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The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) which comes into force with the
announcement of poll dates. This brings normal work of the government to
a standstill.
One, politicians, who tend to forget voters after the elections for five years
have to return to them. This enhances accountability, keeps them on
their toes.
Three, there are some environmental benefits also that flow out of the
rigorous enforcement of public discipline like non-defacement of private
and public property, noise and air pollution, ban on plastics, etc.
It also ensures that the mood of the nation at a particular moment does
not hand over political power across a three-tiered democratic
structure to one dispensation or individual. It gives people a chance
to distinguish between the national, state and local interests, rather than
being swept away in a wave, often manufactured by corporate media
and the economic muscle of commercial carpetbaggers.
It will be a big relief for political parties that are always in campaign mode.
Previous experiences:
After the Constitution came into being in 1950, elections to the Lok Sabha and all
state assemblies were held simultaneously in 1952, 1957, 1962 and 1967 and all
the newly elected legislative bodies were constituted between March and April in
each of these years.
In the first three elections, it was virtually one-party rule with the Congress
Party holding sway over the voters almost everywhere. However in 1967,
the electorate dislodged the Congress in a few states and voted in
unstable coalitions. A couple of these governments collapsed ahead of
time in the late 1960s, thus marginally disrupting the arrangement of
simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and all the state assemblies.
However, the real damage was done in 1970, when early dissolution of the
Fourth Lok Sabha took place. Since then, the arrangement of simultaneous
elections has come to an end and over a period of time, the country has
got into a vicious cycle of elections which has begun to hurt governance in
a big way.
Regional parties will be more opposed to the idea than national parties
because there is a chance that the Indian voter will vote for the same
party for both the state and Centre when elections are held
simultaneously.
Alternative method:
An alternative and practicable method is holding elections in two
phases. Elections of some assemblies can be held at mid-term of Lok Sabha
and remaining with the end of tenure of Lok Sabha. For this, the terms of
some legislative assemblies may need to be extended while some of them may
need to be curtailed.
In order to achieve this, the tenure of the existing state assemblies will have to
be curtailed or extended by some months. In any case, the Election Commission
is empowered by the Representation of the People Act, 1951 to call an election
six months prior to the end of the normal term of the Lok Sabha or any state
assembly.
Way ahead:
Although it may not be immediately possible to move towards simultaneous
elections, it is still worth debating and finding ways to eventually do so. The
problem of premature dissolution has diminished significantly after the passage
of the anti-defection law and the Supreme Courts landmark Bommai judgement.
Conclusion:
One India, One election is an interesting concept but whether it will decrease the
evils that the nation/government wants to get rid of needs to be debated
thoroughly. To be sure, there are multiple issues that will need to be addressed if
the country intends to move in this direction. The concerns and suggestions of
different stakeholders will have to be debated in order to build political
consensus around the idea. That said, the proposal will not only have economic
benefits but will free up precious political space for policy discussions. It will also
help in taking forward the process of economic reforms as decisions will not
always be hostage to assembly election.
The beginning of the debate
Law commission in 170th report in 1999 had also supported the idea of
one election once in five years for the Lok Sabha and all Legislative
Assemblies.
There is cap on how much a candidate can spend on his campaign. But
still, more than permitted is spent as candidates believe that it would help
them reach out more voters, thereby increasing their chance to win.
However, the question of cost which has been considered more frequently
in the debate, talks about reduction in expenditure of government and not
candidates and political parties which has more impact on electoral
outcome.
Improving performance
However, to solve this issue, it is more feasible to change the rules of MCC
which allows government functioning for a reasonable period (in force
when elections are notified and not when elections are announced).
Not many know but there is a provision that government can consult ECI
about policy decisions. If the ECI is assured that such decisions will not
affect electoral outcome, such decisions get a go-ahead.
In a normal course, the MCC will be applicable to the election state only.
Then there is no reason with government to stall projects in other states or
centre unless it affects electoral outcome in the election state.
One country does have one election, and that is for the Lok Sabha.
The voters have increased voting choices when elections at state and
central level are held at different time. This distinction gets somewhat
blurred when voters are made to vote for electing two types of
government at the same time, at the same polling booth, and on the same
day.
Evidence shows that there is a tendency among the voters to vote for the
same party both for electing the State government as well as the Central
government.
During the same period, when in many States the Assembly and Lok
Sabha elections were held at different times, the electoral outcome (votes
polled by different parties) of the two elections has been different.
Conclusion
Though ECI supports the idea, it has warned of several logistical and
financial challenges that have to be overcome before it can prepare to
hold state and central elections together.