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A CULTURAL HISTORY

OF THE HUMAN BODY

IN THE
MIDDLE AGES

Oxford New York

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English edition
First published in 2010 by
Berg
Editorial offices:
First Floor, Angel Court, 81 St Clements Street, Oxford OX4 1AW, UK
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA
Linda Kalof 2010
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form
or by any means without the written permission of
Berg.
Berg is the imprint of Oxford International Publishers Ltd.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN 978 1 84xxx xxx x (volume 2)
978 1 84520 495 2 (set)
Typeset by xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx.

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Printed in the UK by the MPG Books Group


www.bergpublishers.com

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A Cultural History of the Human Body


General Editors: Linda Kalof and William Bynum
Volume 1
A Cultural History of the Human Body in Antiquity
Edited by David H. Garrison
Volume 2
A Cultural History of the Human Body in the Middle Ages
Edited by Linda Kalof
Volume 3
A Cultural History of the Human Body in the Renaissance
Edited by Linda Kalof and William Bynum
Volume 4
A Cultural History of the Human Body in the Age of Enlightenment
Edited by Carole Reeves
Volume 5
A Cultural History of the Human Body in the Age of Empire
Edited by Michael Sappol and Stephen P. Rice
Volume 6
A Cultural History of the Human Body in the Modern Age
Edited by Ivan Crozier

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contents

List of Illustrations

vii

Series Preface

ix

Introduction
Monica H. Green

1 Birth and Death


Katharine Park

19

2 Health, Disease, and the Medieval Body


Ann G. Carmichael

43

3 The Sexual Body


Ruth Mazo Karras and Jacqueline Murray

63

4 The Body Inferred: Knowing the Body through the


Dissection of Texts
Fernando Salmn
5 Bodies and the Supernatural: Humans,
Demons, and Angels
Anke Bernau

81

103

6 Beautiful Bodies
Montserrat Cabr

127

7 Bodily Essences: Bodies as Categories of Difference


Monica H. Green

149

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vi

CONTENTS

8 The Diversity of Human Kind


Monica H. Green

173

9 Cultural Representations of the Body


Samantha Riches and Bettina Bildhauer

191

10 Self and Society


Sylvia Huot

215

Notes

233

Bibliography

277

Notes on Contributors

307

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CHAPTER SIX

Beautiful Bodies
montserrat cabr

Studying the history of human beauty is a difficult endeavor as it was a complex aspect of medieval experience. It is not uncommon to think of beauty as
a set of positive, desirable, and historically determined ideal traits forming a
canon. Frequently, the subject is not studied as a meaningful element of medieval culture but as an insignificant, even frivolous topic irrelevant to social
life. However, the theme is loaded with rich nuances that generate a series of
important questions such as the manipulation of bodies to re-create sexual difference, the social relations between women and men, the capacity of humans
to embody moral authority, or the malleability of cultural norms by individuals. In the Middle Ages there were many discourses of the beautiful, probably
as many as there were subjective perceptions of corporeal aesthetics and shared
ideals of the self. As a result of this diversity, the traces medieval beauty has left
are of very different kinds and can be either of a descriptive or practical nature,
of philosophical or religious character. Some of these discourses are extensive
and coherent and address beauty directly; most are fragmented or scattered
into thematically irrelevant digressions. If we were to look at them together,
these discourses might even contradict each other. A few took direct issue with
rival visions; many lived geographically in parallel or intersected without facing opposition. Others simply coexisted closely without entering into dialogue
or competing for preeminence.
What may or may not be seen as beautiful in an English leprosy house does
not necessarily meet the standards of Icelandic warriors or those commonly

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appreciated within the walls of a castle in Provence. What counts as beautiful


in a palace in al-Andalus may have been different from what a Jewish community or a Cistercian nunnery envisioned. Thomas Aquinas (12251274) approached the embodiment of beauty in a different vein than twelfth-century
Salernitan women, who may have differed from Irish farmers in their practices
and opinions. What precisely constitutes the embodiment of human beauty
differs according to time, social circumstance, and place, as well as the impact
that sexual difference had on all those. Neither can the willingness of individuals to embody beauty be taken as a universal principle. Nevertheless, there are
significant features that broadly define how beauty was understood in medieval culture.
Most medieval philosophersChristian, Muslim, and Jewishagreed that
beauty was an intrinsic potential quality of all existent things and beings, proportional to their degree of effective perfection. Beauty was the result of a state
of harmony with nature. Beauty could manifest itselfand be perceivedin
material entities as well as in spiritual substances; human bodies were an

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FIGURE 6.1: Ugly features: head and


torso of a naked man covered with
spots. Glossulae Quatuor Magistrorum, London, Wellcome Library, Ms.
544/4, fol. 25r. Wellcome Image number
L0037335, early fourteenth century.

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expression of both the inner self and the outer appearance of individuals.
As a general definition, medieval beauty was conceived as aesthetic pleasure
and ugliness as aesthetic distaste.1 Nonetheless, ugliness was not opposed to
beauty even if both qualities were mutually exclusive. A face without badlooking features resulting from skin illness might have been closer to perfection
but was not necessarily considered to be beautiful.
Latin Europe inherited a rich vocabulary to name beauty and ugliness,
and the two comprehensive concepts were associated with moral qualities.2
Generally speaking, Western cultures conceived beauty as the aesthetic aspect
of pleasure and the good; in contrast, ugliness embodied aversion but also
wickedness. This connection is made concrete, for instance, in the dedicatory
preface of an anonymous thirteenth-century Anglo-Norman text on cosmetics for women. Its composition is justified by explaining that women need to
preserve and improve their beauty since they had lost its enduring condition
as a result of divine punishment over their giving in to diabolic temptation.3
This moral framework welcomed literary and iconographic images that emphasized the beauty of the body of the Virgin.4 Nevertheless, the path from
perfection to imperfection was a gradation composed of many layers, and the
association of physical and moral qualities was not fixed in one direction but
malleable in practice. In one of the most compelling instances, suffering filthy
bodies could be described as beautiful.5 In such cases, it was the moral goodness
inherent in the imitation of Christs passion that expanded to the physicality of
the body expressing beauty. And this was not the case only in religious contexts.
Lay literature also provides examples of how worthiness took precedence
over ugliness when both qualities were present in a single individual, as Sylvia
Huots chapter in this volume shows. The embodiment of signs of male heroism could also be seen as alluring, and bleeding, wounded knights adorned
with battle scars were found especially beautiful.6 The positive value of good
behavior extended to the perception of corporeal appearance, and the same
was the case with ugliness: The Arthurian giant of Mont Saint-Michels is ugly
because he is bad.7 An example of how unthinkable the association of beauty
with wickedness was is found in Chaucers The Wife of Baths Tale (ca. 1380s
1390s). A knight who had been forced to marry an old and ugly woman is
given the chance to change the situation. Through his spouses magical powers
he can decide whether she will change to become young and beautifulbut
unfaithful and bad behavedor remain old and ugly but loving and faithful.
Since he could not bear to make a decision, he returns to his wife the power of
resolution: After such a generous move, the wife determines to be both good
and beautiful.8

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Besides the moral aspects accorded to the appearance of medieval bodies,


Christian, Muslim, and Jewish cultures shared three basic principles or criteria
with which to judge physical beauty: light, proportion, and clarity. Although
clarity was often associated with bright colors, particularly in Christian traditions, it was a more comprehensive concept closer to cleanliness. In fact, a
copious amount of medical texts in Latin, Hebrew, and Arabicas well as all
other vernacular languagesexplained to health practitioners and laypeople
how to clean the surfaces of human bodies from all kinds of imperfections, as
a main way to embellish their appearance.9 A diversity of notions also shared
an understanding of beauty as a quality of youth; the physical traits of the
young body would necessarily go through a gradual process of decay. Especially characterizing the path to old age were wrinkles and white hair, as well
as the loss of teeth, skin dryness, and the growth of hair in the ears; these were
considered signs of the spoil of beauty in both women and men. Slowing down
the inevitable decrepitude of the body was seen generally as a valid concern
that included the care of the skin and hair in order to retain as much as possible a young look.10
If there was not a single medieval canon of beauty, the diversity of contemporary notions understood the perception of corporeal beauty as an experience
apprehended through the senses; accordingly, seeking to have a beautiful body
involved the goal of pleasing those senses. Although sight was privileged as
the most comprehensive, all of them were involved in the process of aesthetic
judgment. Only smell could appreciate odors, which constituted a significant
aspect for measuring beauty, while touch could evaluate the softness of the
skin. Hearing felt the voice, a highly valued physical trait in the Middle Ages,
and taste could also be at work, since sweetness was often praised as a feature
enhancing the beauty of lips.

BEAUTY AND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE

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The experiencing of beauty through the senses was also a fundamental medium
to create and re-create sexual difference. Medieval bodies were basic vehicles
to construct identity as well as malleable sites of both the most visible and the
most intimate of human experiences. Beauty was the result of a negotiation
between self-construction and outer perception where the individual and social
dimensions cut across. Central to such negotiation was sexual difference, as
beauty was part of, and contributed to shaping, the different social roles that
women and men played.

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As a potential quality of human beings, beauty had different symbolic value


depending on whether it was embodied by men or women. Womens worth
was often associated directly with beauty, as an essential feature of their social existence, whereas mens honor was primarily related to features of moral
character.11 While writing to praise the city of Salerno in southern Italy in the
1090s, William of Apulia celebrated how feminine beauty abounded in that
region, opposing this feature to the plentiful probity that epitomized Salernitan
men.12 The same is true of ugliness, as the close connection between wickedness and the lack of beauty considered inherent to old age was formulated
clearly for women (the vetulae) but not for men, particularly in the misogynistic traditions arising from the thirteenth century on. Whereas old women were
portrayed as ugly, bad, and dangerous, old men were depicted as worthy and
honorable and their physical traits described more neutrally.13
This close connection between women and beauty is found in allegorical
literature as well. The personified Beauty in the popular part of the Romance
of the Rose (ca. 1230) by Guillaume de Lorris was portrayed as a most worthy
and beautiful lady whose qualities rightly attracted the God of Love.14 In fact,
beauty was intimately associated with love and erotic desire in the courtly
tradition. Andreas Capellanus started the first chapter of his book on love
written between 1174 and 1186defining that extreme feeling of affection as
a certain inborn suffering derived from the sight of and excessive meditation
upon the beauty of the opposite sex, which causes each one to wish above
all things the embraces of the other and by common desire to carry out all of
loves precepts in the others embrace.15 Indeed, love for a particular individual could have the effect of preventing the appreciation of beauty in other
people. This idea was behind courtly culture and was reflected in the poetry of
male and female troubadours who sang the worth and beauty of their beloved.
Medieval physicians explored the pathological conditions presented by certain
noblemen who suffered from lovesickness or excess love, an affliction caused
by the diseasing effects of an unreasonable apprehension of beauty, among
other circumstances.16 Beyond gaze, nonvisual forms of beauty could also be
at the center of male heterosexual arousal. The power of the female voice was
seen as an able weapon to arouse men; this notion was adduced in theological
debates against the appropriateness of womens preaching in public. Also, it
was feared that the exposure of womens beauty and the gracefulness of their
movements could lead a man to desire a woman sexually, although as Henry of
Ghent (d. 1293) and other theologians ascertained, it is chiefly the sweetness
of her voice and the pleasure of hearing her words that does this.17

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FIGURE 6.2: Beauty and sexual difference. The female body as fragile and available.
Fragments of a Latin version of Ibn Butlan, Tacuinum sanitatis, Granada, Biblioteca
Universitaria, Universidad de Granada, Cdice C-67, fol. 110ra, fifteenth century.
Biblioteca Universitaria, Universidad de Granada.

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Christian, Muslim, and Jewish cultures shared patriarchal ideals that considered female beauty more fragile than male beauty and thus in need of special
care. In the words of Ibn Hazm (d. 1064), manly beauty is the truer, the more
solidly established, and of higher excellence, since it can endure, and that without shelter.18 While sharing a common aesthetic ground, every culture produced different models of male and female beauty that are embedded in literary
sources as well as in texts dealing with the care of the body. Literary sources
portray ideals of individual beauty while judging as positive the physical features of the characters that play the lead in the stories, usually people from
the high ranks of society. A beautiful noble warrior from England or northern
France, for instance, had pale skin, long and curled hair, and a tall, strong, and
well-proportioned body. Nonetheless, it was not uncommon in fictional texts
to portray the physical features of individuals of low social status as opposed
to the beauty of those of higher ranks; therefore, nonnoble peasants of the period were portrayed as dark skinned with coarse, disproportioned features.19
Icelandic family sagas honored masculinity by favoring strength and fair skin
but considered short hair to be the standard of male beauty.20

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Descriptions of ideal female beauty are much more detailed and frequent
than of male beautywith the exception of Icelandic culture, which privileged the literary visibility of the male bodyand could also differ according
to status. As for men, white skin was generally highly valued for aristocratic
women; however, there may be exceptions to this since popular literature from
southern Europe seems to portray brunette girls in positive terms, associating
their exposure to sunlight with their working conditions.21 From the twelfth
century on, when depictions of an ideal beautiful woman start to appear regularly in literary texts of the courtly tradition, descriptions vary in length but
are quite consistent with the following canonical traits: fair hair; pink and
white face; tender and soft flesh, free from spots or sores; radiant forehead;
arched brows; eyes widely and properly spaced; straight and well-formed nose;
bright eyes; full-lipped mouth; sweetly scented breath; red lips and gums; wellproportioned neck; and small, round, and firm breasts; and a well-formed
and slender body; a woman would also appear nicer if elegantly well dressed.
This basic literary canon derived from classical models, but it was subject to
cultural, ethnic, and regional adaptations.22
Health-care texts of a practical nature also inscribed the relationship between beauty and sexual difference, offering a great variety of possibilities
to intervene on body surfaces with the aim of keeping or improving beauty.
They were of nonnormative character and did not insist on a fixed canon,
either for women or for men. For instance, they listed a wide range of beautifying recipes that often led to the attainment of contrary goalsfor example,
dyeing hair black, red, or blond. Many of the recipes were clearly intended to
be applied to both sexes, as attested by multiple preparations for skin care or
for the improvement of bodily odors that populate medical and surgical texts
without being addressed to a particular sex. Likewise, certain features of ideal
body shapes were similar for women and men. For example, small breasts were
highly valued in women who were not expected to breastfeed, and cosmetic
tracts regularly contain poultices to reduce them; ideal male breasts were also
small, and some surgical texts (particularly in those of Arabic influence) included operations to reduce both testicles and male breasts.23 In fact, compared
to other traditions, Arabic medicine and surgery were significantly concerned
with human beauty generally and embraced the care of the appearance of the
male body prominently, and through their reception via Iberia and southern
Italy, they influenced Western cosmetic practices and texts. Nevertheless, beautifying procedures were often aimed at either women or men, whether the gendered audience was addressed straightforwardly or indirectly, defining what
was beautiful and desirable for each sex.

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Generally speaking, men were advised to clean their bodies, comb their
hair, wash their hands, and clean their teeth and nails, but they were directly
instructed not to paint their face or wear makeup since, as the Romance of
the Rose states, only women do that, and those [men] of evil reputation who
have unfortunately found an unlawful love.24 Male homoerotic behavior
considered unmanlycame together with beautifying practices portrayed as
the propriety of women to the extent that the men who took interest in them
were called similar to women (effeminate). But the most comprehensive instance of the sexed character of beauty is body hair. Male ability to grow hair
was understood as the physiological result of mens higher stage of completion, and it was considered a mark of masculinity; on the contrary, the absence
of hair signaled femininity.25 Mens use of fake beards and their care of the hair
of the head and face is well attestedincluding dyeing gray hairwhereas
women were concerned with depilating every body surface except the head.
Medieval physicians and natural philosophers understood the distribution
of the hair on the body as an expression of a basic physiological distinction
between male and female complexions, explaining hair in males as a result of
their specific way of concocting naturally the superfluous bodily substances
that women processed through menstruation. While literally hundreds of depilatories were aimed at women, preparations to grow beards were thought
to be only for men. If there was a lack of harmony with nature and men had
too little and women too much hair, as was often the case, beauty was legitimately pursued with the help of human artifice. However, determining what
was considered an appropriate use of the beautifying arts was the subject of
debate. Tensions ran particularly high concerning the intensity of womens
involvement.

NATURE VERSUS ART OR THE ALLIANCE


OF ART WITH NATURE

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Human beauty was conceived of as a state of harmony with nature; beautiful


and desirable bodies belonged to people who acted appropriately and according to their inner character. When personified, Nature herself was presented
as a beautiful goddess or lady, depicted as a dressed and well-arrayed female
figure holding moral authority. This notion of beauty as harmony was behind
philosophical, religious, and medical views that considered nature the source,
judge, and enforcer of right living; she dictated norms to look after and nurture
such accord. Proportion, balance, and order were valued but fragile qualities
of nature, and moderation was a treasured attitude needed to maintain them.

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Inherent qualities might be disguised but could not by definition be altered in


a profound way.26
Within this framework, the artful pursuit of human beauty was thought
of as both legitimate and unlawful, depending on how, why, and by whom
it was sought. Supplementing beauty to the extent of surpassing ones place
in the natural order was considered illicit in the medical and theological traditions.27 Nonetheless, if the art was used to promote or enhance what were
considered to be natural qualities or to perform functions ascribed to them by
nature, aids to maintain and improve beauty were considered appropriate
like caring for body hair according to what was appropriate for ones sex.
For married women, the alliance between nature and art could be desirable,
if with beautifying practices they prevented their husbands from falling into
the sin of adultery, as Thomas Aquinas argued.28 The beauty of women and
men embodied the honor and status of those whom they served. This capacity of bodies to express both self-dignity and the dignity of others they were
related to allowed some religious women to make extensive rightful use of artificial adornment. In the twelfth century Rhenish abbess Hildegard of Bingen
(10981179) conceived her nuns bodily embellishments as a service to God
since they embodied His divine goodness and beauty.29 However, if beautifying
artifices were considered to be used to contravene or cheat the natural order
Gods creationthey were thought to be illegitimate. This tendency to threaten
nature was regularly ascribed to women, particularly in the misogynistic traditions that reemerged in thirteenth-century Europe.
The tension between the natural and the artificial expressed patriarchal
anxieties over the maintenance of a natural order defined in male terms,
since diatribes against the improper use of adornment and cosmetics with the
aim to embellish their bodies were thoroughly directed toward women. Together with misogynistic literature, from the thirteenth century on, conduct
books for women written by male authors regularly taught them how to care
for their appearance, although the limits that the authors proposed differed
considerably.30
Anxieties encompassed deceit, often perceived as the result of womens
strategies of disguise to attain certain instances of self-control. The most compelling association of cosmetics with immoral deceit concerns prostitution,
albeit similar arguments were made regarding marriage relationships. Peter
the Chanter (d. 1197) and Thomas of Chobham (ca. 11601236) agreed that
prostitutes who faked beauty with makeup should not be allowed to keep
their earnings since they cheated their clients. Cheating was also at the heart
of certain descriptions of the use of cosmetics by able-bodied beggars who

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FIGURE 6.3: Personification of Pride

(Superbia) as a female figure beautifying herself with mirror. Moral,


Allegorical and Symbolical Extracts
and Exempla. London, Wellcome
Library, WMS 49/4, fol. 57r (detail).
Image number L0023291, ca. 1420
1430.

AuQ1

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simulate bodily infirmity by applying herbs or ointments to their bodies in


order to make swollen wounds.31 Manipulating the appearance of their bodies, beggars controlled what they meant to society by presenting themselves as
unable to work and thus appealing not to beauty, leading to desire, but to piety,
leading to charity.
From the patristic age through scholasticism and early humanism, Christian authors associated both bodily adornment and public silence with women;
preaching theorists linked them with ornateness and superficiality, qualities
of eloquent speech that did not transmit the truth of Christianity.32 In line
with this association was the idea that rejected embodiment as a proper representation of menan idea also rooted in ancient thought. Francesco Petrarca
(13041374) recounted an anecdote in which Socrates, meeting a young,
beautiful boy who remained silent, asked him to speak, for it was words, not
his face, that made him visible.33 Women, instead, were regarded as visible
through their physicality and urged to remain silent. Christine de Pizan (who
was born in Venice in 1364 and died in Poissy in about 1431) stands as the
first medieval woman who explicitly and directly disrupted this opposition.
In her 1405 works The Book of the City of Ladies, a prose allegory in defense
of women, and The Treasure of the City of Ladies or the Book of the Three
Virtues, a conduct book for women, she took issue with those who maintained
that beauty was an ideal sought exclusively by women.

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In the City of Ladies, Christine ascribes bodily adornment to both women


and men and separates this practice from the terrain of seductive behavior.
While considering extended criticism toward women, Christine shows herself
to be preoccupied with the general opinion that women who adorn themselves
do so to seduce men. She engages in a conversation on the feminine love of
adornment with Lady Rectitude, one of the three allegorical characters that
construct the narrative dialogue of the text together with the authorial voice.
The conversation begins with a consideration that wise women (qui ont aucun
savoir) should avoid passionate love, since it could turn out to be dangerous
and harmful to them:
My lady, you were quite right before when you said that passionate love
was like a perilous sea. From what Ive seen, women with any sense
should do everything they can to avoid it, for they only come to great
harm. Yet, those women who want to look lovely by dressing elegantly
come in for a lot of criticism, because its said that they only do so in
order to attract attention from men.34
The answer she obtains does not deny that adorning oneself is indecent but
does deny that is a feminine vice, as well as asserting that women who do it are
not necessarily trying to seduce men:
My dear Christine, [says Droiture], its not my business to try and find
excuses for those women who are too fussy and obsessive about their
appearance, for this is no small failing in a person. Wearing clothes that
arent fitting to ones station in life is particularly reprehensible. However, whilst Ive no intention of condoning such a vice, neither do I want
anyone to think that they have the right to lay more blame than is strictly
necessary on those who make themselves beautiful in this way. I can assure you that not all women who do this are interested in seducing men.
Some people, not just women but also men, have a legitimate taste and
natural bent for taking pleasure in pretty things and expensive, elaborate
clothes, as well as in cleanliness and fine array. If its in their nature to
behave like this, its very difficult for them to resist, though it would be
greatly to their credit if they did.35
With this statement, Christine breaks with the idea that improving ones
own beauty is nothing but a strategy of enticement that women use to please
men, as well as a type of individual behavior attributed exclusively to them. In

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fact, in order to deny the inevitability of the relationship between adornment


and seduction, Christine uses the story of a holy man who dressed sumptuously, the apostle Saint Bartholomew. She does not consider this practice as a
sin of vanity but as a natural instinct without direct connection to the sex of
its practitioner. According to this, adornment should not be judged in moral
terms, since only God can make such judgments:
Wasnt it written of Saint Bartholomew the Apostle, a man of high birth,
that he spent his whole life draped in fringed robes of silk which were
hemmed with precious stones, despite the fact that Our Lord preached
poverty? Though such behavior is usually rather pretentious and ostentatious, Saint Bartholomew cant be said to have committed any sin because it was in his nature to wear expensive clothes. Even so, some do say
that it was for this reason that Our Lord was content for Bartholomew to
be martyred by being flayed alive. My reason for telling you these things
is to show you that its wrong for any mortal creature to judge anothers
appearance; God alone has the right to judge us.36
To support her opinions, as is usual in the City of Ladies, Christine offers as
examples events from the lives of women in the distant past. Citing Boccaccio
(13131375) and Valerius Maximus (fl. 30 c.e.), Lady Rectitude summons the
Roman Claudia, a patrician woman who dressed sumptuously and who was
very desirous of beautiful ornaments. This inclination meant for her fierce opprobrium to her virtue, until a miracle by the great goddess Pessinunt proved
the critics wrong. During the Second Punic War, the sailors of a ship on the
Tiber could not get it into the harbor:
Claudia, who was well aware that her behavior had been misconstrued
because of her appearance, knelt down before the statue and prayed out
loud to the goddess. She declared that the goddess should know that
her chastity was intact and her purity unsullied and so should grant her
the favor of letting her pull the ship into port by herself. Trusting in her
virtue, Claudia took off her belt and tied it to the rails of the vessel.
To everyones amazement, she then towed it in as easily as if all the sailors
in the world were rowing it to shore.37

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Christine makes it clear that chastity and beauty are not incompatible and
that purity and love of adornment may both inhabit a virtuous woman, as
they could accompany masculine proper conduct. In line with disrupting the

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association of male heterosexual desire and feminine adornment so dear to the


misogynistic traditions, she explains how mens attraction toward women is
not always related to female coquetry and seductive behavior. This statement
is important, since as a result womens efforts to improve their sex appeal
through their appearance would not be necessarily successful:
Even supposing that the reason women put such efforts into making
themselves beautiful and seductive, elegant and alluring, were because
they wanted to attract male attention, Ill prove to you that this does not
necessarily mean that the men who are decent and sensible are going to
fall more quickly or more heavily for them. On the contrary, those men
who value integrity are more readily attracted to women who are virtuous, honest and modest, and love them more deeply, even if they are less
glamorous (moins fussent belles) than flirts such as these.38
Christine frees women from being responsible for how men treat them,
no matter whether they are virtuous or find pleasure in adorning themselves.
As much as love of adornment is neither sexed nor intrinsically imbued with a
negative moral judgment, the practice of modesty may also attract men sexually toward women. She illustrates this reflection with the example of Lucretia,
a Roman matron who was desired by her husbands friend Tarquinius Sextus
because of her modesty and virtuosity, not for her investments in beautifying her image. In the absence of her husband, she refused Tarquiniuss approach but was nevertheless raped, an act that caused her great misery and
distress.39 Christine concludes that it is not what women do that determines
male behavior:
Now, some might retort that, since its a bad thing to appeal to men in the
first place, it would be better if those women who used their virtue and
modesty to catch mens eyes didnt in fact possess such qualities at all.
However, this argument is utterly worthless: one shouldnt refrain from
cultivating things which are good and useful just because some idiots use
them unwisely.40
Once it is made clear in the City of Ladies that adorning oneself is not necessarily related to seduction and that any human creature may be involved in
such behavior, the Book of the Three Virtues is concerned with giving women
practical advice on how to properly care for their appearance. In the turmoil of
the political crisis in France in her day, after having created a strong defense of

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womens worthiness, Christine intends to restore feminine authority through


education, offering a guide of conduct to the next generation of women expected to rule the French kingdom.41 While exposing the temptations that a
princess might have, Christine does not leave aside jewels, ornaments, and capricious dress as part of the pleasures to which a woman may surrender.42 Her
critique includes men and women who do not limit their dress to match their
status and considers the appreciation of adornment to be a French feature,
unknown in other places. She particularly warns about the perils that it may
provoke in domestic economies when the boundaries are not properly kept.43
Christine also considers that womens interest in adornment might have
negative consequences for womens alliances, since it might arouse envy among
them, leading to the rejection of potentially beneficial friendships. In this line,
she opposes the influence that husbands might have on their wives if they encourage them to engage excessively in beautifying themselves, since it may
deprive them of profitable relationships with other women while being instrumentally used as a standard of male power:
But what makes it even worse is that the wicked husbands (for there
are such) get them started and actively encourage them in this folly.
Or alternatively, if they do not do that, they grow angry with their wives,
thinking, I have a greater claim to nobility than a certain other man, so
my wife should take precedence over his. And the other will think in his
turn, But I am richer, or hold a higher post (or something like that), so
I will not stand for his wife taking precedence over mine! Good Lord,
what presumption and what senseless! Such outrageous behavior absolutely ought not to be allowed among Christians!44

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In the Book of the Three Virtues, Christines insistence that women should
maintain themselves within the margins of what is acceptable within the dominant gender system should be related to her commitment to look for strategies
that not only acknowledge but also sustain feminine authority. Christine insists
on the notion of balance as the key to maintaining order and sums up five
reasons why women should avoid extravagant appearance: It is a sin and displeases God to be so attentive to ones own body; it is not a source of praise but
of demerit; it is financially impoverishing; it is a bad example to others, tempting them in their zeal to excel; and, finally, a woman wearing an inappropriate
or extravagant outfit may rouse in another woman envy or a longing to dress
above her station, which is a thing that displeases God very much.45

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Her arguments on adornment coincide partially with those given by male


natural philosophers, theologians, and canonists, inasmuch as they shared the
idea of harmony as the key to maintaining health in bodies, both political and
physiological. But unlike them, her notion of natural order embraced feminine
authority, and womens bodily dignity was rooted in their own worth rather
than subjected to mens desire and control.

WOMENS KNOWLEDGE ON BEAUTY


The strong association of medieval women with beauty extended to another
aspect. In a wide variety of sourcesincluding misogynistic textswomen
were portrayed not only as particularly prone to embellishing themselves
but also as experts on how to maintain and attain beauty. Monica Green has
noted that womens prominent role in cosmetics was unique compared to any
other area of body care.46 Women were perceived as knowledgeable agents of
cosmetic procedures and as authors of texts to aid the promotion of human
beauty.
The recognition of women as authors of cosmetic literature was rooted
in antiquity. Whether they literally wrote on this and other topics of medical concern has been the subject of scholarly debate, since remaining sources
about women writers and their works are few and unclear. However, beyond
the difficulty of identifying historically individual authors and their texts, late
antiquity left to the Middle Ages a rich heritage of recognizing the authority
of women in the cosmetic domain. The Greek physician Galen (129ca. 217
c.e.) acknowledged Elephantis as an expert in cosmetics, and various medical sources from the second century onincluding Galen himselfmention
a woman named Cleopatra as the author of a cosmetic treatise that has not
been identified to the present day.47 During the early Middle Ages the name
Cleopatra functioned as a figure of authority in medical matters concerning
women, and the name came to be identified with the Egyptian queen Cleopatra
VII (6930 b.c.e.). A Latin tract on gynecologyknown in two versionsand
a collection of pessaries, unrelated to any cosmetic treatise, were also spuriously ascribed to her, and the texts and their attribution to Cleopatra enjoyed
a certain degree of popularity.48 For most of the Latin Middle Ages, Cleopatras
name as author was associated only with gynecology, but the Arabic tradition
kept alive the ancient ascription to her of a cosmetic treatise. The Cordoban
_
_
author Avenzoar (Abu Marwan b. Zuhr, ca. 10901162) acknowledged her
as a predecessor in his cosmetic compendium.49 Ibn al-Jazzar (b. ca. 898 c.e.)

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_
_ _
mentions her authorship, and Qusta ibn Luqa (ca. 830910) explains that
he himself used her work devoted to enhancing womens beauty in a text
known in the Latin West from the twelfth century on.50 By the first half of the
fifteenth century, scattered references that associate Cleopatra with a cosmetic
tract reappear in learned literature, probably as the result of the transmission
of the Arabic and Galenic traditions.51 During the Renaissance, an influential
author of a cosmetic treatise acknowledged her as an ancient authority on
beauty to the extent of wondering before his readers whether the anonymous
source he used to write his text, identified only as the work of a Greek queen,
could be attributed to her.52
The medieval connection between ancient texts, queenship, and womens
authority over beautifying procedures took yet another vein. A Greek compendium on womens conditions ascribed to a certain Metrodora is known
in a single twelfth-century copy but was probably written originally in late
antiquity or the early Middle Ages.53 Metrodoras text consists of a compilation of recipes for gynecological matters followed by a section of cosmetic
recipes on embellishing the female breasts, face, hands, and feet and improving
bodily odor with perfumes. The text states that one of the recipes devoted to
the care of the face was used by Berenice, the Egyptian queen also called Cleopatra, a significant mention as there are no other authoritative references for
the cosmetic procedures described in the text. But the textual and contextual
connection between these two women went further. The gynecological part of
Metrodoras compendium closely resembles a Latin text from late antiquity
or the early Middle Ages, On the Diseases of Women (De passionibus mulierum), known in two versions. The actual author of this text is unknown, but
it was ascribed in the Middle Ages to various medical authorities, including
Cleopatra.54 This is, in turn, similar to the medieval gynecological treatise that
circulated under Cleopatras name, and its Renaissance editor ascribed it to
her. By the sixteenth century, then, the Egyptian queen Cleopatra had become
the author of a gynecological compendiumpart of which had been in fact the
work of a Greek woman named Metrodoraas well as of a lost text on cosmetics whose first ancient mentions ascribe it to a Cleopatra, without reference
to her status or birthplace.
But the steadiest medieval attribution of a cosmetic text to an individual
woman originated in twelfth-century southern Italy, and from there it soon
spread widely throughout western Europe. The city of Salerno was a lively
center of medical learning, and its geographic location favored the confluence
of different peoples, cultures, and traditions. The strong influence of Arabic
medicine and its distillation of ancient lore acted as intellectual stimuli for the

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composition of new texts that eventually had an important impact in Latin


Europe. One significant product of such an atmosphere is the treatise entitled
Womens Cosmetics (De ornatu mulierum), a practical description of cosmetic
preparations presented in a head-to-toe order. This text originally circulated in
an anonymous manner, and the earliest known versions present clear traces of
male authorship. In the thirteenth century Womens Cosmetics was compiled
together with two other texts written by different authors, as Monica Green
has demonstrated. The compendium was called The Trotula, a name that derives from Trota, a medical authoress active in twelfth-century Salerno, and
then that title was misunderstood as the alleged authoresss name. Womens
Cosmetics was the most far-reaching medieval text on cosmetics and circulated
extensively as the work of a womans pen. In the sixteenth century one of its
editors questioned the Trotulas authorship in favor of an ancient male slave,
opening up a long debate that lasted until the manuscript sources were studied
in depth.55
But in the Middle Ages, as the accompanying image vividly shows, Trotula
functioned as a female figure of authority on the global care of the female body.
Either as the title of Latin and vernacular texts on womens medicine or as the
embodiment of a woman writing on womens physical concerns, Trotula was
associated with authoritative knowledge on womens health.
A meaningful instance of how the Middle Ages understood that knowledge about beauty belonged to the domain of womens health is a late fourteenth-century Catalan text entitled Trtula, intended to give women practical
medical advice. Unlike other Latin and vernacular texts dealing with cosmetics, master Joans treatise is clearly addressed to women to aid them to care
for themselvesnot to health practitioners involved with womens health
delimiting what could be conceived as a sphere of ordinary self-care.56 It is also
significant because it presents the treatment of the female body as a comprehensive enterprise including gynecological concerns, guidance for heterosexual
coupling, and recommendations for healthy living in the form of a regimen of
health. Maintaining and enhancing beauty is by far the lengthiest of the topics
considered; probably commissioned by a woman of the Aragonese royal family, the text shows both noblewomens interest in having extensive collections
of written recipes as well as how health practitionersfirst physicians, and
later surgeons and barberswere ready to assign to cosmetics an important
place within their working notion of womens health. Neither in the learned
medical literature nor in treatises addressed to laymen is it possible to find
analogous interest in cosmetics on the part of men or in any operative notion
of male health.57

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FIGURE 6.4: Trotula as a female figure of authority on womens health. Compendium


on womens medicine containing On Womens Cosmetics (De ornatu mulierum).
London, Wellcome Library MS544, fol. 65r. Image number L0015682, early fourteenth
century.

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Female figures embodied authority in cosmetic writings; however, most medieval recognitions of womens knowledge pertaining to beauty were given
in an anonymous or generic form. Most often the acknowledgments are very
general, for instance, there are women who do it, followed by a specific
recipe explaining how to make a certain ointment, poultice, oil, or water to
apply on a surface of the body or the hair to pursue a desired effect. But cosmetic texts sometimes also mention particular women, referring to them by the
place they were born or lived rather than by their personal or family name. It is
important to note that the bulk of these mentions are of Muslim women, particularly acknowledged as beauty experts in cosmetic literature. In his original
rendering, the male author of the Salernitan Womens Cosmetics refers several
times to the practices of Muslim women as his own source, even claiming to
have seen one of these knowledgeable women undertaking her art in Sicily.58
Following this pattern, later vernacular authors also ascribed to Muslim
women certain cosmetic procedures. A Saracen woman from Messina is mentioned on six occasions as an expert on cosmetics in a text that also acknowledges Trota, as well as Salernitan and other Italian women. Although Jewish
women may occasionally also be called on, Christian authors of cosmetic texts
attributed knowledge about beauty to Muslim women, writing down recipes
thatwhether copied from earlier texts or notthey claim to have learned
from them.59 This may have been a marketable strategy to validate certain recipes and exotic styles considered precious since we know that Christian women
mirrored Muslim womens fashions, at least in western Europe, and womens
interactions related to beauty knowledge across religious lines seem plausible.60
But it clearly shows an openness to valuable beauty knowledge coming from
Middle Eastern cultures. Arabic medicine embraced cosmetics within its learned
tradition, a tradition that largely influenced the medieval West. If the works of
reputed Arabic physicians and surgeons were admired in Latin Europe, Christian sources also unambiguously distinguish Muslim womens expertise in the
art of beauty treatments. Women were hence portrayed not only as the final
receivers of cosmetic recipes to be applied on them but also as active producers of the collective knowledge that the texts recorded and disseminated, often
through male authors.
Nevertheless, the most common way that knowledge on beauty was transmitted in the Middle Ages was not through lengthy written texts but oral
communication and hands-on learning face-to-face. Although this is a difficult sphere to trace, womens collections of cosmetic recipes in the context
of household practice emerge in the late Middle Ages, as well as instances
of recipe exchange, witnessing the extent to which beauty knowledge was

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FIGURE 6.5: The queen Semiramis with her courtesans. http://commons.wikimedi.a.org/


wiki/File:QueenSemiramis2.jpg.

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produced, valued, and shared among women in the course of their ordinary
lives.61
Medieval notions of beauty envisioned it as a moral quality that people
embodied in different ways. Pursuing beautiful bodies involved creating and
re-creating sexual difference, since aesthetic canons for women and men differed. Human beauty was legitimately sought by women and men, whose willingness to embody beauty through adornment and body care was perceived to
help maintain harmony with the natural order. However, beauty had different
symbolic value in women and men. Beautiful male bodies were more dependent on moral features, whereas female beauty was physically embodied: Men
were culturally visible through their use of the public word, women through
their appearance. Moreover, womens looks were deemed to represent male

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dignity and honor rather than to epitomize the women themselves. Anxieties
over womens adornment expressed tensions over controlling these sociosymbolic functions, and they were contested explicitly at length by Christine de
Pizan. But male control was also ordinarily challenged by womens practices
of embellishing themselves as well as by their extensive production of knowledge on human beauty, whether transmitted orally orno doubt much less
oftenin written form. No other area of expertise on the body has a history of
acknowledging female authority and womens authorship that is as steady as
actions and texts intending to bring forth beautiful bodies.

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NOTES

93. Ibid., vol. 1, bk. 5, chap. 14, p. 334.


94. See Margery Kempe, The Book of Margery Kempe, ed. B. A. Windeatt (Harlow:
Longman, 2000).
95. From H. T. Riley, The Chronica Monasterii S. Albani, Rolls Series 28, pt. 3 (London: Longmans, 1866); trans. by and cited in Shinners, Medieval Popular Religion, item 2, pp. 22122.
96. Sawles Warde, 213.
97. Ancrene Wisse, 174.
98. As the demon says to Saint Margaret, Thats the thing I hate most under the sun,
people running often to confession of their sins. St. Margaret, p. 298.
99. Caesarius, Dialogue on Miracles, vol. 1, bk. 5, chap. 47, p. 382. There are many
examples of stories in which the sign of the cross protects the one who makes it
from evil; one of the most dramatic is in the life of Saint Margaret, in which the
sign of the cross that she makes as the demon-dragon tries to swallow her causes
him to burst asunder.
100. St. Juliana, 314.
101. A Song of Praise to Our Lord, in Savage and Watson, Anchoritic Spirituality,
326.
102. Keck, Angels, 168.
103. St. Michael the Archangel, 58586.
104. St. Margaret, 298.
105. Ancrene Wisse, 156.

Chapter 6

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1. Research leading to this article has been generously funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, project HAR200802867/HIST. For general introductions, Umberto Eco, Art and Beauty in the Middle Ages, trans. Hugh Bredin
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986); and Umberto Eco, History of
Beauty, trans. Alastair McEwen (New York: Rizzoli, 2004).
2. Pierre Monteil, Beau et laid: Contribution une tude historique du vocabulaire
esthtique en latin (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1964).
3. Pierre Ruelle, Lornement des dames (Ornatus mulierum): Texte anglo-normand
du XIIIme sicle (Brussels: Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles, 1967), 32.
4. Katherine Allen Smith, Bodies of Unsurpassed Beauty: Living Images of the
Virgin in the High Middle Ages, Viator 37 (2006): 16787.
5. Caroline W. Bynum, The Female Body and Religious Practice in the Later Middle
Ages, in Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human
Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone Books, 1991), 23134.
6. Claudio da Soller, The Beautiful Woman in Medieval Iberia: Rhetoric, Cosmetics
and Evolution (PhD diss., University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005), 41. Available
online at http://edt.missouri.edu/Summer2005/Dissertation/DaSollerC-072205D2926/research.pdf (accessed September 8, 2008).
7. Jan Ziolkowski, Avatars of Ugliness in Medieval Literature, Modern Language
Review 79, no. 1 (1984): 9.

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261

8. Geoffrey Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, ed. A. C. Cawley (London: Everymans Library, 1992), 18091. My thanks to Sylvia Huot for bringing this tale to my attention in relation to the moral values of beauty and ugliness.
9. On the important relationship between cleanliness and beauty, Anne-Laure Lallouette, Bains et soins du corps dans les textes mdicaux (XIIeXIVe sicles), in
Laver, monder, blanchir: Discours et usages de la toilette dans lOccident mdival,
ed. Sophie Albert (Paris: Presses de lUniversit Paris-Sorbonne, 2006), 3349.
10. Marie-Thrse Lorcin, Rides et cheveux gris dans les ouvrages de Roger Bacon,
in Les soins de beaut: Moyen ge, dbut des temps modernes; Actes du IIIe Colloque International Grasse (2628 avril 1985), ed. Denis Menjot (Nice, France:
Facult des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Universit de Nice, 1987), 25359.
11. On this phenomenon see R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention
of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
12. Monica H. Green, ed. and trans., The Trotula: A Medieval Compendium of Womens Medicine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 4.
13. Jole Agrimi and Chiara Crisciani, Savoir mdical et anthropologie religieuse:
Les reprsentations et les fonctions de la voetula (XIIIeXVe sicle), Annales 48
(1993): 12811308.
14. Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun, The Romance of the Rose, trans. and
intro. Frances Hogan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), vv. 9851016,
pp. 1617.
15. Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love, trans. John Jay Parry (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960), 28.
16. See Mary Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages: The Viaticum and Its Commentaries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 18889.
17. Alcuin Blamires and C. W. Marx, Woman Not to Preach: A Disputation in British Library MS Harley 31, Journal of Medieval Latin 3 (1993): 58; and Alcuin
Blamires with Karen Pratt and C. W. Marx, eds., Woman Defamed and Woman
Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), 252.
18. Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Beauty in Arabic Culture (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener,
1999), 65.
19. M. Bennett, Military Masculinity in England and Northern France c. 1050c.
1225, in Masculinity in Medieval Europe, ed. D. M. Hadley (London: Longman,
1999), 79.
20. Jenny Jochens, Before the Male Gaze: The Absence of the Female Body in Old
Norse, in Sex in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Joyce E. Salisbury (New
York and London: Garland, 1991), 329.
21. da Soller, Beautiful Woman, 5758.
22. D. S. Brewer, The Ideal of Feminine Beauty in Medieval Literature, Especially
Harley Lyrics, Chaucer, and Some Elizabethans, Modern Language Review 50,
no. 3 (July 1955): 25769; Lorris and Meun, The Romance of the Rose, vv. 53272,
p. 10; and Francisco A. Marcos-Marn, Masculine Beauty vs. Feminine Beauty
in Medieval Iberia, in Multicultural Iberia: Language, Literature and Music, ed.
Dru Dougherty and Milton M. Azevedo (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1999), 2239.

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NOTES

23. Michael R. McVaugh, The Rational Surgery of the Middle Ages, Micrologus Library 15 (Florence: SISMEL/Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2006), 21618.
24. Lorris and Meun, The Romance of the Rose, vv. 215363, p. 33.
25. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science,
and Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 18183.
26. Katharine Park, Nature in Person: Medieval and Renaissance Allegories and Emblems, in The Moral Authority of Nature, ed. Lorraine Daston and Fernando
Vidal (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2004), 5073; Joan Cadden, Trouble in
the Earthly Paradise: The Regime of Nature in Late Medieval Christian Culture,
in Daston and Vidal, Moral Authority of Nature, 20731; and Valentin Groebner,
Complexio/Complexion: Categorizing Individual Natures, 12501600, in Daston and Vidal, Moral Authority of Nature, 35783.
27. Frdrique Lachaud, La critique du vtement et du soin des apparences dans
quelques oeuvres religieuses, morales et politiques, XIIeXIVe sicles, Micrologus 15 (2007): 6186. For medical and surgical discussions, Walton O. Schalick,
The Face behind the Mask: 13th- and 14th-Century European Medical Cosmetology and Physiognomy, in Medicine and the History of the Body, ed. Yasuo Otsuka, Shizu Sakai, and Shigehisa Kuriyama (Tokyo: Ishiyaku EuroAmerica, 1999),
295311; Laurence Moulinier-Brogi, Esthtique et soins du corps dans les traits
mdicaux latins la fin du Moyen ge, Mdivales 46 (2004): 5572; Mariacarla Gadebusch Bondio, Medizinische sthetik: Kosmetik und plastische Chirurgie zwischen Antike und frher Neuzeit (Munich: Wilhem Fink, 2005), 3169; and
McVaugh, Rational Surgery, 21529.
28. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, trans. Fathers of the Dominican Province, 2nd rev ed. (1920), 2.2.169.2, http://www.newadvent.org/summa/3169.
htm#article2 (accessed September 8, 2008).
29. Marir Martinengo, Larmonia di Ildegarda, in Libere di esistere: Costruzione
femminile di civilt nel Medioevo europeo, by Marir Martinengo, Claudia Poggi,
Marina Santini, Luciana Tavernini, and Laura Minguzzi (Turin, Italy: Societ Editrice Internazionale, 1996), 923.
30. Susan Udry, Robert de Blois and Geoffroy de la Tour Landry on Feminine Beauty:
Two Late Medieval French Conduct Books for Women, Essays in Medieval Studies 19 (2002): 90102.
31. The quote is from a Summa on the Corpus juris civilis by Bolognese jurist Azo,
written between 1208 and 1210 and later incorporated into the ordinary commentaries of this legal code. Sharon Farmer, Surviving Poverty in Medieval Paris:
Gender, Ideology, and the Daily Lives of the Poor (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 2002), 6669.
32. Marcia L. Colish, Cosmetic Theology: The Transformation of a Stoic Theme,
Assays: Critical Approaches to Medieval and Renaissance Texts 1 (1981): 314;
and Claire M. Waters, Dangerous Beauty, Beautiful Speech: Gendered Eloquence in Medieval Preaching, Essays in Medieval Studies 14 (1997), http://
www.illinoismedieval.org/ems/emsv14.html (accessed September 8, 2008).
33. Bene Socrates, cum decorum adolescentem tacitum vidisset, Loquere inquit ut
te videam: non tam in vultu putabat videri hominem, quam in verbis. Francesco

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NOTES

34.
35.
36.
37.
38.

39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

263

Petrarca, Invective contra medicum, in Opere Latine II, ed. Antonieta Bufano,
Basile Anacri, and Clara Kraus Reggiani (Turin, Italy: Unione Tipografico-Editrice
Torinese, 1975), 848. Cf. Fernando Salmn, Quis enim possit investigare rationes, imaginationes et memorias anime: Las funciones del cerebro y sus alteraciones en la medicina escolstica, Quaderns dItali 11 (2006): 12.
Christine de Pizan, The Book of the City of Ladies, trans. Rosalind Brown-Grant
(London: Penguin, 1999), 188.
Ibid., 188.
Ibid., 18889.
Ibid., 189.
Ibid., 190; the French quotation is from Maureen Cheney Curnow, The Livre de
la cit des dames of Christine de Pizan: A Critical Edition (PhD diss., Vanderbilt
University, 1975), 958.
Christine de Pizan discusses rape in a previous chapter. City of Ladies, 14748.
Ibid., 190.
Maureen Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority: Christine de Pizans Cit
des dames (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 24683.
Christine de Pizan, The Treasure of the City of Ladies or the Book of the Three
Virtues, trans. Sarah Lawson (London: Penguin, 1985), pt. 1, chap. 3, p. 40.
Ibid., pt. 2, chap. 11, pp. 13335.
Ibid., chap. 12, p. 136.
Ibid., pt. 3, chap. 2, p. 149.
Monica H. Green, The Possibilities of Literacy and the Limits of Reading: Women
and the Gendering of Medical Literacy, in Womens Healthcare in the Medieval
West (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2000), 3237, 4976.
For a learned overview of ancient womens medical writings, Rebecca Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine in the Classical World, Classical Quarterly 57,
no. 1 (2007): 25779.
Holt N. Parker, Women Doctors in Greece, Rome, and the Byzantine Empire,
in Women Healers and Physicians: Climbing a Long Hill, ed. Lilian R. Furst (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1997), 149; and Green, Trotula, 213. A list
of extant manuscripts can be found in Monica H. Green, Medieval Gynecological Texts: A Handlist, in Womens Healthcare, appendix, pp. 810; Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine.
Rosa Kuhne, La medicina esttica, una hermana menor de la medicina cientfica,
in La medicina en al-Andalus, ed. Camilo lvarez de Morales y Ruiz-Matas and
Luisa Fernanda Aguirre de Crcer (Granada, Spain: Junta de Andaluca, 1999),
202.
Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, Qusta ibn Luqas Physical Ligatures and the
Recognition of the Placebo Effect: With an Edition and Translation, Medieval
Encounters 1, no. 1 (1995): 8, 42.
Enrique de Villena (13841434) refers to her as an authority on perfumed oils and
waters and as the author of a book of her cosmetics; he was familiar with De
physicis ligaturis. Villena, Tratado de aojamiento, ed. Anna Maria Gallina (Bari,
Italy: Adriatica editrice, 1978), 11516.

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52. Giovanni Marinello, Gli ornamenti delle donne tratti dalle scritture duna reina
greca per M. Giovanni Marinello (Venice: Francesco de Franceschi, 1562),
fol. VvVIr.
53. Hlne Congourdeau, Mtrodra et son uvre, in Maladie et socit Byzance, ed. Evelyne Patlagean (Spoleto, Italy: Centro Italiano di Studi sullAlto Medioevo, 1993), 5796; Parker, Women Doctors, 13840, 150; and Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine.
54. The identification and correspondence between Metrodoras gynecological section
and the two versions of the late-antique or early-medieval text De passionibus
mulierum is discussed in Green, Medieval Gynecological Texts, 2425.
55. For the history of the authorship ascription, see Monica H. Green, In Search of
an Authentic Womens Medicine: The Strange Fates of Hildegard of Bingen and
Trota of Salerno, Dynamis 19 (1999): 2554. The compendium was edited and
translated into English by Green, Trotula.
56. On health practitioners involvement with cosmetics, see Schalick, The Face Behind the Mask; Moulinier-Brogi, Esthtique et soins du corps; and McVaugh,
Rational Surgery, 181229. For the textual entanglement of cosmetics with other
aspects of womens health in medical literature, see Monica H. Green, Making
Womens Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).
57. Montserrat Cabr, From a Master to a Laywoman: A Feminine Manual of SelfHelp, Dynamis 20 (2000): 37193.
58. Green, Trotula, 4546 and 226n186, for a later transformation of Muslim noblewomen into Salernitan noblewomen.
59. Monica H. Green, Reconstructing the Oeuvre of Trota of Salerno, in La Scuola
Medica Salernitana: Gli autori e i testi, ed. Danielle Jacquart and Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (Florence: SISMEL, 2007), 183233. For the anonymous women
experts, see Montserrat Cabr, Autoras sin nombre, autoridad femeninan (siglo
XIII), in Las sabias mujeres, II (siglos IIIXVI): Homenaje a Lola Luna, ed. Mara
del Mar Graa Cid (Madrid: Asociacin Cultural Al-Mudayna, 1995), 5973.
60. Monica H. Green, Conversing with the Minority: Relations among Christian,
Jewish, and Muslim Women in the High Middle Ages, Journal of Medieval History 34, no. 2 (2008): 1067; and Carmen Caballero-Navas, The Care of Womens Health and Beauty: An Experience Shared by Medieval Jewish and Christian
Women, Journal of Medieval History 34 (2008): 14663.
61. Montserrat Cabr, Women or Healers? Household Practices and the Categories
of Health Care in Late Medieval Iberia, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 82,
no. 1 (2008): 1851.

Chapter 7

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1. For medieval developments of the ancient notion of the ages of man, see the literature cited in chapter 1. All translations in this chapter are mine unless otherwise
indicated.
2. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, trans. Fathers of the Dominican Province,
2nd rev. ed. (1920), http://www.newadvent.org/summa/3169.htm#article2 (ac-

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NOTES

34.
35.
36.
37.
38.

39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

263

Petrarca, Invective contra medicum, in Opere Latine II, ed. Antonieta Bufano,
Basile Anacri, and Clara Kraus Reggiani (Turin, Italy: Unione Tipografico-Editrice
Torinese, 1975), 848. Cf. Fernando Salmn, Quis enim possit investigare rationes, imaginationes et memorias anime: Las funciones del cerebro y sus alteraciones en la medicina escolstica, Quaderns dItali 11 (2006): 12.
Christine de Pizan, The Book of the City of Ladies, trans. Rosalind Brown-Grant
(London: Penguin, 1999), 188.
Ibid., 188.
Ibid., 18889.
Ibid., 189.
Ibid., 190; the French quotation is from Maureen Cheney Curnow, The Livre de
la cit des dames of Christine de Pizan: A Critical Edition (PhD diss., Vanderbilt
University, 1975), 958.
Christine de Pizan discusses rape in a previous chapter. City of Ladies, 14748.
Ibid., 190.
Maureen Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority: Christine de Pizans Cit
des dames (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 24683.
Christine de Pizan, The Treasure of the City of Ladies or the Book of the Three
Virtues, trans. Sarah Lawson (London: Penguin, 1985), pt. 1, chap. 3, p. 40.
Ibid., pt. 2, chap. 11, pp. 13335.
Ibid., chap. 12, p. 136.
Ibid., pt. 3, chap. 2, p. 149.
Monica H. Green, The Possibilities of Literacy and the Limits of Reading: Women
and the Gendering of Medical Literacy, in Womens Healthcare in the Medieval
West (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2000), 3237, 4976.
For a learned overview of ancient womens medical writings, Rebecca Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine in the Classical World, Classical Quarterly 57,
no. 1 (2007): 25779.
Holt N. Parker, Women Doctors in Greece, Rome, and the Byzantine Empire,
in Women Healers and Physicians: Climbing a Long Hill, ed. Lilian R. Furst (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1997), 149; and Green, Trotula, 213. A list
of extant manuscripts can be found in Monica H. Green, Medieval Gynecological Texts: A Handlist, in Womens Healthcare, appendix, pp. 810; Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine.
Rosa Kuhne, La medicina esttica, una hermana menor de la medicina cientfica,
in La medicina en al-Andalus, ed. Camilo lvarez de Morales y Ruiz-Matas and
Luisa Fernanda Aguirre de Crcer (Granada, Spain: Junta de Andaluca, 1999),
202.
Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, Qusta ibn Luqas Physical Ligatures and the
Recognition of the Placebo Effect: With an Edition and Translation, Medieval
Encounters 1, no. 1 (1995): 8, 42.
Enrique de Villena (13841434) refers to her as an authority on perfumed oils and
waters and as the author of a book of her cosmetics; he was familiar with De
physicis ligaturis. Villena, Tratado de aojamiento, ed. Anna Maria Gallina (Bari,
Italy: Adriatica editrice, 1978), 11516.

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