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3.0 OBJECTIVES
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There is ambiguity about India's position in the global power structure. This arises from
the fact that India neither commands a subject role in international politics nor is it a
minor power. This unit seeks to analyze the changing position of India in the global
power structure. After going through this unit, you should be able to:
3.1 INTRODUCTION
International political system, since its inception in the 17"century, is organised on the
principle of sovereign equaIity of the states. In actual practice, the hierarchy of power
structure renders this equality of states a myth. However, as some of the ingredients of
power capabi lities, the economy and society are under constant change, the position of
a state in the power hierarchy is subject to change A nation which is an enslaved
country at one span of time could emerge as a major power at another period of time.
This unit seek to analyse the position ofIndia in the global power structure by examining
the country's hard power and soft power capabilities. Before we do so, it will be useful
to identify the features of the present global power structure.
The global power structure in the post-war years has undergone significant changes.
Initially, the Cold War conflict between the two superpowers gave rise to a bipolar power
structure. Most nations had little option other than to join or side with one or the other of
the superpowers.However, this situation could not continue for long as the United States
weakened its position because of prolonged engagement in Vietnam. The global power
structure started heading towards a multi-polar order dominated by the United States,
Soviet Union, Europe, Japan and China. However, before such arrangement could
consolidate, the Soviet Union disintegrated.The United States emerged as the sold state
deserving of the appellation 'mono superpower' as a possessor of systemic capabilities
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and influence. The other possible contenders for the role remained simply as either
Just as there is a tenacious drive apparent on the part of India to acquire major power
role, there is an equally a powerful resistance to it on the part of the existing major
powers, principally the US and, in the recent years, China. In the early years, concerned
that India's activist role would circumscribe its influence in the developing power, the
US adopted a policy of regional containment of India. This containment policy involved
the building up Pakistan militarily and siding with it in the SouthAsian regional conflict.
It also involved the denial of material and technological assistance that could contribute
to India's hard power capabilities. Since the 1970s, particularly after India demonstrated
its nuclear capability by detonating a nuclear device in 1974, the major powers have
evolved a sanctions regime aimed at denying all technologies that might contribute to
India's nuclear and missile capabilities. In the post-Cold war period, the US intensified
its efforts to institute a nuclear non-proliferation regime that would preserve the nuclear
monopoly of the five major powers while denying it to emerging powers such as India.
China's policy towards India has also been one that ofcontainment. Since 1963, China
has actively sided with Pakistan in the latter's conflict with India and has cooperated
with Pakistan in building its nuclear and missile capabilities by supplying technology,
components and materials.
1)
2)
3)
How have the major powers sought to contain India's power projection
capabilities?
the area of military capabilities, India's conventional capabilities are no match for
those of the maior Dowers. though it can boast of the third largest armed forces after
China and tlie United States. Moreover, it capabilities for long range or rapid
deployment are limited relative to the five major powers. India's power projection
capabilities are limited by the need to provide active defence on two fronts-one with
the smaller but determined adversary, Pakistan and the other with the major power in
the north, China.
In terms of economic power, India, as it stepped into the new millennium, has emerged
as the fourth largest economy in the world in Purchasing Power Parity, next only to
US, China and Japan. However, its GNP is only $ 4 5 0 billion, and with a per capita
income of only $450, India ranks low compared to any of the major powers. About 300
million of its population, that is, 30 percent ofthe population, lives below the poverty
line. Even in terms of economic competitiveness, in the year 2000, India ranked fortyninth. India's weak economic position is critical because other elements of power,
such as military capability and the productivity of the population, tend to increase
largely along with economic advancement.
In terms of population size, India is next only to China. But, population is both an asset
and a curse for India. Its state of Uttar Pradesh (176 million) holds more population
than that most ofthe major powers, Russia (147 million), UK (59 million), and France
(59 million). India's middle class, which is estimated to he around 300 million and pool
of scientific manpower which is the third largest in the world, is definitely an asset,
especially as all tlie major powers (barring China) are likely to depend on the Indian
human resources because of their falling birth rates and ageing population. However,
India's large numbers of unskilled and illiterate people are a bane for the country's
power capability.
It is difficult to draw comparisons with regard to soft power indicators as these are
intangible. Soft power resources complement hard power resources and in the
increasingly interdependent world, their importance as low cost means for exercising
and preserving a state's power externally is becoming important.
Major Powers use norrns to legitimise their international status. In this regard, India's'
normative influence has been reasonably high in the developing world. India has been
a consistent voice on behalf of the developing countries. As a leader of the nonaligned movement, it has championed global equality and new international economic
order. This stance lias been manifest in India's positions at the international trade
talks and in the United Nations forums such as the UNCTAD. Further, India's own
track record as a democracy also enhances its normative power.
Major Powers use institutions to legitimise their position. In this context, India has
been an active member of several international economic institutions and regimes.
It has exercised institutional power from time to time, through its leadership in
G-77, G-20 and the non-aligned group. It's contribution to tlie UN peacekeeping efforts
since the early 1950s also enhance its institutional influence.
India, however, ranks low in other sources of soft power such as state capacity, strategy
and national leadership. Indian state has been unable to develop adequate strength to
generate loyalty and discipline among its population. In the 1960s, India was even
described as a 'soft state' because of its failure to enforce enacted policies. In the
area of strategy and diplomacy, India's record has been mixed. While the anti hegemonic
theme of its diplomacy helped in establishing a role in the global institutions, forging
third world solidarity and helped in bargain on North and South issues, it alienated the
US and the Western countries, which attempted to contain and balance India by propping
LIP a weaker Pakistan. National leadership, important to translate other power resources
into international influence, also has been a mixed bag. In tlie early years after
i n d e p . 'snce, India's international influence lias been mainly because of the
commanding leadership of Jawaharlal Neliru. Though India became inward looking
after the reverses in the 1962 Sino India war, Mrs Indira Gandhi did exert some influence
overseas.
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these circumstances, tlie US initiated a strategic dialogue with India. The result was a
tacit and partial accommodation on the part of the US to India as a de facto nuclear
weapon state, even as the US formally remained committed to its ultimate aim of
nuclear non-proliferation. Other major powers, barring China, have initiated strategic
dialogue with Iodia. China is most adversely affected by India's rise to a nuclear
weapons power, as it could end China's unhindered hegemony over Asia. It was most
critical of the Indian tests and irritated by the US dialogue with India, but it too has
come round to establislling normal relations with India and even engaged in a security
dialogue with it. Thus, within two years of the tests, there was a sea change in the
treatment of India by major powers. The nuclear tests have increased India's political
and diplolnatic bargaining power with the other major powers, as evident in the strategic
dialoglies that it has begun to engage in with all the major powers. India is now also
taken seriously, even if not universally, as a candidate for the major power status.
Having repositioned itself from being a middle power in the international system to
become a candidate major power, India has been working towards achieving permanent
membership for itself in the restructured Security Council of the United Nations. For
quite some time now, there has been a demand to restructure the UN Security Council
to reflect tlie changes in the global powef structure. In this context, the acquisition of
permanent membership ill the Security Council will dramatically improve the Indian
power position in the global power structure. As we noted earlier, institutions have
been a source of sofi power capabilities. Established powers have often used institutions
to legitirnise their position. Rising powers such as China have also been increasingly
using institutions in orderqo fi~r-thertheir power ambitions. India already exercises
institutional power intermittently through its leadership in G-77, G-20 and the nonaligned group. Its contribution to the UN peacekeeping operations also provides India
with some institutional influence. By any possible benchmark for membership, India's
claim for a UN seat is the strongest among tlie contenders like Japan, Germany,
Indonesia, UAE, BraziI etc.
its society. Externally, it has to successfully deal with the containment efforts of the
major powers and the find a legitimate place in international institutions of governance.
1)
Soft power resources are the intangible resources such as norms, leadership role
in international institutions, culture, state capacity, strategy, and national leadership.
Soft power capabilitiesare less coercive and enable the state to inspire consensus
(agreement) and to co-opt (persuade others to share the same goals).
2)
Major Powers have command, most, if not all, the elements of power. They have
the will and capabilities to determine the nature of international system. In other
words, they have global or continental interests and their security goals are beyond
territorial defence, and include the maintenance of balance of power and order
in international system.
Middle powers, on the other hand, are often dominant or pre-eminent in a certain
region. They do not have the leverage to influence the course of the international
system as a whole, but possess sufficient capabilities to resist unwelcome decisions
of the major powers.
3)
Middle powers are the potential challengers of hegemony of the major powers.
Major Powers therefore, seek to contain the influence of middle powers within
the region. India's aspirations for major power status have been checked by
containment policies adopted by the US and China. Both these powers have not
only built up Pakistan's military capabilities but also sided with it in the South
Asian regional colhflict. The US, in addition, sought to check the growth ofIndia's
military and industrial capabilities in the guise of strengtheningthe non-proliferation
regime.
India is seen as a rising power for two important reasons. First, its hard power
capabilities, while lagging behind those of the major powers, are appreciably
higher than those of the other regional powers. Secondly, India is strengthening
its position in almost all indicators of hard power capabilities, though the level of
improvement varies from one area to another.