The Howard Journal Vol 47 No 2.

May 2008
ISSN 0265-5527, pp. 107120

In My Own World: A Case Study of a

Paedophiles Thinking and Doing and
His Use of the Internet
DAVID WILSON and TIMOTHY JONES
David Wilson is Professor of Criminology, Centre for Criminal Justice,
Birmingham City University and Timothy Jones is Senior Lecturer in
Psychology, Department of Natural and Social Sciences, University of
Gloucestershire
Abstract: A case study of a convicted paedophile and the relationship between his
thinking and doing is presented to reveal how his fantasy life, his use of the Internet and
his contact offences against children are linked. More broadly, the authors propose a
generic offending space model to chart how, and in what circumstances fantasy becomes
reality.
It was my own world. It was a place I felt safe in, I could get everything I wanted out
of it and I didnt have to feel inadequate. (James convicted paedophile)

What is the relationship between thinking and doing? Specifically, how

does the fantasy life of a paedophile relate to his contact offending against
children? For James not his real name my own world is an individual
place where thinking, dreaming, imagining and fantasising tussle for
dominance and without fear of constraint from normality or reprimand
from the real world. It is a place where his hopes, aspirations, fears and
desires can be mentally played out, recalled and rehearsed, and where
criticism, taboo and embarrassment are invited only by the self, and not
imposed by others. This place is highly individual, and whilst we all may
choose to share aspects of our own world with our partners, friends and
family, our darkest, sexiest and most secretive desires are more likely to
remain purely as fantasies. This was not the case with James, who stands in
modest contrast to Quayle and Taylors (2003) observation that there
appears to be little support for the allegation of a direct causal link between
viewing pornography and subsequent offending behaviour (p.72). But
how did his thinking lead to doing?
More generally, it should be remembered that sexual fantasy best
represents that part of all our own worlds that remains internalised as
secret erotic desires that serve to sexually arouse and excite, but where
sharing and acting upon those desires would be deemed inappropriate.

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The very phrase sexual fantasy suggests that these are mental images that
are either represented as a fleeting thought of some sexual activity, or a
more elaborate story, but both with the aim of sexual arousal (Hicks and
Leitenberg 2001). The fantasy space is an important part of our own
world as this space affords individuals to be relatively free to indulge their
primitive lusts and brutish impulses in ways that might be unacceptable in
reality (Wilson 1997, p.28).
Even so, and more generally, sexual fantasies do not always remain as
erotic thoughts simply gazed upon for titillation and sexual gratification,
but can infiltrate reality. Infiltration can occur non-invasively and
ubiquitously through adult chain stores, such as Ann Summers and Sh!
where individuals are encouraged to indulge their fantasies in brightly lit,
friendly and accepting retail environments, challenging the convention
that such stores (and therefore fantasies) are purely male domains (Malina
and Schmidt 1997) and enabling the individual to manifest their fantasy
through a socially acceptable outlet. Fantasies can also be acted out in other
environments (sex clubs, swinging parties, dogging sites, saunas and
holiday sex resorts), although such environments may be less publicly
acceptable, and are not without fear of reprimand. Male adult members of
a Manchester-based sadomasochistic club, for example, were arrested in
September 1989 for violating The Offences Against the Person Act 1861,
even though the genital manipulation acts (based on sadomasochistic
fantasies) were consensual (Thomas 2000; Green 2001). Even so, 16 men
were eventually found guilty of a number of offences, including assault
occasioning actual bodily harm, and as a result, some were imprisoned.
Thereafter the case was first appealed to the High Court and then to the
House of Lords, but this appeal was dismissed in 1993, and a subsequent
attempt to overturn the convictions in the European Court of Human
Rights failed in 1997.
Fantasy and reality are inextricably linked, but the crucial question
remains whether thinking leads to doing. If we fantasise about sadomasochism, for example, do we take it to the extreme of genital
manipulation, or do we play out this fantasy in a less extreme manner such
as, for example, tying our partners hands during intercourse which can be
seen as representative of dominance and submission? (Doskoch 1995).
Naturally, the next question is whether once an element of a fantasy is acted
out, do we update the fantasy with what has been acted out in reality? Is the
fantasy altered to ensure concurrence with reality, and thus prevent a state of
cognitive dissonance, or do we seek to push the boundaries of the original
fantasy, acting out more and more until the original fantasy is fulfilled?
Crime, Fantasy and the Virtual Space
Arguably, questions such as those posed above are important only if
thinking does in fact lead to behaviour that is unwanted, non-consensual
and illegal. If fantasising about sadomasochism leads to consensual
bondage or masturbation then the notion of harm is questionable. After
all, the individual has been able to share their fantasy and either mentally

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replay the fantasy during masturbation, or involve another consenting

individual to help act out the fantasy in reality. However, if fantasising
about members of an individuals own family, rape or other forms of sexual
violence results in illegal and disturbing acts, then the link between
thinking and doing is ultimately important. If individuals fantasise about
sex with children, does this mean that such thoughts will transist from the
individuals own world, and be played out and acted upon in reality?
We suggest that the transition from fantasy to reality is not a clear-cut
process from the psychological to the physical, as a third space exists the
virtual space. The virtual space, we contend, is a hybrid or pseudo-realism
space where elements of fantasy are blended with reality to create images,
video and sounds reflective of the other two spaces, and importantly feed into
the psychological or fantasy space. Pornography is the exemplar of pseudoreality with images of fantasy coupled with reality but where acting out
does not physically involve us as individuals, but instead invites us as voyeurs.
Whilst pornography has been widely available since the mid-1800s and
was originally touted as erotica, it is since the advent of the Internet that
pornography has become more accessible. King (1999) argues that more
research into Internet use and human sexuality is needed as more people
have access to types of materials that were previously unavailable, or
available only at great personal risk. Pornographic images of children are
one such example where the Internet has transformed the access to images
that were once difficult and risky to locate (for a general introduction to
crime, deviance and the Internet, see Williams (2006)). However, whilst
there has been some interest of late (see, for example, Middleton 2007), the
use of the Internet by sexual offenders has largely been unexplored (Taylor,
Holland and Quayle 2001), which, as Quayle and Taylor (2003) highlight, is
surprising, considering the wide use of the Internet and the thousands of
pornographic images of children that are available. Indeed, Silverman and
Wilson suggest that in 1995, the Obscene Publications Unit of the Greater
Manchester Police seized about a dozen images of child pornography
during the whole year, but in 1999, the unit recovered 41,000 images, and
by 2001, so many images were being recovered that they had to stop
counting (Silverman and Wilson 2002, pp.8794). One offender arrested in
Manchester, for example, had a collection of 50,000 images, plus more than
three gigabytes (or some 36 hours) of movie files (p.87).
So too, the number of individuals attempting to gain access to such
images has risen significantly since the development of the Internet. British
Telecom (BT), for example, has prevented access to sites containing
indecent images of children since 2004. However, during the 18-month
period between June 2003 and February 2004, the Internet Service
Provider (ISP) reported a rise in the number of attempts to access such
images from 10,000 hits per day to approximately 35,000 (BBC News Online
2006). This significant rise in attempted access rates further demonstrates
the role the Internet is playing in the provision of pornographic material,
and the role that such material may play in the pseudo-reality space.
Whilst Wolak, Finkelhor and Mitchell (2005) challenge the notion that
thinking leads to doing through their suggestion that only 17% of

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individuals arrested for possession of child pornography (based on 1,713

arrests) actually demonstrated evidence of contact sexual abuse, and 84%
of this group possessed images without any supporting evidence of sexual
abuse, they fail to take into consideration the fantasy space as a unique
space and how this may now be influencing undetected behaviours. We
suggest that when fantasy becomes coupled with pornography in the
virtual space, this serves to both afford opportunity for offending
(through the reinforcement, updating and challenging of pre-defined
fantasies), and playing out the fantasy (or parts of the fantasy) in the real
world. Indeed, although 84% of individuals possessed images but without
any evidence of sexual abuse, Wolak, Finkelhor and Mitchell fail to tell us
what percentage of these individuals used such imagery for masturbation,
and, as such, reinforced their fantasies which may have been played-out in
the real world had they not been arrested.
The extent to which a pseudo-reality can fuel fantasies and may play a
role in catalysing the relationship between thinking and doing is
highlighted by studies suggesting that the Internet provides an attractive
alternative to an unhappy or mundane life (Morahan-Martin and
Schumacher 2000), and prolonged Internet activity can be associated with
mood changes (Kennedy-Souza 1998). Hills and Argyle (2003) further
suggest that individuals frequently change their original intentions when
accessing the Internet, to involve themselves in something more interesting and gratifying. Such studies demonstrate the psychological allure of the
Internet and how pornographic images even those that are illegal may
be accessed to provide alleviation from the mundane, and increase
pleasure. Such research can be coupled with findings from Doskoch
(1995), who suggests that men fantasise about sex 7.2 times a day and
women 4.5 times per day.
The virtual space, therefore, may play an important role in supporting
and catalysing the link between thinking and doing through the provision
of a third tier in an individuals own world. This tier can be viewed as the
step between pure fantasy and reality, but one which can reinforce,
manipulate and alter the transition from thinking into doing. This article is
concerned with exploring the question of whether thinking does lead to
doing, with particular reference to a convicted sex offender.
Offending Space Model
We propose the following offending space (see Figure 1) encompassing
psychological, virtual and physical spaces, and attempt to demonstrate how
such a model may account for the transition between thinking (sexual
fantasies) and doing (committing offences) in a convicted paedophile. The
reason for choosing convicted paedophiles is two-fold. First, the link
between sexual fantasy and doing is reflective of behaviour that is nonconsensual, harmful and illegal and, therefore, demonstrates the highly
negative transition from the psychological to the physical. Secondly,
paedophiles are a hard to reach group, and as such, unlikely to discuss
their fantasies (or intentions) prior to conviction, although their extreme

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FIGURE 1
Offending Space Model

sexual behaviour is of interest to policy makers and society. Even so, the
debate about thinking and doing has been questioned. The US Postal
Survey, for example, suggests that only one in every three people convicted
of downloading child pornography had actually committed an offence
against children, which suggests that the causal link between thinking and
doing is not necessarily clear (Silverman and Wilson 2002, pp.8894;
Wilson 2007), although here we should remember that this study relates
only to sex offenders who have been arrested and convicted. If committing
an offence against a child does not follow from a sexual fantasy about
children, then it could be argued that such a link is not causal, and other
factors are influencing the outcome. As part of the model we suggest that
even when access, opportunity and motivation are coupled with the three
spaces, lack of congruency or consistency between fantasy and reality, or
norms and values may prevent offending behaviour from occurring.
The psychological space represents the fantasy space, and provides the
motivation for offending. Within this space sexual fantasies are initiated,
replayed and mental imagery relating to the fantasy is constructed. This
space is exceptionally dynamic and can be heavily influenced by the
physical and virtual spaces. If aspects of the virtual space are not consistent
or lack congruency with the psychological space, they may be either
abandoned, or incorporated into an updated fantasy space. The physical
space is representative of access to individuals to offend against, and the

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physical environment in which the offending will occur. Results from our
case study suggested that when the physical environment is no longer
consistent with either the fantasy or the previous offending environment,
then offending is less likely to occur. Levels of physical access, of course,
may be altered by changing environments, and may be the preventative
factor. However it may also be the case that the incongruency between
environment (physical space) and fantasy (psychological space), prevent
offending because the fantasy cannot be acted out and the own world
environment has significantly altered.
Some Caveats
The offending space model was derived from case study data with a
convicted paedophile, and we would caveat our preliminary findings and
model proposition with some cautions. For example, it is questionable as to
what extent we can trust and believe those convicted of any crime, and
the level of access to information that an individual grants about their
crime will depend largely on whether they have been convicted of the
offence and are serving a custodial sentence for that crime, and the extent
to which they are actively seeking rehabilitation. So, too, any sex offender
in a penal environment especially a paedophile is likely to carefully
manage the information that he volunteers, depending on a variety of
prison specific issues, such as the nature of the regime in which he is
incarcerated, whether the information will be used for parole purposes,
and so forth. So this case study merely allows us to map out a territory, and
much more data would need to be collected from more convicted
paedophiles to test the robustness of the model, and colour in the finer
contours of the landscape.
Methods
Access was granted to a convicted paedophile serving his sentence at HMP
Grendon. HMP Grendon is unique in the penal system of England and
Wales in that it operates as a therapeutic community (see Genders and
Player (1995) for a general introduction to the prison), and one of the
authors has previously written extensively about the prisons regime (see,
for example, Wilson and McCabe 2002). This earlier association with the
prison undoubtedly eased gaining access to the jail. So, too, it was agreed
that the paedophile who volunteered to be interviewed should remain
anonymous, and this has also meant that some aspects of what he describes
have been made generic, given that to have provided specific details would
have identified our informant.
James was interviewed on four different occasions, with each interview
lasting, on average, two hours. As part of the access arrangements it was
agreed that James should feed back to his wing group the details of these
interviews, and so, too, the interviewers spoke with the wing therapist at
the end of each interview. All four interviews were unstructured, and
James was allowed to lead the interviewer into territory that he felt was

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important, and that he wanted to discuss in relation to the general question

of thinking and doing. As such, the intention of these interviews was to
give James a voice about his fantasy life and how this had impacted upon
his contact offending, and extensive use is made of what he said through
verbatim quotes and thick descriptions (Geertz 1973). It is acknowledged
that, as a convicted paedophile, Jamess relationship to thinking and doing
may be different from those paedophiles who do not come into contact
with the criminal justice system, but this ethnographic, case study approach
does allow a richer, deeper understanding to emerge about the relationship between thinking and doing. A reflective diary was kept during the
twelve months of field research, documenting what was said, and also
thoughts and reactions to these interviews, as well as more general
observations about the prison and Jamess part within it. This diary also
allowed us to check that what was being said in one interview corresponded
with details provided in later interviews.
All four interviews were taped, transcribed, and then subjected to a
modified form of grounded theorising (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss
and Corbin 1998; Charmaz and Mitchell 2001). As such, our research sits
within the ethnographic tradition in criminology (Brewer 2000; Noaks and
Wincup 2004), although there is a continuing debate about what
ethnography actually is a debate not eased by Hammersley and
Atkinsons (1995) observation that the boundaries around ethnography
are necessarily unclear (p.2). However, broadly speaking ethnography
involves the study of people in their natural setting, typically resulting in
the researcher being present for extended periods of time in order to
collect data systematically about this groups daily activities, and the
meanings that they attach to them. Thus, ethnography is not in the purest
sense a research method (a data collection technique), or a methodology
(a philosophical framework). Rather, to paraphrase Lesley Noaks and
Emma Wincup (2004), it is a research strategy that is inextricably linked to
two forms of data collection participant observation, and in-depth
interviews. It is also closely linked to the methodological stance of
naturalism, which tries as far as is possible to study the social world in its
natural state, although, of late, a postmodern critique (see, for example,
Denzin 1997), has rather undermined that linkage. Nonetheless, throughout this case study we attempt to present a realist text, which Brewer
(2000) has described as characterised by thick description and extensive
verbatim quotation (p.138).
Results and Discussion
Psychological Space
For James, the psychological space is deeply entwined with fantasy
rehearsal and mentally acting out fantasies. However, any behaviour
following the fantasy does not necessarily immediately occur, as the space
also affords the individual with the opportunity to revisit and update any
chosen fantasy. Sexual fantasies appear to occur most vividly at the onset of

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puberty (although this is not to suggest that such fantasies may not occur at
an earlier age), and James states the following in relation to the
development of his fantasies:
I cant remember much at 12 but at 13/14 I started thinking about it, I dont actually
think it took up a full fantasy until probably 14/15. I started to think about children
in a sexual way . . . children Id seen . . .

This also suggests that in the early development of Jamess fantasy, the
psychological space was influenced, and the subsequent fantasy developed
through an interaction between either the physical or virtual space, as
children that James had previously seen were incorporated into his fantasy.
When asked about fantasy James provides the following comment:
I guess fantasy is where I want it to go, what I can do for getting aroused to that
thought.

Where I want it to go arguably this suggests Jamess desire to move his

thoughts and his fantasies about children from the psychological space and
into the physical space. This does not indicate offending per se, as fantasies
could be played out through self-masturbation an act itself requiring a
combination of physicality and fantasy replay, but in the absence of any
offending behaviour. However, it does suggest an important link between
thinking and doing the transition from fantasy to reality.
In the psychological space, fantasies are dynamic and transient, and are
inextricably linked to physical and virtual spaces. As a convicted
paedophile, James alludes to having committed offences with approximately twelve (female) children prior to his incarceration, and that his
offences played an important role in the development of his fantasies. As
the fantasies developed, so, too, did his offending behaviour:
I think as my fantasies grew my offending grew . . . the actual curiosity to touch
her [names family member] obviously made me touch her and I guess from then on
as my fantasies grew the more I actually involved doing it to a child.
I think your fantasies stay with what youve done and you revisit.
So the abuse that Ive carried out in the past has gone on to fantasise about
doing it to a real person.
Yes, it could be part of my fantasy (giving pleasure as a way of helping) . . . I can
believe that the victim enjoyed it because it felt good.

James makes reference to both the revisiting aspect of the psychological

space and the dynamic interaction between the psychological space and
physical space. Motivation is contained within the psychological space, and
without motivation to move the fantasy into reality, the fantasy is likely to
remain within the psychological space. James comments how his curiosity
to touch a family member motivated him to follow out the action and
actually begin touching that family member. In a cyclical relationship, his
fantasies fuelled his offending behaviour and his offending behaviour
helped to update, re-define and shape his fantasies. An important part of

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Jamess fantasies was the integration of pleasure and enjoyment for the
victim, and to deny that the victim was in any way distressed. Even though
distress was inevitable, to acknowledge this would have led to incongruency between the fantasy and reality, and therefore manifested itself as
cognitive dissonance. Although James was in a position of power and
dominance over his victim, this did not manifest itself in his fantasy in the
same way, as, say, an individual with a sadomasochistic fantasy, but James
psychologically challenged his fantasy and changed this relationship into
one of enjoyment and approval:
I always seek approval of people through what I do. I feel that I am being
helpful and I feel that theyre liking it then Ill be more helpful to them.
(If the child was upset or unhappy how did that affect your . . .?)
It didnt go into my fantasy.

Arguably this may have been an attempt by James to introduce the norms
of sexual behaviour into his fantasies in other words; sex should not occur
without consent and that pleasure follows sexual gratification. However,
this demonstrates how fantasies are developed following interaction with
the physical space.
The following example shows that the psychological space is not limited
by spatio-temporal constraints, and the dynamic nature of fantasies:
Because although I abused a child I didnt necessarily masturbate over it that night
or fantasise on it, but it may come again. It may not be that Im fantasising doing it
with that child but it may mean that the actual abuse Ive done with that child goes
into a fantasy about another child that I may have captured, that I might have seen
the other week or a picture in the paper.

The relationship between thought and action is also clear, as James

incorporates memories of previous offending into his fantasies, and
may recall a fantasy about offending but not necessarily immediately
following an offence. The psychological space enables James to replay his
fantasies in a space and time that suits, and either play out these thoughts
mentally or physically through self-masturbation or further abuse.
Interestingly, James uses the word captured when referring to his fantasy
of another child, suggesting a more dominant, controlling and violent
aspect to his fantasy, rather than the pleasurable and helpful perception
previously conveyed.
Physical Space
The strength of the relationship between the psychological space and
physical space is unequivocal because to be played-out to be truly
satisfied fantasies need to transcend into the physical real-world. The
physical space affords a crucial element for offending through the
provision of access. After all, without access the sexual offender may
have motivation but is unable to act-out their fantasies (and therefore
unable to re-incorporate their offences into subsequent fantasies), and the
fantasy remains in the psychological space. The physical space is also a

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space in which non-offending behaviour, such as masturbation, occurs,

and is, therefore, viewed as the space in which all behavioural outcomes
take place.
Furthermore, the physical space may play an important role in
preventing offending from occurring, not only through lack of access
opportunities, but also through lack of congruency. If, for example, an
individual has a fantasy located within a particular environment, and an
offence takes place in that environment, the fantasy and environment
remain congruent and, therefore, the fantasy is positively reinforced. If the
environment changes, it may, of course, prevent access, but is also now
incongruent with the original fantasy, and may prevent offending from
occurring. It would be too simplistic to suggest that in order to prevent
offending, paedophiles are moved to new environments, as within time,
their fantasies are likely to adjust and incorporate their new environment.
However, in the shorter term, a lack of congruency may prevent an offence
from taking place. Jamess offences (primarily) took place within a UK
context and with people he knew or acquaintances:
Most of them had been people Id know. [Names an individual] she lived next door
and I abused her . . . there were [names a group] across the street that knew me
when I was growing up with my mum . . . I took advantage of the fact that she knew
me growing up with my mum.

For James, the physical locality of his home environment and immediate
surroundings afforded him the opportunity to offend, and provided the
necessary access. His subsequent early abuse fantasies were also in relation
to this physical environment. When James spent time working abroad, he
states that whilst he still had fantasies about children, and the motivation
remained to commit offences, the lack of access, and as we have argued, the
incongruency between original offending environment and new context,
may have prevented him from offending:
Obviously [names a country] was the ideal place to fuel my fantasies. I didnt know
people out there especially people with families I think that was the only thing that
kept me from offending because I didnt have access. I spent time on the beach and
obviously seeing children undressing was part of the fantasy.

Initially access appears to be the most important factor; however, James

was working in an English bar where opportunities to meet Englishspeaking families would have been high. James also comments that part of
his access to victims involved seeking approval from their family,
therefore some opportunities for access could have existed, and the extent
to which James is telling the truth can be questioned:
Id be friendly and gain the trust of the family, thinking this is a nice guy. Ive used
my personality to gain access.

Virtual Space
The virtual space blends fantasy and reality in a pseudo-real environment, where opportunities to offend are provoked and fantasies can be

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created, replicated and updated from the rich tapestry of available sources
and materials. As previously suggested, the Internet is perhaps the space
that best affords and creates new opportunities for offending behaviour.
Where an offenders fantasies can be played out before their eyes, and
where elements of previously unthought-of or untapped offending
potential can be incorporated into fantasies and then acted-out in the
real world. The importance of the virtual space to the offending model is
through its reinforcement of both fantasies and physical behaviours; where
the offender can view other individuals offending in similar ways to which
they have done, or hope to do so. It is a space where values and societal
norms are not imposed, and in Jamess words:
The Internet is designed purely for sexual thoughts.
A male may be abusing the hell out of a child using that as a fantasy its a totally
different kind of image, its almost the very best of the actual fantasy on the screen
in the book its not the fantasy, youve got to make it a fantasy.

These poignant and indicative statements eloquently demonstrate the

important role of the pseudo-real space in helping to create and reevaluate fantasies within the psychological space. The fact that James can
see someone abusing the hell out of a child grounds his fantasies in a
physical reality, the real-world, and provides reinforcement to James that
such behaviour is acceptable, exciting and, importantly, achievable.
Through Jamess own admission, the link between fantasy and behaviour
(thinking and doing) is an inextricably linked one, where fantasy fuels
offending and vice-versa (as my fantasies grew the more I actually involved
doing it to a child), therefore, what is the relationship between the virtual
space, fantasies and offending behaviour?:
I think it actually made me fantasise more, I dont think it made me offend more but
I suppose it made me do different things in the offences, but I dont think it made
me offend more. I dont think the actual Internet made the abuse more but
definitely the fantasies were more frequent. I think I spent hours.

This statement suggests that the Internet provides the opportunity to

fantasise more. However, it also provides a dichotomy, because James
suggests that fantasising more did not lead to an increase in offending
although in his words as my fantasies grew my offending grew highlights
the causal relationship between thinking and doing. If the Internet is
fuelling fantasies both in frequency and complexity it is reasonable to
assume that the fantasies may be later played out in the physical space as
either offending behaviour, or masturbation.
The virtual space provides the opportunity to blend elements of what is
being perceived with the offenders fantasy, and if incongruencies exist
between perception and fantasy the offender can choose to remove these
incongruencies to ensure the pseudo-real, and fantasy remain consistent:
Obviously if theres a scene on the Internet and I see a male abusing a child I didnt
then take that fantasy and watch them abuse. It just didnt come into my head I
never justified it because someone else was doing it would make it okay. The

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justification was given the fact that I saw the child and if they didnt seem too
uncomfortable if you like the story made the child seem that it was okay.

For James, his fantasies didnt involve another individual abusing a child,
and when such images were perceived in the virtual space they failed to be
incorporated into his fantasies. Part of Jamess fantasies (as previously
indicated) was the acceptance by the child that what was happening was
pleasurable, or comfortable, and if incongruencies existed between the
virtual and fantasy spaces, James would ignore what was being perceived to
ensure his fantasies remained consistent and congruent.
The importance of the virtual space in terms of reinforcement for the
psychological space is particularly significant for James as he spent on
average between six and seven hours an evening searching and looking at
child pornography on the Internet:
Its just so much the longer you watch, the more you see and the more you see the
further you want to go.

Where did James want to go? The more James watched and became
involved with the pseudo-real world the further his fantasies would have
been fuelled. James may have wished to have searched for longer, delving
deeper into the Internet looking for extreme and titillating images to serve
his sexual desires. The combination of fantasy and pseudo-reality may have
been played out in either further surfing behaviour, offending behaviour
or self-masturbation behaviour:
Occasionally I masturbate at the computer or just masturbate to whats on (the
computer screen).

The virtual space is not limited to the computer, but images of children in
relatively benign contexts, such as newspapers, television and even
compact-disc covers can provide sufficient pseudo-real material to fuel
and combine with existing fantasies or help to create new ones:
I still struggle to a certain degree with fantasies. I try not to masturbate with them
now but they are still there I cant hide away from the fact that they are still there
and I have to monitor what I watch. I have to be careful that I dont watch a
programme that I know is going to sexually arouse me.
He [another prisoner] bought a CD and on the cover was images of children naked
they werent photographs they were images but that was enough to fuel my
excitement . . . I booked the CD out just to see these children.

Conclusion
The inter-relations between psychological, physical and, importantly,
virtual, provide an almost indisputable link between thinking and doing
in the sexual offender. To have thoughts, sexual desires, impulses and
fantasies reinforced by images, videos and sounds appears to have a
behavioural manifestation. Such behaviours are not necessarily offending
ones, but the extent to which self-masturbation over images and fantasies
of children is a healthy act is, at the very least, questionable. This in itself

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through sexual gratification, excitement and deviousness, could reinforce

the psychological state and fuel fantasies to the next level, where
behaviours are acted-out in the real world and with real children.
The model that is presented here is an exploratory attempt in mapping
the contours between thinking and doing in the sexual offender, and
requires further evidence, verification and refinement, and, as such, we
recognise the need for caution and further research to explore in greater
depth the details and finer contours that will undoubtly exist.
The proposed model also does not suggest that every individual who
has sexual fantasies will act upon those fantasies, or that any deviant fantasy
such as initiating an incestuous sexual relationship (Doskoch 1995) will
transist into anything more than a fleeting sexual thought or desire.
Attitudes, values and societal norms play a critical role in preventing
behaviour deemed as inappropriate, unacceptable, damaging and dysfunctional, from occurring. The societal rules, the conducts of behaviour
and self-regulation prevent, for the great majority, extreme fantasies ever
been played out in the real world. Naturally, some fantasies are acted out,
enjoyed and celebrated by some individuals, however, these fantasies
remain constrained by societal norms, they take place behind closed doors
and between consenting adults. The virtual space provides an important,
albeit derogatory and consuming, space for individuals who wish to
explore new but acceptable fantasies. However, the danger is when
individuals like James wish to push themselves beyond the limits of
acceptability and norms, where the impulsive desire for sexual gratification
is so extreme that those who cannot consent and who do not wish to
consent become incarcerated within another individuals own world
where they are now part of the fantasy.

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Date submitted: April 2007

Date accepted: August 2007

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