human body.
Precisely at this time, when Chiang Kai-shek fled to Taiwan in December 1949, and on
the eve of the June 25, 1950 start of the Korean War, capital started to pour into Okinawa.
Congress allotted a $74 million construction budget for fiscal year 1950 followed by
$25 million in Government and Relief in Occupied Areas (GARIOA) funds and an additional $37.8 million through fiscal year 1952 (Fisch 1988: 164). As a result, laborers flooded in
from the Amami Islands, mainland Japan, the Philippines, and the US, thereby exacerbating
the market for prostitution centered on base-construction. At the end of the prewar period
in 1940, the total working population consisted of 74.22% agriculture and forestry, versus
58.12% in the postwar era by 1950. This 16.1% difference is predominately accounted for by
the introduction of a new category of military labor (gunsangy) which represented 15.05%
of total labor (Yonakuni 2001: 76). Separated from the land, male labor became mediated by
the military through base construction, as did female labor through sexual services. By 1950,
there were an estimated 7000 prostitutes and 15001600 sex slaves in Okinawa (Inafuku
1979: 399).
Sheetz was therefore sincere in his opposition to all forms of slavery. His ultimate aim
was not to protect or violate the free will of Okinawans, but rather it was to allow for the
emergence of the technology of what Tomiyama Ichir calls a petitioner (shinseisha)
(Tomiyama 2002: 247302).12 Okinawans not only produce goods and services, but they
produce themselves as subjects. The fact that prostitution did exist, and women were exposed
to sexual violence is only an incidental fact that will go on to correct itself in the future as
security tightens. In this sense, merely exposing Sheetzs rhetoric as a trick to violate the
autonomy of Okinawan women does not step outside the register of free will, but unwittingly
reproduces it. Again, the ultimate goal here is not to negotiate for more autonomy and better
protection of the inviolable human will, but to produce subjects who negotiate.
International marriage, on the other hand, has traditionally been posed as the happy
ending to the nightmare of sexual violence (rape) and sexual exploitation (prostitution)
because the former is a sexual relationship recognized by both the US and Japanese states
International marriage is a legal recognition between two states of a domestic union; its
function is parallel to bilateral agreements as a legal recognition of the political sovereignty
between two states. Although sexual relations between native women and US military men
often transgress realms of bodily autonomy and political sovereignty simultaneously, the
normative function of international marriage is absolutely crucial because it installs the goal
of domestic and state protection precisely for those who are always left exposed without it.
Hence, because international marriage is the ultimate goal of miscegenation, The war
bride, as the pioneer of Korean migration to the United States, then operates as a figure for
the disappearance of geopolitical violence into the realm of the domestic. In other words,
the war bride is needed to establish the norm between unprotected bad women and
protected good women, and to cement the logic that the only form of escape from the
former is to aim for the security of the latter.
International marriage was not legally sanctioned at first in Okinawa. On August 1,
1947, Uruma Shimp reported the first marriage between an Okinawan woman and a GI.
Frank Anderson, RYCOM (Ryukyuan Command) post engineer from Ohio, and 23-year-old
Higa Hatsuko from Ginowan visited the incumbent Okinawa Civilian Administration
Governor Shikiya K oshin requesting a marriage certificate. The couple had already registered their marriage in Ginowan, but the public liaison officer explained that there was no
US order formally permitting the marriage between a US citizen and Japanese national
(Takushi 2000: 116).
Because of anti-miscegenation laws and Asian discrimination in the US, second generation Nikkei soldiers (called Nisei), many of whom were of Okinawan descent, clamored for
the right to bring home their foreign brides. This gave way to the Soldier Bride Act of 1947,
Public Law 213, that allowed for a one-month window for soldiers to bring their brides
home, and was later revised and extended for additional marriages. During this period, 63
marriages were recognized in Okinawa: 53 with Nisei grooms, eight with white grooms, one
between a Nisei groom and bride, and one with a black groom. The breakdown in Japan
consisted of 825 total marriages, 397 with a Nisei groom, 211 with a white groom, and 15
with a black groom (Uruma Shimp 1947c).
According to the April 1, 1948 Special Proclamation 28 Marriage between Ryukyuan
Civilians and Occupying Soldiers, any intention to marry between Ryukyuan civilians and
occupying forces without coercion is invalid irrespective of any objective (Nakano 1969:
10). The definition of marriage included common law unions. Of course, if a couple transgressed the order, the Ryukyuan civilian was required to pay a fine or serve a maximum of
five years of imprisonment, or both. Punishment for the offending GI was not mentioned
(Nakano 1969: 10).
Like other military orders in Okinawa, such as the prohibition of prostitution, this law
was largely unimplemented, but served to formally discourage romantic relationships. It
remained in effect until the June 27, 1952, McCarran-Walter Act, which kept discriminatory
o[m
]acr
One woman did not get an abortion because she hoped to give birth to her husbands child.
When this was not the case, she quickly resorted to infanticide.
Soon after getting married this past June, Maemura Hiro (age 22, pseudonym) gave birth
to her first child. When she realized it was an illegitimate child with the skin of a foreign race,
she was arrested three days after delivery for suffocating and murdering the child in her
underarm as she breastfed it. (The Okinawan Times 1948)
This massive article, which filled up an entire page, recognized the complexity of postwar
social issues, but at the same time, unabashedly placed blame on the women for their irresponsibility. A male researcher pointed out that these women face a crisis that cannot be
handled by the old morality due to the drastic changes in the [postwar] environment. At
the same time he thinks, they should be blamed for the irresponsibility of taking a new life.
The Shuri Youth Group president thought that the public was too lenient toward the
social cancer of the times. A female worker from A.J. Futenma Camp sympathizes with
the women because it is a sad reality of the postwar era while at the same time admitting
they are a nuisance to the numerous working women who protect their purity while
working seriously because they are categorically scorned by society (The Okinawan Times
1948).
Since the Allied powers had more at stake in Japans occupation from its outset, heavy
censorship prevented mention of mixed-blood children and dammed up a deluge of information that would not be released until 1952. By contrast, the lack of interest in the forgotten island in the first few years of US occupation resulted in inadequate control of the mass
media. Hence, this 1948 article is a glimpse into the native response to mixed-blood children. It seems to be an extension of the mounting tensions around miscegenation that was
not yet regulated by the release of off-limits districts at the center of the 1949 town hall
debate discussed earlier.
The Uruma Shimp published the statistics on mixed-blood children in a September 23,
1949 article entitled A Colorful Assortment of Mixed-blood Children: Most Numerous of
Male
Female
Total
White
Black
Filipino
Chinese
Nisei
Total
102
114
216
20
37
57
87
63
150
7
7
14
5
8
13
221
229
450
A September 22, 1949 article in The Okinawa Times provides a different breakdown of
mixed-blood children statistics from the Naha Police Department covering only Naha (39),
Mawashi (21), Oroku (20), and Minato (14), yielding a total of 94 children in those districts.
Particularly in these areas in Naha City, half Filipino children (53) were the most conspicuous, followed by half white children (21), half black children (17), and half Nisei children (3).
There were 52 mothers between ages 17 and 23, 27 mothers between ages 24 and 27, and 15
mothers above 27 (The Okinawa Times 1949). Only two mothers were married under Naha
City jurisdiction, one woman in her 40s was a victim of rape, and 28 fathers of the children
had already repatriated to their respective countries.
Descendents of an indeterminate future
Ifa stated immediately before the 1951 San Francisco Peace Accords, The only choice
Okinawans have is to throw themselves before the will of their descendents after them
(Ifa 1998: 194). Although it is unlikely Ifa had mixed-blood children in mind amongst
these descendents, what is significant is that Okinawans were not only incapable of
deciding their own political future, but they themselves [were] in no position to command
their descendents to be in possession of it (Ifa 1998: 194). In other words, the inability for
Okinawans to exercise political autonomy equated to an inability to bestow commands to
the future generation; they could only throw themselves at the feet of their children after
them. These children were born into the indeterminate open air of uncertainty and
exposed to a world in which their parents had no control. It is precisely in the inability to
determine Okinawas future that Amerasians remained the potential children in a dream
of a different kind of liberation. The method of genealogy, then, aims at revisiting a past
that was forbidden by history in order to think of new possibilities for the future.
Although she writes from the South Korean context, Grace M. Chos Haunting the
Korean Diaspora cited earlier is one example of a child that attempts to tune in to the silenced
voice of a parent. She writes, I struggle with the question of how one can see and hear a
trauma that the subject of trauma herself cannot (Cho 2008: 24). The love for her mother
overwhelms the pages of her manuscript. Her idea of the so-called yanggongju haunting
the Korean diaspora is not unlike Sakiyama Tamis writings on mabui or spirit, which again
is without a voice and without a figure. Finally, this is not incongruous with Spivaks invocation of the subaltern. The subaltern voice is not one that has simply been repressed, and
once liberated, can immediately be mobilized into a call to arms against power la
Foucaults historico-political discourse. It is precisely the voice that constantly fails to be
adequately represented by discourse.
Notes
1. In light of Foucaults assertion that history emerged as the discourse of perpetual war, it is painfully
ironic that Peace Studies a discipline appropriately housed in sociology departments in Okinawa has
been entirely colonized by empirical historians excellent at excavating materials that have never seen the
light of day but entirely ignorant of its power-effects.
2. An excellent example can be found in the reportage in Shimizu et al. (1953). The introduction reads,
Japanese nationals who have long looked down upon the Asian races have fallen into a new colonial
condition vis--vis the US military (Shimizu et al. 1953: 4). Incidentally, this volume also cites mixedblood children as the evidence of this colonial violation.
3. For full discussion of the use of mixed-blood children in Japan as evidence in relation to the recovery of
Japanese sovereignty see Shimabuku (2010). Also see Koshiro (1999). Koshiro does an excellent job of
collecting historical materials on miscegenation during Japans Allied occupation with a particular focus
on the mutual racisms between the US and Japan.
4. For a full discussion on biopower within the context of miscegenation in Okinawa, see Shimabuku
(forthcoming 2010a).
5. Foucault defines a milieu as a field of intervention in which, instead of affecting individuals as a set of
legal subjects capable of voluntary actions which would be the case of sovereignty one tries to affect,
precisely a population. I mean a multiplicity of individuals who are and fundamentally and essentially
only exist biologically bound to the materiality within which they live (Foucault 2007: 2021). Hence, a
milieu cannot be articulated by a sovereigns reign over a territory, but it is concerned with how a set of
natural givens rivers, marshes, hills and a set of artificial givens an agglomeration of individuals, of
houses, etcetera circulates within a space governed by the idea of the population (Foucault 2007: 2021).
In this paper, the milieu is not only the war devastated terrain, condition of famine, and climate of
Okinawa, but also the introduction of artificial givens such as the construction of US military bases and
the intrusion of US military bodies. Okinawan sexuality became an element circulated throughout this
milieu and a prime object of concern for the US military that acted as shepherds caring for the population
(Foucault 2007: 2021).
6. Hokkaido is a territory historically inhabited by the indigenous Ainu. The southern tip of Hokkaido
was occupied by the Matsumae-han in 1604, and the remainder, known as Ezo, was incorporated
into the Japanese Empire under the Colonization Commission (kaitakushi) in 1869. The Potsdam
Declaration however, made no special recognition of this colonial territory and designated it as
Japanese.
7. The Okinawa spirit/soul or mabui is often associated with women because women presided over the spiritual and religious realm during the age of the Ryukyu Kingdom. With the onset of modernization upon
the annexation to Japan, this spiritual role was pronounced uncivilized and barbaric. Popular culture
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
depictions of grannies or ob are described as drawing their endless vitality and cheer from this
Okinawan spirit. However, fiction writer Sakiyama Tami takes issue with these portrayals in a way that
is not incongruous from the lack of a will that Ifa speaks of. Sakiyama describes mabui in terms of absence.
That is, The instability and difficulty of an everyday life with no basis. Sorrow towards a sad history that
is never soothed A loss of words before a real life experience which [they] cannot bear to look at
directly (Sakiyama 2004: 1618). Just as Okinawa was isolated from the outside world, which would not
even entertain the idea that it had a political will, Sakiyama writes mabui can be read in the expression of
resignation towards an outside which has been severed. Okinawa is devoid of a political will and sovereign territory, just as mabui is without a voice and without a figure (Sakiyama 2004: 1618).
A good place to start is Takazato (1996: 237247).
RAA provided the equivalent of comfort stations to the Allied forces in Japan proper. It is a unique
example of a territory that organized systematic military prostitution not for its own military, but for a
foreign occupying force.
See Kinj (2007). Kinj gives an in-depth analysis of this poets concept of defeat in relation to the role of
literature amidst Okinawas postwar political crises. Kinj reconceptualizes the meaning of postcolonialism as the philosophical confrontation with defeat. This is particularly important for Okinawa, because
while other territories celebrated their independence from the yoke of Japanese colonialism as a sort of
return to precolonial autonomy, the content of oppression in Okinawa remained firmly in tact, albeit the
form from Japan to America to a USJapan Alliance changed.
Since the Japanese languages does not make a distinction between singular and plural, it is unclear if
there is an individual or if there are individuals. However, it is clear that Senaga, and perhaps his
supporters, are implied here.
Tomiyama unfolds his discussion on the petitioner against the backdrop of the Okinawan occupation. He
argues that Empire reorganized power in a way that no longer necessitated territorial control. Instead,
the Cold War regime was marked by a new kind of New Deal that was not aimed at the domestic
American population, but through other territories of US interest. This was the Marshall Plan in Western
Europe, or the GARIOA or EROA (Economic Recovery in Occupied Areas) fund in Asia that established
a trinity of aid, recovery, and development (Tomiyama 2002: 260). This law that aids identifies the
people who bear the burden of bases as those who must be aided, and systematically dispends funds that
compensate for that burden (Tomiyama 2002: 261). This is how the law that aids turned the US military
bases into an object of desire a variable through which Okinawans gamble on, or better said, calculate
their chances for a better life. Hence, in this way, partaking in negotiations that are constituted by
petition and recognition is not an action planned by a subject that exists before the law, but a process of
subjectivation that is participation in the law (Tomiyama 2002: 265). His inquiry, like this one, criticizes
the process through which history simplifies those who live as petitioners within this law (Tomiyama
2002: 262).
References
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, 13 August.
The Okinawa Times
(1949) Ninety-four mixed-blood children born: Most numerous of Filipino
descent
, 22 September.
The Okinawa Times
(1950) Off limits have been repealed
off limits
,
13 January.
Tomiyama, Ichir
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Uruma Shimp
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Uruma Shimp
(1947b) The Filipino unit: joining the Okinawan garrison
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Uruma Shimp
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Uruma Shimp
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assembly
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Uruma Shimp
(1949b) For an expedient establishment: Amusement area
,
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Uruma Shimp
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.
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Authors biography
Annmaria Shimabuku
is an Assistant Professor of Comparative Literature and Foreign
Languages at the University of California, Riverside where she teaches Japanese language, literature, and
thought. She completed course requirements for the PhD program without a dissertation in Sociology at
Tokyo University in 2004, and earned a PhD in East Asian Literature from Cornell University in 2010. She is
committed to a bilingual address, and has consistently published articles in Japanese and English since 2001.
Currently she is working on her book manuscript, Securing Okinawa for Miscegenation.
Contact address: UC Riverside, Department of Comparative Literature and Foreign Languages, 2401
HMNSS Building, Riverside, CA 92521, USA.