Moyano, E. - (2016) Theme in English and Spanish

Theme in English and Spanish
Different means of realization for the same

textualfunction
Estela Ins Moyano
Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento

This article offers a comparative view of a Systemic Functional (SF) account
of Theme in English and Spanish declarative clauses. It considers the
lexicogrammatical realization of Theme in both languages and shows how Themes
across the clauses construe the method of development of a phase of discourse
in the respective languages, unmarked Themes scaffolding textual continuity
and marked Themes scaffolding transitions between discourse phases. The paper
reviews the concept of Theme in Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and
analyzes texts in both languages, taking into account a trinocular perspective
(Matthiessen & Halliday 2009): from above, considering textual discourse
functions related to the lexicogrammatical function of Theme; from roundabout,
considering other textual functions in the clause as New; and from below, paying
attention to the role that different ranks may play in the realization of the function
under focus. In addition, the paper argues for a re-interpretation of previous SFL
accounts of Spanish Theme, on the assumptions of SFL language typology. Based
on the analysis of fragments of Research Articles, the paper shows how English and
Spanish texts perform similar strategies to maintain the method of development
of a text, through the interaction between lexical strings and reference chains with
the function of Theme (Fries 1981; Martin 1992). It is shown, however, that the
lexicogrammatical realization of unmarked Theme differs between these languages.
Keywords: academic discourse, English, method of development, Spanish, Theme
1. Introduction1
The aim of this paper is to compare the means of realization of the textual lexicogrammatical function of Theme in English and in Spanish, adopting the
. I would like to acknowledge the careful reading and suggestions made by Jorge Ars Hita
and Benjamin Clarke, the editors of this special issue.
English Text Construction 9:1 (2016), . doi 10.1075/etc.9.1.10moy

issn 18748767 / e-issn 18748775 John Benjamins Publishing Company
framework of Systemic Functional Linguistics (hereafter SFL). It is relevant to

here point out that in contrast with English, which is an SVO language with a
rigid structure, Spanish is considered by several authors (e.g. Silva-Corvaln 1982,
elbecque 1991; Bentivoglio 2003) an SVO language with flexible or rela1983; D
tively free order of sentence constituents: although the most typical syntagmatic
organization for declarative clauses in Spanish is SVO, postposition of the Subject
(S) element with respect to the verb (V) is also frequent in this language.
This flexible ordering of Spanish is related to another feature of the language,
which is its inflective morphology. In addition to indicating the mood, tense and
aspect of an event, verbal affixation agrees in number and person with the nominal group (the SFL term for noun phrase) that has been traditionally treated as
the grammatical Subject. In other words, it can be said that the verbal affix signals
out by agreement one central or major participant of the clause, whether it is the
more active participant (active voice) or the one affected by the process (passive
voice). This agreeing nominal group can move around the verb in different positions in the clause something which is far less likely in English.
Traditionally, it has been said that the grammatical Subject in Spanish can
be explicit or elided (e.g. Di Tullio 2005; RAE 2010). However, the elided Subject has been interpreted as part of the sentence, having properties that control
agreement in number and person of the verb (RAE 2010); its experiential (or
propositional) meaning is retrievable from an element of the preceding clauses
or from the context. Some interpretations of this linguistic phenomenon propose
that the Subject is in fact expressed by the verbal affix (Alarcos Llorach 1994).
From an SFL perspective, Quiroz (2015:293) has shown that the verbal affix indicates modal responsibility within the domain of the verbal group. Consequently,
the participant agreeing with the verbal affixation does not function as Subject
in Spanish, in which the interpersonal nub of the clause is the Negotiator, realized by the Predicator at clause rank (Quiroz 2015:295). According to Quiroz,
then, the function of Subject is not interpersonally relevant in Spanish. This paper
will argue that the function of the agreeing participant in the Spanish clause is
experiential and textual.
1.1 SFL language typology: Theoretical assumptions and methods
SFL language typology distinguishes between a general theory of human language
and the description of any particular variant, e.g. English or Spanish. SFL theory
characterizes verbal language as a multidimensional semiotic system, involving
stratification, metafunction, rank (i.e. different levels in each stratum), axis (i.e.
system-structure relations) and instantiation (i.e. a cline from potential to instance,
see Matthiessen & Halliday 2009). Systemic theory postulates that these general
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meaning-making resources are shared by the different languages at higher levels

of abstraction, so that they are relevant for language description.
SFL language descriptions highlight the particular characteristics of the language under study, based on patterns found in actual discourse. In order to do this,
in the field of SFL language typology it is necessary not only to locate language
systems by stratum and metafunction but to distinguish between its definition
(i.e. the kind of meanings a system constructs) and the means of its realization in
a given language along the rank scale (Martin 1983, 1992b; Halliday 1994; Caffarel
et al. 2004b). This means that the same function of language can be realized by different lexicogrammatical resources in different languages, as will be shown in this
paper for Theme in English and Spanish.
Taking this into account, Martin (1983:72) has proposed taking a discourse
function as the point of departure to do typological research, which has both theoretical and methodological consequences. Theoretically, Martin notes the importance of a model that differentiates systems from their realization in structure and
assigns systems to ranks in the grammar, in order to better illuminate the linguistic behavior of a given language. Methodologically, it is necessary (a) to analyze
data from a corpus of natural language texts drawn from different registers instead
of from decontextualized ad hoc invented sentences, (b) to base interpretations
on the whole system of the language under study, (c) to compare the results with
systemic descriptions of other languages, and (d) to test descriptions by applying them in the practice of extensive discourse analysis (Caffarel et al. 2004b).
Descriptive motifs and generalizations, pointing to commonalities and differences among languages, are found in various SFL comparative studies (e.g. Martin
1983; Rose 2001; Caffarel et al. 2004a; Matthiessen 2004).
1.2 The concept of Theme in SFL
The concept of Theme in SFL is derived from the Prague Schools work on communicative dynamism (Firbas 1964; Dane 1974), adapted by Halliday (1968,
1985,1994).
According to SFL, one fundamental dimension to consider when dealing
with linguistic phenomena is metafunction, defined as clusters of interdependent choices (systems) which map complementary modes of meaning realized in
structures: ideational, interpersonal and textual metafunctions (Matthiessen &
H
alliday 2009). Textually, at the highest level of generalization, the clause is a
message, structured as a communicative event (Halliday 1994:37). It is a quantum of information with waves of prominence and troughs of non-prominence
( Caffarel et al. 2004b), the organization of which varies between different languages according to the realization resources each of them has developed.
Two different and complementary waves of information interact in a clause:

Theme-Rheme and Given-New, deriving from choices in the lexicogrammatical
textual metafunctional systems of theme and information respectively. The
thematic peak of prominence is Theme while the informational one is New, and
it is their complementarity that is relevant for composing a message, giving periodicity to the discourse (Halliday 2002:208). According to Martin (1996:48),
these textual functions construe no meaning apart from the role they play in
contextualizing texts; they have meaning only with respect to patterns of Themes
and patterns of News in a text and in the complementary relation between these
both patterns.
As Martin (1992a:151154) remarked, Fries (1981) has provided evidence for
the discourse motivation for Theme choice, arguing that the pattern of Themes in
a text can be predicted and that this pattern is related to other global aspects of
the text structure. Fries (1981:1415) called method of development (hereafter
MoD) the pattern of experiential meanings referring to a certain semantic field
selected as the Theme of the clauses in a phase of a text. This pattern orients the
reader/listener to an angle on the field, which in turn is sensitive to the genre
structure. Complementarily, the pattern of News elaborates the field to compose
the point of the text (Fries 1981:1415), i.e. the discourse complement of MoD,
the message it [the text] is trying to convey. The MoD anchors the text in an angle
of the field; the point elaborates the information as a source of openness (Martin
1992a:172), contributing to the accomplishment of the purpose of the text.
Martin & Rose (2007) explore the discourse system of periodicity to show
how meanings are packaged in a text as information flow, with bigger waves organizing phases in discourse. In this hierarchy of periodicity, a clause or group of
clauses functioning as hyperThemes predict the pattern of Theme choices in the
unfolding of a phase and macroThemes predict series of hyperThemes in a text
(Martin 1992b:437ff). In turn, in a complementary role, hyperNews and macroNews consolidate the information developed in a phase and longer portions of
discourse, respectively (Martin 1992b:453ff).
As stated above, it is also relevant in SFL typology to distinguish between
the definition of a function and the means of realization in a given language
along the rank scale. In SFL, the lexicogrammatical function of Theme is defined
as orienting listeners/readers to the information developed in the clause, providing the textual, interpersonal and experiential local context in which it has to be
interpreted. In most languages, it is expected that three types of Themes (textual,
interpersonal and experiential) can be realized simultaneously in a clause, the
topical or experiential Theme construing the angle of the field in which it has
to be contextualized (Halliday 1985:34, 1994:37; Martin 1992a:154; Matthiessen
1995:530; Halliday & Mattiessen 2004:64). Regarding the function of New, it is
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defined as what the listener is being invited to attend to as new, or unexpected, or

important, i.e. what is newsworthy, as opposed to Given, the information that is
already known to the listener (Halliday 1994:59).
Halliday (2002) has suggested that the different modes of meanings (metafunctions) engender different modes of expression: particulate, prosodic and culminative structures. Martin (1996:6162) reinterpreted the first of these as being
comprised of orbital and serial structures and he re-labelled the culminative as
periodic. These modes of expression are in turn manifested by different media of
expression, the most important being intonation, sequence and segmental marking. On this basis, Matthiessen (2004:548) points out that the textual periodic
mode of expression, based on degrees of prominence, can be realized in the clause
by means of different media: (a) intonationally, by means of tonic prominence,
(b) sequentially, by prominence at the beginning or the end of the clause, and
(c)segmentally, by means of a marker that indicates the prominent element.
In the English clause, intonation does not realize Theme but New, with the
last clause constituent carrying the major pitch movement in the unmarked case
(Halliday 1994:295298). In this paper the same criterion will be provisionally
considered for Spanish. Topical Theme is realized by different means in different languages. In English, topical or experiential Theme is realized sequentially,
as the first experiential element in the clause. In declaratives, the Subject is the
unmarked choice and other experiential elements coming before the Subject are
marked Theme (Halliday 1985, 1994) (Table 1).
Table 1. Theme and New in the English clause: Sequential realization (the first clause
made ad hoc; the second example adapted from Martin et al. (2010:24))
But
unfortunately
Mary
textual
Theme
interpersonal
Theme
topical
unmarked
Theme
didnt come
to the party
theme
New
Prominence of Theme
In 1876
Shaw
Trough of non
prominence
information
Prominence of
New
joined his mother and sister
in London
marked unmarked Theme

Theme
theme
New
Prominence of Theme
Trough of non prominence
Prominence
of New
information
Theme in Tagalog is realized segmentally, as shown by Martin (2004): it is indicated by the particle ang and located at the end of the clause in the unmarked case,
while marked Theme is signaled out by the particle ay and placed at the beginning
of the clause (Table 2).
Table 2. Theme in Tagalog: Segmental realization
(Martin 2004:258)
Naglaro
ang
bata
played
Th marker
child
unmarked Theme
The child played
Ang
Th marker
bata
ay
naglaro
child
INV
played
marked Theme
The child played
Matthiessen (2004:557) also found that these media of expression can be alternative realizations within the same metafunctional mode of expression not only
across languages but in one and the same system in a single given language (e.g. in
the description of mood in French, according to Caffarel (2006); of information
in English, by Martin (1992b) and Martin & Rose (2007). Teruya (2004:228), in his
description of the system of theme in Japanese, identifies two different strategies
for realizing the function of Theme. The most typical is the segmental realization,
by more than one Theme marker (wa or ga) (Table 3). The least typical, considered
marked based upon discourse evidence, are some initial experiential elements that
function as Theme of the clause even when not signalled by any textual marker.
These elements contribute to the MoD of the text, scaffolding a change of phase
(Martin & Rose 2007) (Table 4).
Table 3. Theme in Japanese: Segmental realization
(adapted from Teruya 2004:227)
Watasi-wa sensei-ni
oseibo-o
sasiageta
I-WA
teacher-NI year-end gift-O gave
Actor
Recipient
Theme
Rheme
Goal
I gave my teacher an end-of-year gift
Process
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Table 4. Theme in Japanese: Segmental + sequential realization (Teruya 2004:230)

1947nen irai
zyozsei-nimo
byoodoo-no kenri-ga
ataeraremasita
Since 1947
women-niMO
equal-NO rights-GA
have been given
Loc: temporal
Recipient
Goal
Process
Theme Circ (marked)
Theme part (unmarked) Rheme
Since 1947, women have also been given equal rights.
As mentioned earlier, the purpose of this paper is to compare the means of

realization of Theme in English and Spanish texts. This work is based on the
manual analysis of fragments of Research Articles collected at random in both
languages for this research from specialized indexed journals of different disciplines (cf.references of primary data, below). The paper shows how English and
Spanish make use of similar strategies to maintain the MoD of a text, through
the interaction between lexical strings and reference chains with the function
of Theme (Fries 1981; Martin 1992). It will be shown, however, that the lexicogrammatical realization of unmarked Theme differs between the languages under
study. In E
nglish, unmarked Theme is realized sequentially, by the first experiential element of the clause, a participant that functions as Subject (Halliday
1994). In Spanish, it is realized by agreement, by means of the verbal affix as a
thematic marker located within the domain of the verbal group indicating the
participant which realizes this clause textual function; this is the case regardless
of whether the agreeing participant is explicit as first experiential element of the
clause, implicit by ellipsis or postponed to the Process. Marked Theme in both
languages is realized sequentially, by locating an element other than the agreeing
participant as the first experiential constituent of the clause. Although the samples analyzed are from written academic texts, the results apply to a wide range
of registers that need to be explored in more extensive work. The exploration of
Theme is first addressed from the perspective of discourse semantics, in terms
of MoD. Reasoning from grammar, the issue of media of expression developed
in Spanish for Theme realization is explored subsequently in order to show the
difference with English.
2. Th
eme in English and Spanish: The declarative clause from above, from
roundabout and from below
As has been predicted for English by Fries (1981), developed by Martin (1992a:434ff)
and found in several languages (Rose 2001, 2005; Martin 2004; Teruya 2004; Caffarel 2006), the system of theme interacts with ideation and identification
discourse systems to realize the MoD, placing, as clause Theme, elements of lexical
strings and reference chains related to the angle of the field selected as the speaker/
writers perspective in the unfolding text. Table 5, for example, shows, in a brief
fragment of English text from the section Methods of a Research Article, how the
lexical elements that function as Theme are in almost all the clauses the sample
and its components (cf. bold elements in Tables from here on).2 This selection of
Themes is predicted by the first clause (a), which is a hyperTheme for the paragraph, and which has a marked Theme (i.e. In this study) indicating the beginning
of a phase in the text. The MoD is then construed by a lexical string that refers to
the sample and its fractions: a terrestrial aquatic DOM sample The source of the
DOM the final DOM product [the final DOM product]3 The whole sample
The sample The acid-insoluble solids [The acid-insoluble solids] The acid
soluble portion The acid soluble sample the solution that passed through the
resin That which was adsorbed onto the resin [That which was adsorbed onto the
resin]. The unmarked Theme of each clause in this text is always a participant that
fulfills the function of Subject. It is relevant to say that, to maintain this MoD, the
text uses two resources: the passive voice and Subject ellipsis. The passive voice
allows making Subject, and then fronting, the lexical item that belongs to the lexical string orienting the reader to the specific angle of the field announced by the
hyperTheme (clauses a, e, f, g, i, j, t, q, r, s, t). The Subject ellipsis, as seen in (d), (j)
and (t), functions as a cohesive resource. As Fries (1981) and Martin (1992) would
predict, the News of the clauses of the paragraph (cf. elements in italics in Tables
hereafter) construe the point of the text, being a source of openness, i.e. giving
varied information relevant to explain the characteristics of the sample used in the
research conducted.
In previous work (Moyano 2008, 2010), the interstratal interaction by means
of realization between periodicity and textual lexicogrammatical resources in
Spanish has been explored initially, i.e. the interaction between theme, lexical
strings realizing ideation and reference chains or ellipsis realizing identification in order to construe the MoD of texts. The interaction of the systems of
theme and information in the declarative clause of Spanish written texts has
also been approached, in order to show how it contributes to the elaboration of the
point, placing newsworthy information towards the end of the clause in the majority of the cases in the registers explored. In that research, the general pattern that
emerged was for the unmarked topical Theme of the declarative Spanish clause
. Following Fries (1981) and Martin (1992) the clauses analyzed for Theme are only the
independent finite clauses.
. In all cases, square brackets indicate ellipsis of the element enclosed.
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Table 5. Theme and New in a fragment of English text (Sleighter et al. 2015)
txt Th
mkd Theme
part Theme
New
In this study,
a terrestrial aquatic was utilized

DOM sample
for fractionation into

various components.
The source of the

DOM
is
from fresh water in

Northern Europe,
the final DOM

product
has been
concentrated
by a proprietary method
d and
[the final DOM

product]
is commercially
available
from FBSciences, Inc.
The whole sample was acidified

to pH<2.
drop-wise with
12M HCl (trace
metal grade,
Fisher Scientific)
Precipitation
The sample
a
b
c
and
was allowed to
occur at room
temperature
was centrifuged
to isolate the solid
acidinsoluble
portion from the liquid
acidsoluble portion.
i
j
and
The acidinsoluble solids
were rinsed
with acidified ultrahigh

quality (UHQ) water
[the acidinsoluble solids]
[were]
freeze-dried
to obtain a dry powder.
k
l
for 40hours.
The acid-soluble
portion
was fractionated further
using C18 solid phase

extraction (SPE, [30]),
to obtain the hydrophobic

retentate portion (i.e.,
what is retained by
the C18 resin) and
the hydrophilic filtrate
portion (i.e., that which
passes through the C18
resin).
The C18 extraction

disk (3M Empore)
was cleaned and activated

(Continued)
Table 5. (Continued)
txt Th
mkd Theme
part Theme
New
using methanol (LC-MS
grade, Fisher Scientific)
and acidified UHQ water.
p
The acid-soluble
sample
q
r
and
s
t
u
and
was passed
at a flow rate
through the C18 <25mL/min
disk
the solution that

was collected
passed through the
resin
as the filtrate.
That which was

adsorbed onto the
resin
was rinsed
with acidified UHQ water
[that which was

adsorbed onto the
resin]
[was] eluted off

the resin
with LC-MS grade

methanol,
to give the retentate
portion.
to be realized by a nominal group functioning as participant, the agreeing participant, i.e. the nominal group controlling agreement with the verbal affix, traditionally considered Subject (e.g. RAE 2010; Di Tullio 2005). Experientially, this
nominal group realizes at clause rank the main participant, performing transitivity
roles such as Actor, Senser, Carrier, as described for English in the work of Halliday (e.g. 1994). However, as Quiroz (2011:50) has demonstrated, the agreeing
participant in Spanish does not contribute to the interpersonal structure of the
clause, since modal responsibility (Subject as defined by Halliday 1994) is realized in this language at word rank by number and person verbal affixation (cf.also
Alarcos Llorach 1994:257).
This realization pattern of Theme in Spanish has been found in different
kinds of reports and explanations in the sciences, in some historical genres and
in research articles, as well as in texts from non-academic registers (Moyano
2008, 2010 and unpublished research). The sequence of agreeing participants
considered Theme in the analyzed texts builds the MoD, as in the English text
shown in Table 5 above. As a first point, these findings contribute to the generalization made from different languages including English by Rose, who has
stated that in many registers the most consistent topical Theme tends to be
the participant identities as the speakers continuous perspective on the field
(2001:112, 114).
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The realization pattern described can be exemplified in the text in Table 6,4 a
paragraph of the Method section of a Research Article in Spanish. In the analysis
performed in Table 6, it can be seen that the MoD is realized by a series of participants that constitute a lexical string related to the angle of the field: the experiment
design and its components: los tratamientos la parcela mayor la parcela menor
El tamao de cada unidad experimental [el tamao de cada unidad experimental] Los 5 surcos centrales 2 surcos 3 surcos los 2 restantes. In a perspective
from above, then, these participants can be considered the Theme of each clause.
The series of Themes in this paragraph building the MoD interact with the series
of News, which build the point: the characteristics of the experiment design.
The participants performing the function of Theme in each clause in Table 6
are the first experiential element. As this phenomenon is very frequent in S panish,
this language has traditionally been regarded as an SVO language (e.g. Silva-
Corvaln 1982, 1983; Delbecque 1991; Bentivoglio 2003). In the SFL framework,
this is probably what has led other researchers to consider the realization of Theme
in Spanish by means of sequence (e.g. McCabe 1999; Ghio & Fernndez 2008;
Moss 2008; Montemayor Borsinger 2009; Ars Hita 2010; Durn 2010; Lavid
etal.2010).
However, as shown in Table 7, the participants integrating the lexical string
that realizes the MoD of the text are the agreeing participants of each clause. This
allows us to propose, then, that in Spanish the verbal affix is a marker, at word
level, that singles out the experiential Theme, located at the level of the clause,
realized in each clause of the text in Tables 6 and 7 by the first experiential element.
Two resources also frequently found in English to maintain the MoD are
exploited in the Spanish text in Tables 6 and 7: the use of ellipsis in the second
clause of a complex (e) and the use of passive voice in (a), (f), (g), (h) and (i), making the selected participant the one that agrees with the verbal affix.
In some texts the MoD is construed by Theme re-iteration (Eggins 1994:303).
As shown in Table 8, a paragraph from the Introduction of another Research Article in Spanish, once the Theme is introduced in the first clause, it is elided in the
subsequent clauses until the participant identity is changed to start another text
phase.
. The Spanish texts used as examples are presented in tables with a rough gloss in English.
At the end of the table a translation into English is provided by the author of the present
article in order to show similarities and differences between the two languages and to give a
clearer idea of the meaning of the text. In translations, what becomes a Theme in the English
version is highlighted in bold.
Table 6. Themes of different clauses construing MoD in Spanish (Scheneiter et al. 2006)
tx
Th
a
b
c
Los tratamientos
fueron
dispuestos
en un diseo de parcelas divididas

con 4 repeticiones.
The treatments
were
arranged
in a split-plot block design with 4

replicates.
La parcela mayor
fue
el cultivar
The biggest plot
was
the cultivar
la parcela menor
el arreglo factorial de los

tratamientos de defoliacin.
and
the smaller plot
the factorial arrangement of

defoliation treatments.
El tamao de cada unidad

experimental
fue
de 9.6 m2
The size of each

experimental unit
was
9.6 m2
[el tamao de cada unidad

experimental]
consisti
de 12 surcos de 4 m de longitud y
0.2 m de separacin.
and
[the size of each

experimental unit]
consisted
of 12 lines 4 m long and 0.2 m of

separation.
Los 5 surcos centrales
fueron
usados
para determinacin de
acumulacin de forraje,
The 5 central lines
were used
to determination of the
accumulated forage,
2 surcos
para mediciones de las

caractersticas estructurales de las
pasturas,
2 lines
for mesurement of the structural

characteristics of pastures
3 surcos
para mediciones de races
3 lines
for mesurements of roots
los dos restantes
para prevenir efectos de bordura.
and
the last 2
to prevent effects of borderness.
h
i
New
participant Theme
The treatments were arranged in a split-plot block design with 4 replicates. The biggest plot was the
cultivar and the smaller plot the factorial arrangement of defoliation treatments. The size of each
experimental unit was 9.6 m2 and [the size of each experimental unit] consisted of 12 lines 4 m long and
0.2 m of separation. The 5 central lines were used to the determination of the accumulated forage, 2 lines
for measurement of the structural characteristics of the pastures, 3 lines for measurements of the roots and
the last 2, to prevent effects of borderness.
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Table 7. Verbal affix as Theme marker in Spanish (Cf. Table 6)

tx Th
participant Theme
New
Los tratamientos
fueron
dispuestos
en un diseo de parcelas divididas

con 4 repeticiones.
La parcela mayor
[fue]
el cultivar
la parcela menor
fue
el arreglo factorial de los tratamientos

de defoliacin.
El tamao de cada
unidad experimental
fue
de 9,6 m2
[el tamao de cada

unidad experimental]
consisti
de 12 surcos de 4 m de longitud y 0,2

m de separacin.
Los 5 surcos
centrales
fueron usados
para determinacin de acumulacin

de forraje,
2 surcos
[fueron usados] para mediciones de las caractersticas

estructurales de las pasturas,
3 surcos
[fueron usados] para mediciones de races
los 2 restantes
[fueron usados] para prevenir efectos de bordura.
d
e
h
i
Table 8. Elided Theme building the MoD in Spanish (Lizzi et al. 2007)
tx Th participant Theme
a
c y
and
d
New
El sistema serrano de Ventania se ubica
en el sudoeste dela provincia de

Buenos Aires, [].
The mountain system of

Ventania
SE locates
in the SW of Buenos Aires Province,

[].
[El sistema serrano de

Ventania]
se extiende
por 170 Km en direccin NO-SE
[The mountain system of

Ventania]
SE extends
170 Km to the NO-SE
[el sistema serrano de

Ventania]
abarca
una superficie de aproximadamente

480.000 ha.
[the mountain system of

Ventania]
covers
a surface estimated in 480.000 ha.

Ventania]
est
compuesto
por tres cordones principales []
[The mountain system of

Ventania]
is composed by three principal chains: []
The mountain system of Ventania is located in the SW of Buenos Aires Province, []. It is extended
170 Km to the NO-SE and [it] covers a surface estimated in 480.000 ha. It is composed of three principal
chains: [].
In this brief Spanish sequence, the topical Theme of each clause is the agreeing
participant (Table 9), whether it is explicitly realized by a fully lexicalized nominal
group or not. In other words, having established an identity (or entity) as the angle
on the field, the textual function Theme is typically not realized lexically in the
next clauses of the phase in Spanish texts. Rather the clauses have an implicit topical Theme, until a new identity is introduced to fulfill this function, or the same
participant needs to be explicitly mentioned again for discursive reasons.
Table 9. Implicit Themes maintaining the orientation to an angle of the field in Spanish
(Cf. text Table 8)
agreeing participant/Theme
tx Th
a
participant Theme
New
El sistema serrano
deVentania
se ubica
[El sistema serrano

de Ventania]
Se extiende

Ventania]
abarca
[El sistema serrano

de Ventania]
Est compuesto
3 pers sg
en el sudoeste de la provincia de
Buenos Aires, [].
3 pers sg.
3 pers sg.
una superficie de aproximadamente

480.000 ha.
por tres cordones principales: []
3.pers sg.
As we can see, Theme ellipsis in Spanish texts contributes to cohesion as a resource

of the discourse system of identification (Martin 1992b:435ff). Halliday &
McDonald (2004:323) note that in the Chinese clause, Theme is presumed information referring to a meaning already stated in discourse or retrievable from the
discourse context, so that Theme can be realized by ellipsis as a referential device.
In Spanish texts, Theme is elided when its experiential meaning can be retrieved
from preceding discourse but, unlike in Chinese for example, verbal affixation
points by agreement in person and number to the participant whose meaning is
retrieved by ellipsis (Table 9).
Indeed, Matthiessen (2004:652) generalizes as a feature of many languages
what he has called referential presumption. This concept considers ellipsis
as the unmarked strategy for continuous anaphoric reference: if a referent is
identifiable and continuous, this is indicated iconically by leaving the reference
implicit (2004:652). Matthiessen also says that this resource is likely to interact with the system of Theme: texts will often have referential chains constituted
by referential presumption with the status of implicit Theme (2004:652). In
Estela Ins Moyano
M
artins(2008:slide78) words, the general world motif is to establish an orientation to the field explicitly via a lexicalized Theme and then sustain that thematic
orientation as implicitly as possible. In Spanish, this resource can be found inside
the clause complex or between clause complexes (Table 10). Differently, in English
texts, elided Subject/Theme is only found inside clause complexes, as shown in
Table 11, from the Abstract of a Research Article: in clause (c), the Subject/Theme
is made explicit in beginning the next clause complex.
Table 10. Ellipsis inside and between clause complexes in Spanish (Cf. text Table 8)
Ellipsis BETWEEN clause complexes
Ellipsis IN clause complexes
tx Th
participant Theme
New
El sistema serrano de
Ventania
se ubica
en el sudoeste de la provincia de
Buenos Aires, [].

Ventania]
Se extiende

Ventania]
abarca
una superficie de
aproximadamente 480.000 ha.

Ventania]
Est compuesto
Table 11. Elided Theme inside the clause complex (Sthl et al. 2016)
txt Th
a
b
c
d
and
unmkd Theme
New
We
review
studies on large-area forest surveys based

on model-assisted, model-based, and hybrid
estimation,
[we]
discuss
advantages and disadvantages of the approaches.
We
conclude
that no general recommendations can be made
about whether model-assisted, model-based, or
hybrid estimation should be preferred.
This interpretation of Theme in Spanish differs from that by a number of scholars.

Typically, as shown in Tables 6 and 7, the agreeing participant realizing Theme
is placed as the first experiential element of the Spanish clause, which has led to
an interpretation of Theme realization in terms of sequence. Consequently, the
Process has been considered one of the available options for topical unmarked
Theme in the declarative Spanish clause, given the fact that the ellipsis of the agreeing participant leaves it as the first experiential clause element (e.g. McCabe1999;
Ghio & Fernndez 2008; Moss 2008; Montemayor Borsinger 2009; Ars Hita 2010;
Durn 2010; Lavid et al. 2010). However, reasoning from discourse, the pattern of
interaction that emerges when applying the sequential interpretation of Theme to
text analysis is not consistent enough with the selection of an angle of the field, as
the experiential meaning of the Process is not part of the relevant lexical string, as
shown in Table 12.
Table 12. Processes in first experiential position in the clause are not consistent enough
with the method of development of the text (Cf. text Table 8)
tx Th
b
d
New
El sistema serrano de se ubica en el sudoeste de la provincia de Buenos Aires,

Ventania
[].
Theme
Se extiende
abarca
una superficie de aproximadamente 480.000 ha.
Est compuesto
In a slightly different interpretation, which nevertheless maintains the realization of Theme through sequence, Taboada (1995:3536) has claimed that the
morphological component of the verb realizes interpersonal and experiential
meaning, so that together with the lexical component of the verb [the Process]
it realizes Theme when they [the morphological and the lexical components of
the verb] appear as the first experiential elements of the clause (cf. also Lavid
et al. 2010:300). This position is based on Alarcos Llorach (1994:257), who has
proposed that in the Spanish clause the verbal affix realizes the Subject while the
lexical component of the verb is the Predicate.
However, in terms of experiential meanings, the verbal affix singles out by
agreement the central or major participant, which is also textually prominent
as Theme and tells us something about its experiential function, via voice. Consequently, the claim for Spanish is that affixation is a textual marker, which on
the basis of the person system signals the experiential meaning selected as topical
Theme. It does so regardless of whether the participant identity is realized explicitly within the boundaries of the clause (Tables 6 and 7) or presumed by ellipsis
from preceding discourse, as shown in clause (e) in Tables 6 and 7 and in clauses
(b), (c) and (d) in Tables 9 and 10.
This is to argue that verbal affixation in Spanish realizes interpersonal and
textual meanings simultaneously, in a similar way to what Martin (1990:16)
proposed for pronominal enclitics in Tagalog. The textual function of the verbal
affix in Spanish is not that of Theme but rather that of a reference device which
Estela Ins Moyano
points out which experiential element fulfills the function of Theme in the clause,
whether realized or elided. It is in this sense that the lexicogrammatical system of
theme interacts with the discourse system of reference. The means of realization of unmarked topical Theme in Spanish, then, is not sequential as in English
(as shown in Table 5), nor segmental as in Tagalog or Japanese: it is realized by
agreement.
In Table 13, three paragraphs from the Method section of a Research Article
in Spanish, the experimental research (el ensayo) is introduced as presumed identity (Martin & Rose 2007:161) in the macroTheme of the text (clause a). From
then on, the characteristics of this abstract entity are presented through the complete phase, as it is demanded by the field of activity and by the genre. One of the
research features, the design (el diseo), is described in the second paragraph,5
which starts with a hyperTheme predicting the content of the whole unit: clause
(b), which is analyzed separately.
As shown in Table 14, the topical Theme of each of the subsequent clauses of
the paragraph, (c) and (d), is the agreeing participant, interacting with elements
of a lexical string referring to the relevant components of the empirical design
(la parcela mayor la subparcela). The text displays a similar strategy in the next
paragraph, developing other relevant aspects of the research, in turn predicted by
the macroTheme (el rea de cada unidad experimental las determinaciones de los
parmetros evaluados). The question marks in clause (b) of Table 14 indicate the
question concerning which element fulfills the function of Theme when there is
no participant explicit or elided in first experiential position.
As expected, what is presented as newsworthy in Table 13 is concerned with
details of the research design, methods of analysis and data construction and evaluation (not transcribed in full), elaborating the point of the text. The New element
of each clause has been identified as the last experiential clause component in
written text, assuming provisionally that in Spanish it is realized by a peak of intonational prominence when read aloud, as outlined as the unmarked choice for the
English clause (Martin 1992b).
Table 15 highlights the fact that clause (b) is structured in a different fashion
to the other clauses in the texts, in what usually has been called inversion: the
agreeing participant realizing Theme is not the first experiential element of the
clause but has been postponed with respect to the Process. The participant identity realized by the agreeing nominal group is introduced by presenting reference
(Martin & Rose 2007:161) as the New element of the clause. This choice is motivated for discursive reasons, i.e. to predict the information that will be deployed
. Paragraph boundaries are indicated by the symbol in transcriptions.
Table 13. A problem identifying Theme in a Spanish text (Bertn & Cepeda 2007)
tx Th
a
participant Theme
New
El ensayo
se desarroll
en un lote con [] un elevado nivel

de infestacin de duraznillo blanco
[], situado en la localidad de
Pinzn (Partido de Pergamino).
The research
SE conducted
in a parcel with [] high levels

of infestation with waxyleaf
nightshade [], located in town of
Pinzn (District of Pergamino)
Se utiliz
un diseo en bloques completos

al azar con arreglo en parcelas
divididas con cuatro repeticiones
SE used
a split-plot randomized block

design with four replicates
arrangement
La parcela mayor
fue
el tratamiento de corte (a 10 cm de
remanente)
The main plot
was
cutting plants treatment (10 cm

remanent)
la subparcela
los diferentes tratamientos de

herbicidas (Cuadro 1), ya sea con
aspersin o equipo de sogas.
and
the subplot
different herbicide application

treatments (Chart 1), ground
sprayer and rope wick applicator.
El rea de cada unidad

experimental
fue
de 5 m de ancho por 8 m de largo.
The area of each

experimental unit
was
5 m wide and 8 m long.
Las determinaciones de
los parmetros evaluados
se realizaron
en el sector central de cada unidad

experimental [].
The determinations for the

evaluated parameters
SE done
in the central sector of each

experimental unit [].
The research was conducted in a parcel with [] high levels of waxyleaf nightshade infestation [],
located in Pinzn town (District of Pergamino). []
A split-plot randomized block design with four replicates arrangement was used. The main plot
was cutting plants treatment (10 cm remanent) and the subplot [were] different herbicide application
treatments (Chart 1), one with ground sprayer and the other with rope wick applicator. The area of each
experimental unit was 5 m wide and 8 m long. Determinations for the evaluated parameters have been
done in the central sector of each experimental unit [].
Estela Ins Moyano
Table 14. First textual analysis: Problems identifying Theme in clause (b)
(Cf.textTable13)
tx Th
participant Theme
New
El ensayo
se desarroll
en un lote con [] un elevado nivel de

infestacin de duraznillo blanco [],
situado en la localidad de Pinzn
(Partido de Pergamino). [].
????????
Se utiliz
un diseo en bloques completos al

azar con arreglo en parcelas divididas
con cuatro repeticiones
La parcela mayor
fue
remanente)
la subparcela,

aspersin o equipo de sogas

experimental
fue
Las determinaciones
de los parmetros
evaluados
se realizaron

experimental [].
method of development: lexical string
the research design and its

components
in the paragraph, about la parcela mayor la subparcela, i.e. the different parts of
el diseo (the design of the experimental research). Although functioning as New,
the agreeing participant el diseo is indeed part of the lexical string displaying
the main features of the experimental research that construe the MoD in Table 14.
In fact, this element is functioning both as Theme and New in clause (b): in other
words, Theme conflates with New.
As shown in the translation into English in Table 13, this arrangement of elements in the clause is not possible in this language. In the Spanish version of the
clause, the Theme is postponed to conflate with New (1); in the English version it
is necessary to make it the first experiential element of the clause, the mandatory
position for Subject (2). In both examples, Theme is marked in bold; in Spanish, as
Theme conflates with New, it is also marked in italics.
(1)
Se utiliz un diseo en bloques completos al azar con arreglo en parcelas
divididas con cuatro repeticiones.
Table 15. Theme conflated with New in clause (b) (Cf. text Table 13)
tx Th
participant Theme
El ensayo
New
se desarroll
en un lote con [] un elevado nivel

de infestacin de duraznillo blanco
[], situado en la localidad de
Pinzn (Partido de Pergamino). [].
Se utiliz
un diseo en bloques completos

al azar con arreglo en parcelas
divididas con cuatro repeticiones
La parcela mayor
fue
remanente)
la subparcela,
[fue]

aspersin o equipo de sogas

experimental
fue
Las determinaciones
delos parmetros
evaluados
se realizaron

experimental [].
b
c
d
method of development: lexical string
the research design and its

components
(2)
A split-plot randomized block design with four replicates arrangement
was used.
In interpretations of the Spanish clause which propose that Theme is realized sequentially, like in English, by the first experiential element of the clause
(e.g. Taboada 1995; McCabe 1999; Ghio & Fernndez 2008; Moss 2008;
Montemayor Borsinger 2009; Ars Hita 2010; Durn 2010; Lavid et al. 2010), the
function of Theme would be realized by the Process in clause (b) in Table 14. As
has been argued above, however, the pattern which emerges from this account
does not provide a consistent MoD, as the Process is not part of the lexical string
orienting to the field: el ensayo se utiliz la parcela mayor la subparcela el
rea de cada unidad experimental las determinaciones de los parmetros evaluados. Conversely, the interpretation proposed in this paper attempts to show how
the Themes of the different clauses construe the MoD of the text as well as how
the sequence of News build the point. Clause (b) plays a function in both of them
(Table 16).
A pattern already found in many languages, including English and Spanish,
is the location of the Circumstance as the first experiential element of a clause,
Estela Ins Moyano
Table 16. MoD in Spanish (Cf. text Table 13)

tx Th
participant
Theme
El ensayo
part Theme New
New
en un lote con [] un
elevado nivel de infestacin
de duraznillo blanco [],
situado en la localidad
de Pinzn (Partido de
Pergamino). [].
se
desarroll
Se utiliz
La parcela mayor
d y
la subparcela,
fue
un diseo en
bloques completos
al azar con
arreglo en
parcelas divididas
con cuatro
repeticiones
el tratamiento de corte
(a10 cm de remanente)
los diferentes tratamientos
de herbicidas (Cuadro1),
ya sea con aspersin o
equipo de sogas
El rea de
cada unidad
experimental
se
Las
determinaciones realizaron
de los parmetros
evaluados
fue
de 5 m de ancho por 8 m
de largo.
en el sector central de cada
unidad experimental [].
interpreted as realizing marked Theme. The Circumstance gives a local orientation to the clause as a message and contributes to the method of development as
a means of organizing discourse in phases and stages (e.g. Martin 1992b; Eggins
1994; Halliday 1994; Taboada 1995; McCabe 1999; Rose 2001; Halliday &
Matthiessen 2004; Caffarel 2004, 2006; Teruya 2004; Ghio & Fernndez 2008;
Moss 2008; Montemayor Borsinger 2009; Ars Hita 2010; Lavid et al. 2010;
Durn 2010).
In Table 17, a fragment of the section Results of a Research Article in English
is displayed and analyzed for Theme. Circumstances in first position in English
texts are considered marked Theme, while the Subject is still considered Theme.
This account is based on the assumption that Circumstances do not exhaust the
meaning potential for Theme (Rose 2001:126127), which is realized as a degree
of prominence or gradient (Berry 1996; Halliday 2002; Matthiessen 2004). In Table
17 the marked Themes are scaffolding discontinuity in the text, adjusting the field
orientation to the type of result that will be taken into account: After inoculation of
most of the strains concerning the rhizosphere bacteria while only forEnsifersp.
(number 1) Concerning the root endophytes, while for the other endophytic
strains for strain number 10, Pseudomonas sp. (number 9), Agrobacterium sp.
(number 15), andRhizobiumsp. (number 16) forAgrobacteriumsp. (number
18) for the other strains (Rhodococcussp. n. 12 andAgrobacteriumsp. n. 14 and
n. 17). Clause (g) and the special case of the existential there in clause (i)aside,
the unmarked Themes orient the readers to the specific results obtained in the
research: the length of the main root inoculation of the twoMicrobacteriumsp.
(numbers 2 and 8) and the twoBacillussp. (numbers 4 and 7) strains inoculation of strains 5, 6 andChryseobacteriumsp. (number 3) a trend of primary root
length increase only seedlings inoculated with strainsRhizobiumsp. (number 11)
andAgrobacteriumsp. (number 13) shorter primary roots a relevant but not
significant difference (p=0.053). The New of the clauses builds the point of the text,
remarking what is relevant in the results obtained in the research.
The purpose of the text in Table 18 is to specify in the Method section of a
Research Article in Spanish the relevant details of one of the design treatments in
the experiment: the herbicide application to the parcels. The phase (Table 19) starts
with a clause that places an abstract identity (by means of grammatical metaphor)
as the first experiential element (Todas las aplicaciones). As the agreeing participant
realizing Theme, it points to an angle on the field: it refers to one of the relevant
practices in the research, performed by two different procedures whose results will
be compared afterwards, in the Discussion section of the Research Article.
Both procedures are introduced by presenting reference (Martin & Rose
2007:161), as New in the same clause (a) (aplicaciones con soga aplicaciones por
aspersin). In the next two clauses, (b) and (c), these procedures are picked up one
by one, as Circumstances.
Taking into account that the Circumstance does not exhaust the meaning
of Theme (Rose 2001:126127; cf. also, for Spanish, Lavid et al. 2010:301), the
agreeing participant postponed to the Process in clauses (b) and (c) realizes the
unmarked Theme of each clause conflating with New.6 The conflation of Theme
. To prove that in (b) the postponed nominal group realizes the agreeing participant, it has
been changed into plural: ... se utilizaron [3 pl] dos [two] proporciones [pl] de cada producto
y agua.... This analysis applies equally to the parallel structure of clause (c).
Estela Ins Moyano
Table 17. Marked and unmarked Theme in English (Abamondi et al. 2016)
txt
Th
a
interp
Theme
mrkd Theme
unmrkd Theme
After inoculation the length of the

of most of the
main root
strains
More
concerning the
specifically, rhizosphere
bacteria,
New
was
comparable
to the control
(not inoculated
seedlings)
or even shorter
(Table 3, see
Additional
file2).
resulted
inoculation
of the two
Microbacterium sp.
(numbers 2 and 8)
and the two Bacillus
sp. (numbers 4 and
7) strains
in a root length
similar (5 %)
to the control;
inoculation of
strains 5, 6 and
Chryseobacterium
sp. (number 3)
to significant
inhibitions
(pvalue <0.05)
of the primary
root length,
led
while only
for Ensifer sp.
(number 1)
a trend of primary was observed

root length
increase
(no significant
difference).
Concerning the
root endophytes,
showed root
only seedlings
lengths
inoculated with
strains Rhizobium
sp. (number 11)
and Agrobacterium
sp. (number 13)
comparable
to the control
(5%),
while for the

shorter primary
other endophytic roots
strains
More
for strain number we
specifically, 10, Pseudomonas
sp. (number 9),
Agrobacterium
sp. (number 15),
and Rhizobium
sp. (number 16)
for
Agrobacterium
sp. (number 18)
i and
there
for the other
strains
(Rhodococcus
sp. n. 12 and
Agrobacterium sp.
n. 14 and n. 17)
were found.
registered
significant
differences
(pvalue <0.05)
a relevant but
not significant
difference
(p=0.053)
compared to
the control;
was observed
was a trend of
lower values
without being
significantly
different from
the control.
Table 18. Introducing marked Theme in Spanish (Bertn & Cepeda 2007)
tx Th
Circ Theme
part Theme
New
Todas las
aplicaciones
se
realizaron
con mochila experimental

de arrastre con una presin
de trabajo de 10 libras.
pulgadas-2 en las aplicaciones
con soga y 20 libras.
pulgadas-2 en las aplicaciones
por aspersin.
All the
applications
SE made
with dragging backpack

with a work pressure
of 10 pounds.inch-2 in
applications by rope wick
and 20 pounds.inch-2 in
applications by spraying.
En las
aplicaciones
con equipo de
soga
se utiliz
una proporcin de cada

producto y agua con
respecto al volumen total del
caldo de aplicacin
In the
applications
by rope wick
SE
utilized
one proportion of each

product and water with
respect to the total volumen
juice for application.
En cambio
en las
aplicaciones
por aspersin
se
utilizaron
distintas dosis de
herbicidasy volumen
de agua proporcionales
a las dosis por hectrea
(Cuadro1).
Conversely
in the
applications
by spraying
SE
utilized
different doses of herbicide

and volumen of water
proportional to the dose per
hectare (Chart 1).
All the herbicide applications have been made with dragging backpack, either by rope wick at
10 pounds.inch2 work pressure, or by spraying at 20 pounds.inch2. When made by rope wick, a
proportionof each product and water with respect to the total volume juice was used. Conversely,
when by spraying, different doses of herbicide and a volume of water proportional to the dose per
hectare wereused.
and New in these clauses is realized by agreement (Table 19) and motivated by
discourse needs: to contribute to elaborating the point of the discourse phase, i.e.
the materials and procedures for each method of application as sub-treatments.
The textual function of the Circumstances as marked Themes is to punctuate the
text in two different moments: one for each procedure.
Estela Ins Moyano
Table 19. A wave with two peaks of Theme and a trough of non-prominence in Spanish
(Cf. text Table 18) (Bertn & Cepeda 2007)
tx Th
Circ Theme
part Theme
part Theme
New
Todas las
se
aplicaciones realizaron
con mochila
experimental de
arrastre con una
presin de trabajo de
10 libras.pulgadas-2
en las aplicaciones
con soga y 20 libras.
pulgadas-2
en las aplicaciones
por aspersin.
En las
aplicaciones
con equipo
de soga
se utiliz
una proporcin
de cada
producto y agua
con respecto al
volumen total
del caldo de
aplicacin.
En
en las
cambio aplicaciones
por
aspersin,
se
utilizaron
distintas dosis
de herbicidas
y volumen
de agua
proporcionales
a las dosis
por hectrea
(Cuadro1).
New
3. Final remarks
In this paper, a discourse analysis of periodicity of English and Spanish text has
been carried out to show comparatively how the function of Theme is realized in
the declarative clause of both languages and which strategies they develop to construe the MoD of the texts.
As has been said, Matthiessen (2004:548) points out that the textual periodic mode of expression, based on degrees of prominence, can be realized in the
clause by means of different media: (a) intonationally, by means of tonic prominence, (b)sequentially, by prominence at the beginning or the end of the clause,
and (c) segmentally, by means of a marker that indicates the prominent element. M
atthiessen (2004:557) also found that these media of expression can be
alternative realizations within the same metafunctional mode of expression, not
onlyacross languages but in one and the same system in a single given language
(e.g. descriptions of mood in French, according to Caffarel 2006; of information
in English, by Martin 1992b and Martin & Rose 2007; of theme in Japanese by
Teruya 2004). It is necessary, then, to ask which of the media of expression, if
only one, prevails over the others to manifest thematic prominence in English and
Spanish.
As demonstrated by Halliday and his colleagues (e.g. Halliday 1968, 1985,
1994; Fries 1981; Martin 1992; Matthiessen 1995; Caffarel et al. 2004b; Halliday&
Matthiessen 2004), Theme in English is realized by means of sequence, i.e. the
first experiential element of the clause. Unmarked Theme is realized by the Subject, while marked Theme is realized by any other experiential element located
before the Subject, mostly a Circumstance. However, as the Circumstance does
not exhaust the meaning potential of Theme (Rose 2001:126127) and the mode
of realization of Theme is periodic (e.g. Berry 1996; Martin 1996; Halliday 2002;
Matthiessen 2004), it is important to consider as the thematic zone of the clause
that which includes the marked and the unmarked Theme, the former punctuating the text to scaffold difference, the latter scaffolding continuity.
Considering the thematic clause structure of languages other than Spanish
(e.g. English by Halliday 1994; Tagalog by Martin 1983, 1990, 2004; Pitjantjatjara
by Rose 2004; Japanese by Teruya 2004; French by Caffarel 2006; Portuguese by
Gouveia & Barbara 2006), variations and generalizations in Theme realization
across languages analyzed by Rose (2001) and the evidence provided in this paper,
the function of Theme in the Spanish declarative clause, different than in English,
is realized by two media of expression:
a. by agreement, by means of a thematic marker located within the domain of
the verbal group, i.e. the verbal affix, which indicates the nominal group realizing the clause function of unmarked Theme, i.e. the agreeing participant.
This is so whether the agreeing participant is explicit as the first experiential
element of the clause, implicit by ellipsis or postponed after the Process in
order to make it conflate with New. Spanish therefore adds a fourth medium
of realization to the three identified by Matthiessen (2004:548), as mentioned
above.
b. sequentially, by locating an element other than the agreeing participant as the
first experiential constituent of the clause as a resource deployed for marked
Theme, i.e. the Circumstance or a non-agreeing participant, as is the case also
in English.
Intonation is not a means of realization of Theme in English or in Spanish; it is
presumably the preferred means of expression for New. However, intonation is
Estela Ins Moyano
a resource to highlight Theme as New in Spanish. This is likely to occur when

Theme is realized by a participant changing identity to show contrast, in a similar
fashion as stated for the English clause by Halliday (1994:39).
Consequently, based on discourse considerations and evidence provided so
far, it is possible to propose that English and Spanish deploy similar strategies to
maintain the MoD of a text while realizing the function of Theme with very different lexicogrammatical resources. In both languages, MoD is realized by lexical
strings or referencial chains that orient the reader to an angle of the field. Unlike
in English, in Spanish it is likely to find that Theme conflates with New in some
clauses, so the MoD is deployed in a slightly different fashion. However, at the
lexicogrammatical level, while the realization of Theme in English is sequential,
the resource used in Spanish is agreement.
Finally, it should be pointed out that whereas this paper has only considered
the declarative clause in academic discourse, it sets the basis for the future exploration of texts from different registers.
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Lizzi, Jos M., Martn F. Garbulsky, Rodolfo A. Golluscio & Alejandro V. Deregibus. 2007.
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Authors address
Estela Ins Moyano
Instituto del Desarrollo Humano, Of. 5024
Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento
(B1613GSX) Los Polvorines
Pcia. de Buenos Aires
Argentina
emoyano@ungs.edu.ar
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Theme in English and Spanish

Different means of realization for the same

Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento

English Text Construction 9:1 (2016), . doi 10.1075/etc.9.1.10moy

Theme in English and Spanish

framework of Systemic Functional Linguistics (hereafter SFL). It is relevant to

Estela Ins Moyano

meaning-making resources are shared by the different languages at higher levels

Theme in English and Spanish

Two different and complementary waves of information interact in a clause:

Estela Ins Moyano

defined as what the listener is being invited to attend to as new, or unexpected, or

joined his mother and sister

marked unmarked Theme

Trough of non prominence

Theme in English and Spanish

teacher-NI year-end gift-O gave

I gave my teacher an end-of-year gift

Estela Ins Moyano

Table 4. Theme in Japanese: Segmental + sequential realization (Teruya 2004:230)

have been given

Theme Circ (marked)

Theme part (unmarked) Rheme

Since 1947, women have also been given equal rights.

As mentioned earlier, the purpose of this paper is to compare the means of

Theme in English and Spanish

Estela Ins Moyano

a terrestrial aquatic was utilized

for fractionation into

The source of the

from fresh water in

the final DOM

[the final DOM

from FBSciences, Inc.

The whole sample was acidified

The acidinsoluble solids

with acidified ultrahigh

[the acidinsoluble solids]

was fractionated further

using C18 solid phase

to obtain the hydrophobic

The C18 extraction

was cleaned and activated

Theme in English and Spanish

the solution that

That which was

with acidified UHQ water

[that which was

[was] eluted off

with LC-MS grade

Estela Ins Moyano

Theme in English and Spanish

en un diseo de parcelas divididas

in a split-plot block design with 4

The biggest plot

el arreglo factorial de los

the smaller plot

the factorial arrangement of

El tamao de cada unidad

The size of each

[el tamao de cada unidad

[the size of each

of 12 lines 4 m long and 0.2 m of

Los 5 surcos centrales