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the sequence of sister grammatical categories that the analyzed lexical category occurs with
e.g.: the lexical category V is contained in MV (MV .. V ..) >> the verbs frames of subcategorization are given wrt its sister
categories inside the MV (the nr and types of objects that the V takes)
Transitive vs. intransitive Vs (Vs which appear in the immediate context of an NP vs. those which need no (non-prepositional)
object to yield well-formed Ss)
Transitive
Intranstitive
V CS/ ---NP
V CS/ ---
V:{love, close, open, fix, repair, cut, etc.}
V: {bark, chirp, run, elapse, bark, etc.}
He cannot cut the bread.
They love syntax.
V CS/---NP ` PP
V: {charge sb. with sth; inforn sb. of sth, absolve sb from sth,
rob/deprive sb of sth}
V CS/ ---NP ` {AdvP/PP} (+ Manner/ Time/ Place)
He treated her well/with due care/with respect
He put it on the desk/on the table.
V CS/ ----PP ` S
They argued with us that they were innocent.
They agreed with us that we were right.
NE is (only) allowed with unaccusatives, since NE refers to a postverbal NP which was an initial d.o. >> the appearance of NE with an
intransitive V shows that that V is an unaccusative:
(8)
Ne arrivano molti (Many of them arrive) / * Ne telefonano molti (Many of them telephoned)
D. Vs used transitively (NP V NP) & intransitively (NP V) (in SS)
(9)
(10)
(11)
the V the same meaning in both instances + the semantic relation btw. the V & its d.o is the same, even if in a) the element is a
d.o. and in b) it appears as a Su;
the intransitive V in (9b) behaves like an unaccusative >> selects be in the perfect, allows NE (in the relevant lgs.) (cf. (10))
its transitive counterpart in (9a), which selects have as aux. and disallows NE (cf. (11))
Due navi nemiche sono affondati./ Ne affondarono due (Two of them sank)
Lartigleria ha affondate due navi nemiche.
Vs which exhibit this trans-intrans alternation have both a transitive (NP1 V NP2) and an unaccusative use (- V NP >> NP V)
E. CONCLUSIONS
transitives & unaccusatives are alike in that they share the feature [ -- NP]; i.e., both have underlying objects
transitives & unergatives are alike in that they share the feature [ NP V], i.e., both have underlying subjects
!! while transitives have both an underlying Su and an underlying d.o. (have two obligatory arguments, the Su
& the d.o), unaccusatives & unergatives have only one obligatory argument, which appears as the Su in SS,
but is generated in different positions in DS: as a d.o. for unaccusatives, as a Su for unergatives
since passivization is a rule whereby the underlying subject is demoted (replaced by the d.o. and sent to the
right to be hosted by an adjunct by-phrase), only verbs that have an underlying Su (i.e., a Su in DS) can
undergo passivization >> unaccusatives cannot undergo passivization
Obs!: in English, only Vs and Prepositions can relate directly to Ns; (other) Ns and adjectives relate to NPs
indirectly, by means of prepositions: with him/ admire him // fond of music/ an interest in music/ * fond
music/ * interest music
II. Subcategorizing English Adjectives
A. Adjectives that occur only after link verbs (predicatively) or post-nominally (after Ns) in nominal
phrases (NOT pre-nominally, the usual place of Engl. adjs) = PREDICATIVE adjectives
(13)
I am interested in this proposal. / a man interested in art. / * an interested man
B. Adjectives that appear pre-nominally (Adj ` N) > accept the subcategorial context [ - N]; Most
adjectives appear in this position = ATTRIBUTIVE adjectives
(14)
beautiful girl/ cute dog/ ..
OBS:
1) Most adjectives occur both - pre-nominally: uncertain weather/ interesting book)
- predicatively (after copula Vs):The weather is uncertain. /The book is
interesting.
2) Some adjectives can only be attributive: ([+ N]):
a) restrictive/intensifying adjs: utter, sheer, utmost, mere, only, pure, alleged, chief.
(15)
an utter confusion/ sheer nonsense/ the alleged thief // * The confusion is utter./ * The thief seems
alleged. / * This nonsense is sheer. / * The trouble is only
b) temporal & modal adjs: future, former, late, occasional, present, current, sure, born
(16)
the former PM; the future president, a born loser/ * The loser is born. / * The lover is occasional./ *The
king is former.
c) adjs related to manner adverbs (which mostly occur with deverbal Ns): heavy, early, new
(17)
a heavy smoker/drinker; an early riser/ a new comer // * The comer is new. / * This smoker is heavy.
d) noun-based adjs: chemical engineer/ rural policeman
3) Predicative adjs accept (at least) the subcategorial context [VCop --]MV
(18)
He is sad/ She went mad / He looks interested.
- some adjs can only be used predicatively (and possibly post-nominally) those that describe a state &
derived with the affix a: ablaze, ajar, asleep, awash, astir, etc.
(19)
The door is ajar./ He is asleep. / The desk was awash. // * an awash desk. / * an ajar door/ *an asleep
boy.
4) Adjectives & their object-taking possibilities (>> transitive and intransitive adjectives)
! Adj do not govern NPs, only PPs >> when we talk about transitive Adj, we refer to those that select PPs
(i.e., a prepositional object)
a) Intransitive adjectives take no objects; subcategorize for a null context > A CS/ -- (red, small, tall)
b) Transitive adjectives may or must be followed by a PP >> A CS/ --PP
(20)
He is fond of his wife. / *He is fond. // He is satisfied with his lot. / He is satisfied.
c) ! Unacusative Adjs the adj occurs in two structures; the same argument is realized either as a PP (with the
default prep of) or as a Su. (certain, sure)
(21)
Bill certain of success. > Success was certain [ - ] // He is sure of a bad result. > A bad result is sure.
d) (transitive) adjs that subcategorize for complement clauses >> A CS/ -- S (confident, thankful,
grateful, eager, happy, etc.)
(22)
I was confident [that I would win]. / You should be thankful [that you didnt get fired].