POWER IN PLACE-NAMES: A CASE STUDY OF PRESENT DAY

WATERFORD COUNTY, IRELAND

A thesis presented to
the faculty of
the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Master of Arts

Jessica E. Greenwald
August 2005

This thesis entitled

POWER IN PLACE-NAMES: A CASE STUDY OF PRESENT DAY
WATERFORD COUNTY, IRELAND

by
JESSICA E. GREENWALD

has been approved for

the Department of Geography
and the College of Arts and Sciences by

Timothy Anderson
Associate Professor of Geography

Benjamin M. Ogles
Interim Dean, College of Arts and Sciences

GREENWALD, JESSICA E. M.A. August 2005. Geography

Power In Place-Names: A Case Study Of Present Day Waterford County,
U

Ireland (85 pp.)

U

Director of Thesis: Timothy Anderson

This study investigates the present day toponymns of Waterford County, Ireland.
By using the Land Ordnance Survey of Ireland maps, a database was created with the
place names of the county. This study draws upon both traditional and contemporary
theories and methods in Geography to understand more fully the meaning behind the
place names on a map. In the traditional sense, it focuses on investigating changes in
the landscape wrought by humans through both time and space (the naming of places).
In a more contemporary sense, it seeks to understand the power relationships and social
struggles reflected in the naming of places and the geography of those names. As such,
this study fills a void in the current toponymns and cartographic literature, which are both
focused mainly on patterns of diffusion and power struggles in North America.

Approved:
Timothy Anderson
Associate Professor of Geography

Acknowledgements
I would first like to thank the Ohio University Geography Department. The
experiences I have had as both a student and a Teaching Assistant have been truly
inspiring. Secondly, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Timothy Anderson, and my
committee members, Dr. Geoffrey Buckley and Dr. Christopher Boone. Without their
watchful guidance, generous support, and many suggestions I would not have been able
to complete this research. I would also like to acknowledge the Aquinas College
Geography Department. They were the ones who first opened my eyes to all that the
field of Geography has to offer. Finally, I would like to thank my family: Linda, David,
Michael, and Josh. Their unwavering support, encouragement, golf outings, and much
needed ice cream runs have sustained me through this process. Thank you!!

5
Table of Contents
Page
Abstract ................................................................................................................................3
Acknowledgements..............................................................................................................4
List of Figures ......................................................................................................................6
Chapter One: Introduction ...................................................................................................7
The Gaelic Revival ..................................................................................................9
Research Premise ...................................................................................................13
Chapter Two: Toponymns Literature................................................................................16
Traditional Cultural Geography Approach ............................................................16
New Cultural Geography Approach...................................................................18
Chapter Three: The Power of Maps..................................................................................21
The Myth of Maps and Symbolic Power ...............................................................21
Cartographic Encroachment...................................................................................24
Cartographic Censorship........................................................................................25
Chapter Four: The Study Area..........................................................................................28
The Celts ................................................................................................................28
The Vikings............................................................................................................31
The Normans..........................................................................................................33
The British .............................................................................................................35
The Modern Irish Republic....................................................................................37
History of County Waterford .................................................................................37
Chapter Five: Methods and Data ......................................................................................40
Primary Sources and Methods ...............................................................................40
Results....................................................................................................................43
Chapter Six: Discussion....................................................................................................46
Chapter Seven: Conclusions .............................................................................................54
Relevance of Research...........................................................................................55
References..........................................................................................................................56
Appendix: Waterford County Toponymns Database.........................................................61

6
List of Figures
Figure

Page

1. Waterford County c. 2005 A.D.....................................................................................14

2. Celtic Ireland c. 650 A.D. .............................................................................................29
3. Viking Ireland c. 950 A.D.............................................................................................32
4. Norman Ireland c. 1300 A.D.........................................................................................34
5. Anglo-Ireland c. 1450 A.D. ..........................................................................................36

7
Chapter One: Introduction
The concept of cultural diffusion has occupied a significant place in American
cultural and human geography for at least five decades. Much of the early research on
the settlement of the New World by such luminaries as Carl Sauer, Fred Kniffen, Wilbur
Zelinsky, and Terry Jordan dealt with the delimitation and description of the diffusion of
cultural traits from the Old World to the New. Such traditional researchers, working
within the so-called landscape tradition that dominated the subfield until the 1980s,
focused on tracing patterns of past trans-Atlantic or trans-continental migrations and
defining the imprint of such movements in the cultural landscape. Typical of the
Sauerian-Berkeley tradition, these traditional studies were pre-occupied with folk
cultures, rural landscapes and material culture landscape elements with an eye toward
delimiting and defining American culture regions (Sauer, 1925,1941; Kniffen, 1965;
Zelinsky, 1967; Jordan, 1974).
In the years following this landscape school of cultural geography came several
decades of social unrest and political uncertainty (Mitchell, 2000). With the Cold War,
Vietnam Conflict, and human rights riots erupting all over the world, cultural
geographers were coming face to face with issues that could not be explained in the
traditional way. These issues were not ones to be answered by just investigating the
material cultural landscape; something more had to be done. Geographers needed to find
a new medium in which to explain the world around them, since what they were
confronting did not fit into the confines of the Sauerian tradition of the day. The result
was a New Cultural Geography which focused more on the power relations that formed
the modern landscape rather than the cultural paths on the landscape (Mitchell, 2000).

8
According to Don Mitchell, this New Cultural Geography had four main avenues of
exploration:
First they sought to connect the very idea of landscape to its historical
development as part of the capitalist and Enlightenment transformation of Europe
in the early modern periodSecond, other geographers reinvigorated the notion
of reading the landscape, to problemitize the whole notion of exactly what
constitutes the text to be read-and precisely how it is possible, in any event, to
read it. That is, work began to focus more clearly on the interpretation of the
symbolic aspects of the landscape. Third, where much traditional cultural
geography had examined rural and past landscapes, some new work focused on
urban and contemporary scenes. Finally a sustained feminist critique of the
landscape has been launched. (Mitchell, 2000, p. 61)
Many contemporary historical geographers influenced by the so-called New Cultural
Geography have begun to analyze cultural landscapes in a more critical way, within the
context of the four principals above. Such studies seek to understand what past landscape
imprints reveal about historical power relations and social struggles. They seek to
understand not just how the past landscape looked, but how it was put into place. They
ask the question, under whose authority were certain landscapes constructed and who
stood to gain from such decisions?
Most of the contemporary geographers, both traditional and contemporary
schools, have focused their research on places in the New World. This project, however,
will take a different approach, by focusing on Old World Ireland. For the past one
hundred and fifty years a unique cultural movement has been taking shape in Ireland,

9
making it an ideal setting for a case study looking at power relations that have been
manifested on the landscape.

The Gaelic Revival

In the late 1800s and early 1900s Ireland began the transformation from a
British-controlled colony to the modern Republic of Ireland (Hutchinson, 2001; Hepburn,
2001.) This revitalization termed the Gaelic, or Celtic, revival sought a moral
regeneration of the Irish nation (Hutchinson, 2001, pg 508). What is unique about this
transformation, however, was that it was actually a movement started by the Protestant
British settlers, who had gained much power in Ireland. In an attempt to embody
characteristics of the American and French revolutions, they began this revival to assert,
and eventually gain, their independence from British control (Hepburn, 2001). Although
the final goals of the revival were eventually reached with Irelands self-rule in 1921 and
full independence for southern Ireland in 1949 (2001), the main champions of this
movement changed drastically. As the movement gained popularity it shifted from a
landed-elite British battle cry to the cause of the native Irish Catholic middleclass. They
used this revival not only to gain independence from the British crown but also to regain
their national and religious identity from those very British settlers who began the revival
movement (Hutchinson, 2001).
This revitalization not only encompassed the political nature of Ireland, but the
nature of Irelands culture as well. The cultural aspects of this revival have infiltrated
into many aspects of Irish society. With a base in the field of archaeology, this Celtic

10
revival has given the Irish people not only new fashion and home decorating trends, but
an entirely new outlook on the history and culture of their land.
In 19th century Ireland, archaeology gained acceptance as a scientific discipline in
P

a response to the overall Celtic revival of the time (Hutchinson, 2001). During this time
of nationalist discourse, archaeologists in Ireland felt they could establish the reality of
the Celts and make them visible through their material artifacts to the Irish population
(Hutchinson, 2001, pg 506). These new found artifacts would lend to a more complete
understanding of the Celts by giving a glimpse into their daily lives. Consequently, the
ancient Celts would become more of a reality to the modern Irish people and thus a
stronger bond of affiliation could be made with their ancestors. Another important aspect
of this revival archaeology is that it could fill in historical gaps. Since the Celts written
records only appear later in their settlement of Ireland, archaeological discoveries could
give insight into the early history of both the Celts and of Irelands early landscape.
The leader of this archaeological uprising was George Petrie. He was alarmed by
an increasing Anglicization of all things Irish, including place names (2001). He sought
to change Londons view of Ireland as a backward periphery to Englands growing
industrial economy (Hutchinson, 2001, pg 508). Under Petries guidance archaeological
discoveries of the past became symbols of the modern Irish people. In doing this Petrie
reversed some of the Anglicization and in turn brought Irelands Celtic roots back into
mainstream popularity. For example, replicas of ancient furniture and jewelry became
the latest fashion, and ancient Celtic structures became major tourist attractions (2001).
Michael D Higgins, Minister of Irish Arts and Culture commented on Petries
archaeological influence in 1994.

11
For many people it is the artifact or monument itself that symbolizes the
identity of the people. The images such as those printed on the front cover of
every school childs homework copy serve as a daily reminder of the physical
manifestation of our heritage as part of what we are- the Ardagh Chalice, the
Tara Brooch, the Monasterboice High Cross and the Borrisnoe collar To have
visited an historic site such as Clonmacnois or Newgrange leaves one with the
knowledge and responsibility- of knowing that we are but the latest inheritors
of a long, proud, and inspiring past. (Hutchinson, 2001, p. 512)
Even here Higgins, the Minister of Irish Arts and Culture, points out places by name in
order to underscore the importance a physical representation of the Celtic past and its
connection to modern Irish life. Although it was initially through archaeology that the
modern Irish and their Celtic ancestors became reconnected, other areas of cultural
revival also received increased popularity.
While the Gaelic revival touched many aspects of Irish culture, the field most
heavily affected was Education. Early on in the formation of the Republic of Ireland
there was a large push to have Gaelic become the official national language (Coady and
Laoire, 2002; Hepburn, 2001). The means for implementing this policy would be to
teach Gaelic at school. In 1922 the Irish government made Irish a core curriculum for
educational programs (Coady and Laoire, 2002). The idea is that eventually all
subjects would be taught in Irish. In order to employ this plan the government put into
practice the policy of positive discrimination (2002). Under this policy a school where
Irish was taught could expect: to receive more funding per pupil and for the school in
general, more money and space to hire more teachers to lower the student to teacher ratio,

12
as well as significantly larger salaries for those teachers who were fluent in Gaelic
(2002). The government also offered post graduation incentives for the students. For
example, in order to pass state exams for a high school diploma, students are required to
demonstrate proficiency in Gaelic (2002). Also if students were planning to go to the
National University they must a Gaelic entrance exam (2002). Finally anyone who was
newly hired for a government job of any kind had to pass a Gaelic proficiency test as part
of the interview process (2002).
While this seemed like a good policy at the time, there were still some major
problems. The first set back was that there were not enough teachers fluent in Gaelic to
place at least one instructor in every school (2002). Also there was a severe lack of
textbooks and teaching aids available in Gaelic (2002). At this point, after years of trying
to carry out the original plan, a complete switch over to Gaelic was abandoned. Most of
the post graduation incentives still remained till this day however (2002). This caused
most students to learn just enough Gaelic to pass university or government exams. This
did assure that even though Gaelic may not be the language of mainstream, every day
Ireland, Gaelic would not be completely gone forever either.
Although the language revival fell short in becoming the everyday language of
Ireland; the entire cause was not seen as a failure. Early in the 1970s there arose a new
grassroots push in favor of the Gaelic language (2002). This time, however, the cause
had a different overall goal:
Development of high levels of bilingualism such that the language would be
used as an everyday medium of communication was not critical to defining
group identity and differentiation. Learning the language as an exercise in

13
marking some kind of political symbolic use was now underscored. Learning
Irish from this point onwards could be seen to be part of an engagement in some
kind of political symbolism, rather than an effort in learning the language with
the aim of acquiring it like any other. (Coady and Laoire, 2002, p. 156)
By making Gaelic a national symbol instead of the national language was the
key difference this time around. Since English was the emerging language of the global
economy Ireland saw no need to abandon it as their everyday language (Houston, 2003).
There was still lingering resentment for English being the language of Irelands former
occupier and split with Northern Ireland. By making Gaelic a national symbol, the Irish
felt they had more of a claim to their unique identity and past (2003). This realization
allowed for Irelands economic goals of being a part of the global economy to not
conflict with their nationalist language and identity goals. Today the Gaelic language can
be seen in Irish music, political party statements, as well as speeches and toasts at both
formal and informal gatherings. It is just one of several national symbols to have arisen
out of the much larger Celtic revival. The people of Ireland are embracing these new
symbols and their own language to reverse the Anglicization of their country and to carve
out their unique identity in the world.

Research Premise
This particular study will analyze the toponymns of Waterford County, Ireland
(Figure 1) within the context of both the Sauerian landscape tradition and the more
critical methodology of the New Cultural Geography. Do the toponymns (place names)
of Ireland reflect its historic settlement patterns? If so, what are these patterns of change?

14
Figure 1. Waterford County c. 2005 A.D.

Finally, what power relations and social struggles influenced and affected the
name changes?

By combining the ideas of cultural diffusion with those of landscape as

a manifestation of power relations and social struggle, it is hypothesized that the

toponymns of Waterford County will reflect the historic settlement patterns of the area,
and that the pattern of change will indicate a linguistic diffusion from the place of origin
of the group in power. If this hypothesis is correct, the toponymns in the county should
consist of, in descending order, place names of Celtic origin (since it is the Irish who are

15
in control of the area today), followed by British, Norman, and finally Viking place
names.
This study employs both traditional and contemporary methodologies and ideas in
cultural and historical geography to more fully understand the meaning of place names in
Waterford County, Ireland. In the traditional sense, it focuses on investigating changes
in the landscape wrought by humans through both time and space (the naming of places).
In a more contemporary sense, it seeks to understand the power relationships and social
struggles reflected in the naming of places and the geography of those names. As such,
this study fills a void in the current toponymns and cartographic literature, which are
focused mainly on patterns of diffusion in North America. In applying both the idea of
diffusion and the idea of the landscape as a manifestation of power to Old World
Ireland a new direction is being undertaken within this important subfield of geography.

16
Chapter Two: Toponymns Literature
The basis of this study will be modeled after research done by N. Murale. He
argues that there is a wealth of information about Irelands tumultuous past that is just
waiting to be uncovered in place name investigation ( Murale, 2001). He also argues
that past cultural diffusions, as well as power struggles, are manifested in place names.
One of his main examples is of the pre-historic people the Celts conquered and how the
Celts all but wiped out their existence by writing them out of the landscape (2001).
There are also several other notable studies on toponymns that contain concepts
related to the overall research questions. Separated into two groups, they cover the ideas
stemming from traditional cultural geography as well as the so-called new cultural
geography.

Traditional Cultural Geography Approach

The approach of traditional cultural geographers is to look at patterns on the
landscape within the context of diffusion. It is their argument that when a group migrates
to a new area their cultural traits diffuse along with them. Although many of these
cultural diffusionists have used North America as their study area, the same kind of
concept is applicable to Ireland, an area that has also experienced distinctive waves of
migration.
One of the first scholars that conducted research on toponymns was R.H.
Whitbeck (1911). Although many of his writings pre-date Carl Sauer, Whitbeck can
rightly be classified as a traditional cultural geographer. His toponymn research focused
mainly on the five original cultural regions in the eastern United States: New England,

17
New York, New Jersey, Virginia, and Kentucky/ Tennessee (1911). His main
conclusions were twofold. First, he claimed that place names provided a clue to the
national, religious, political, and industrial conditions of the day. Place names reflect the
cultural norms and connections of the inhabitants of an area, such that place names are
reflective of the current group occupying an area. Whitbecks second overall conclusion
is that the way the surrounding environment is constructed also plays a part in a place
name. His examples are in places in New England where there is a township system;
many villages are simply named after their larger township. Similarly, in Virginia, where
there was a plantation system, the place names in rural areas were usually derived from
the natural environment.
Another geographer who studied toponymns on the landscape was R.C. West
(1954). Although Wests study area was also in North America, his conclusions tended
to support the ideas of the Saurian cultural geographers. In his study, he points out that
place names are just as significant to the cultural landscape as house types, field
patterns, and modes of transport (West, 1954). He also found that place names reveal
clues as to the diffusion of people through time and space. His main evidence was how
the term bayou in the southern United States spread via the diffusion of French settlers.
He points out how sometimes a cultural place name can become a generic place name as
its use filters out into other culture regions, such as was the case with bayou being
employed as far north as southwest Michigan (1954).
Adrian Room (1988) is yet another toponymn scholar rooted in the ways of
traditional cultural geography. In his research he is quick to point out that most place
names refer to a specific aspect of the physical geography of an area (1988). That is why

18
many places include words such as river, mountain, or island in their names. As
for other toponymns not referring to physical geography, Room ascertains that they are
reflective of the social demographics of that area (1988). An example would then be that
if an area had a large immigrant population, it would be very common to have places
named after the immigrants point of origin. In other words, place names diffuse along
with other cultural traits when groups of people settle a new area.

New Cultural Geography Approach

The new cultural geography approach has emerged in just the past few decades.
The basis of this way of thinking is that there really is no such thing as culture, it is
merely a set of constructed norms and identities and that societal problems and struggles
result primarily from inequities in power and control and the struggles between those
who have it and those who do not (Mitchell, 2000). It follows that only those who were
strong enough to have held some amount of power in their time have shaped the
landscape. As for those not holding any power, they have been pushed to both the
margins of history and have had less power in shaping the cultural landscape. The
following scholars have all presented evidence that place names are just one example of
this kind of power manifestation.
One scholar who actually preformed research on place names in Gaelic Scotland
was C.W.J. Withers (2000). Clearly writing within the scope of the new cultural
geography, his research pertains to how the act of naming is a social process (2000). He
asserts that the naming and mapping of an area is a reflection of social power, meaning
that in the Gaelic areas of Scotland many of the native Gaelic place names were lost in

19
translation, when the English came to perform their Ordnance Surveys of the land
(Withers, 2000, pg. 532). He argues that the British employed this name imposition in
Scotland willfully so that they could exert more control over the area. This conclusion,
he points out, shows how examining a map alone may be misleading as to the original or
common name of an area. So, mapping Gaelic Scotland, in the past and to some degree
now, should be thought ofas a matter of expressing power through the shifting
ground that is the map (Withers, 2000, pg 550).
A second cultural geographer who could be easily identified with the school of
new cultural geography and who studied place names in North America was E.J.W.
Miller (1969). In his research, however, he makes a very unique distinction, arguing that
there are two different kinds of naming processes, one folk and one official (1969). The
folk naming process usually occurs when people first settle an area. There are certain
necessities that need to be named right away in order to avoid confusion. One of his
examples was how there may be many names for a stream along its entire course because
each group of local settlers named it something different. The reason they did this was
due to the fact that since running water was such a vital part of any settlement, the stream
needed to be easily identified (1969). The official process was implemented when a
governing body finally came in to map a large area. That way the official naming
process gave birth to instances such as the names of entire mountain ranges, spanning
many smaller communities. Whereas each local community had names for their
mountains, the official body in charge would name all of the mountains collectively,
again for the sake of easy identification (1969).

20
More support for this double naming process comes from the works of R.A.S.
Macalister (1970). He introduces evidence that many place names in Ireland where
changed (tortured) by the original British land surveyors, accounting for the
Anglicization of Celtic place names in modern Ireland. His most revealing evidence,
however, comes when dealing with the counties of Ireland. He states: County names
should always be given in their English forms. For counties are an English innovation
and their names, being usually derived from the anglicized form of the chief town, have
no meaning in Irish (Macalister, 1970, pg. xv).

He later goes on to comment that the

modern day Irish culture (with place names as a part of that culture) has evolved through
a long series of immigration waves, and was not formed by just one group of adaptive
people (1970).
Another relevant study, but unlike the geographical perspectives of the others, is
derived from a completely unique perspective. The researcher, Seamus Heaney, was
formally educated to be a theological poet, but his main interest was cultural geography.
Heaney grew up in Northern Ireland under British control, but at the same time was very
attached to his Irish Celtic heritage. It was through this attachment to Celtic culture that
he started looking at the place names that were scattered on the landscape. He discovered
that there were many hidden stories about the historic power struggles in the region by
looking at the change of place names through time. In many instances the British
anglicized many place names so they could use them as a sign of their overall control.
By changing a place name they in essence could endow that place with an alternant
reality (Dau, 2003, pg. 32) meaning that the British wanted a reality in which the Irish
never had or never would have any control.

21
Chapter Three: The Power of Maps
In todays society maps are very commonplace and available to all. When
travelers need directions they can go to an on-line database and retrieve a customized
map with the click of a mouse. Weather maps appear everyday on the nightly news.
Every corner gas station sells maps of the surrounding area. To most people, these maps
are taken for granted. The maps are seen as a scientific and unbiased image of the
landscape. They seem to be a neutral document, free from subjectivity. As far back as
the sixteenth century translators of the Protestant Bible were adding in maps to reinforce
their belief in the Bible as literal truth (Harley, 1988a). Even in cartography classes
students are taught that a map, as long as it has scale and direction, can be considered a
scientific tool. But what does this really mean? The connotation in the world of today is
that anything scientific is free from emotion, politically neutral, and factual. In other
words something, like a map, when branded as scientific is considered to be the
indisputable truth. But is that really what a map is? Does that piece of paper that is
seemingly impossible to fold really only tell you how to get from one place to another?
Or can that map tell us more about the society that created it? This chapter will explore
those questions by addressing three issues: The Myth of Maps and Symbolic Power,
Cartographic Encroachment, and Cartographic Censorship.

The Myth of Maps and Symbolic Power

According to Brian Harley (1989a, 1989b, 1992) maps are anything but value-free
images. He argues: Maps [should] cease to be inert records of morphological
landscapes or passive reflections of the world of objects, but [should be] regarded as

22
refracted images contributing to dialogue in a socially constructed world (Harley, 1988a,
pg 278). It is in this context that maps cannot be seen as true or false, right or wrong
(Harley 1988a). Maps show a reader not only the best highway to take downtown, but
also expose the reader to a myriad of other symbols commenting of that societal
environment. For it is in that symbolic representation and selectivity that the maps
deeper value and social commentary is revealed (1988a, 1988b).
In addition to Brian Harley, several other cartographic scholars lend their support
in favor of this position. Matthew Sparke also comments on how maps are a part of
wider social dynamics (Sparke, 1995, pg 4). In his research, he takes special note of the
map-reader also being a map critic. He writes: The critic points to the cover up effected
by the maps paper-thin authority andreveals the hidden truth (Sparke, 1995, pg 4).
By using the term cover up, Sparke insinuates that not only are maps more than what
they seem but they are deliberately made to subtly hide reality. Thus, he maintains that
rather than accept maps as they are on the surface, we should re-examine their
complexities (1995).
Barbara Belyeas research also leads us to question the orthodox definition of
maps as images of the world (Belyea, 1992, pg 7). While she agrees with Harley, she
goes on to point out something on which he failed to elaborate. Belyea argues that the
meaning of a map changes as much and as often as the society that created it (1992).
Therefore maps must continually be reinterpreted based on the continually changing
power relations accompanying those maps. This means that one map does not hold just
one meaning. According to Belyea, over time that map meaning will change based on
how the larger society that created it has changed.

23
Additional scholarly concurrence comes from the research of Margaret Pearce.
She too talks about the power of maps (Pearce, 2004, pg. 24). Her focus is on how
colonists of New England used altered maps in order to claim more and more Native
American land. Her research supports Harleys assertion that maps are neither true nor
false. According to Pearce, perceived accuracy of a map depends on the audience, and
that one map may be perceived differently by different parties (2004).
In the early colonial expansion of Europe, the states used maps to gain power over
space on paper before they actually asserted their control over that space in reality. This
sort of symbolic power can be thought of as Anticipatory Imperialism. Harley captures
this concept best when he wrote:
[Colonial boundaries drawn on maps] provide perhaps the most
spectacular illustrations of how an anticipatory geography served to frame
colonial territories in the minds of statesmen and speculators back in
Europe. Maps were the first step in the appropriation of territory. Such
visualizations from a distance became critical in choreographing the
colonial expansion of early modern Europe. (Harley, 1992, p. 532)
It was in this period that the myth of maps representing a true knowledge base was first
initiated. Harley goes on to note how maps were recognized as a visual language
communicating proprietorial or territorial rights in both practical and symbolic senses
(Harley, 1988b, pg 59). Thus by gaining power over maps, the state gained power over
people.

24
Cartographic Encroachment
One of the main ways in which colonial powers implemented anticipatory
imperialism was through cartographic encroachment. According to Pearce (2004) this is
the technique of manipulating place names and boundary lines with the goal of increasing
colonial lands. In her research, centered n New England, Pearce found that re-defining
place names was the method employed most often. This redefinition was not necessarily
a change in the linguistic symbol itself, but rather a spatial change in what that label
represented. For example, a native place name that originally referred to one specific hill
was redefined in colonial maps to refer to a much larger region (2004). In Pearces
words:
This process not only changed the meaning and definition of Native place names,
it also effectively erased entire Native toponymic landscapes by collapsing then
into a single word, a word which had once referred to a single place within a web
of places. (Pearce, 2004, p. 28)
In this situation colonialists felt free to settle land that was not rightly theirs. When
Native Americans contested these settlements, however, they did not hold the power to
substantiate their claims. Since the colonial maps were considered the official and
binding maps of the time, Native claims were quickly discredited and discounted (2004).
Thus their efforts to combat this encroachment were futile, and the colonial states knew
it. Over time this redefinition also produced another common outcome. Once a region
was redefined to one toponymn, it was easily replaced with an English name (2004).
The practice of boundary manipulation was also a main tool of encroachment
used by the English. According to Pearce (2004) this could be implemented under the

25
guise of defining colonial towns with specific axial dimensions. For example,
encroachment by axis happened when side-by-side towns were given defined parameters
such as y by z miles. These boundaries were then supposed to start where the other
towns boundary stopped. The ploy of this tactic, however, was that the surveyors of the
time did not possess equipment that was accurate enough to accurately designate the
assigned boundaries (2004). So in reality no one knew where one town started and one
town stopped. This fluctuation then ensured the linear elasticity of the axial
distanceswith infinite potential for stretching into additional regions of Native
territory (Pearce, 2004, pg 30).

Cartographic Censorship
Cartographic manipulation also came in the form of what has been termed
cartographic silences (Harley 1988a, 1988b; Pearce, 2004; Sparke, 1995). As with any
form of communication, meaning is still carried even in the apparent absence of anything
on the surface (Tubbs and Moss, 2000). For example, even though a blank space may
appear on a map does not mean that there is nothing in that area. Today, as well as in the
past, maps are subject to cartographic censorship in one form or another. For instance,
almost all high-level military bases are conveniently missing from common, everyday
maps that are dispersed around the world. That way an enemy could not use such a map
against the very society that created it. Further, even USGS topographical maps are
censored so that they do not include such things as nuclear waste dumps that may prove
damaging to an area (Harley, 1988a).

26
The key to this component of state cartographic censorship for this specific case
study was more specifically toponymic silence. This concept refers to native place names
being removed from maps all together and a blank space being left instead (Harley,
1988b; Pearce, 2004). This way colonists were free to assume this land belonged to the
states colony, instead of having it explicitly designated as land belonging to the native
population. This place name omission led to a later replacement of the native name with
a name in the vernacular language of the colonizing group (Pearce, 2004). In the end this
process attempted to effectively erase the native population from the landscape, even if
they still occupied the area.
A final aspect of cartographic censorship in colonial Europe was the limitation of
overall access to this perceived knowledge base. Even before this time in ancient Europe
cartography was considered to be the science of princes (Harley, 1988a, pg 281). Just
by owning a map meant that a person was a part of the social elite of that time. Harley
emphasizes maps themselves, whether cast in bronze or chipped in stone, were designed
to make more permanent a social order in which there were freeman and slaves and for
which the territorial division of land was the basis of status (Harley, 1988a, pg 285).
Matthew Sparkes research also touches on an example of access censorship with
regard to early native maps in Newfoundland, Canada. Sparke (1995) argues that in
classifying native maps as artifacts the maps have become censored. With that label
access has been limited and the early native maps have been edited out of mainstream
cartographic images. As Sparke writes about native maps in Newfoundland he states:
the maps treatment as an artifact has suppressed attention to its lively and contested
context. Such suppression, I will argue, effectively silences [the] surveyors voice

27
(Sparke, 1995, pg 7). Of key importance to Sparke was that the voice in question was a
solitary one coming from an already suppressed native people. So while he recognizes
this classification as an outward act of preservation, he also notes the irony of how the
native map in reality is being censored further. Thus the resistant voice that speaks out
from this artifact map has been censored from mainstream culture today, just as it was
in colonial times (1995).
Not only is this access censorship done for military and political reasons, but it
also existed for economic reasons too. Harley (1988b) cites many examples of states
limiting access to maps and nautical charts which documented territories in the New
World that held promising economic prospects. Since maps were the means for planning
an economic venture on the other side of the Atlantic, access was strictly restricted. The
Hudson Bay Company, of England, even held their maps so secret that their archives of
the New World were almost completely off limits until the late eighteenth century
(1988b).
It is mainly owing to this limited access censorship that native and minority
populations were never privy to the official maps of their land. Consequently, the claim
to their land could not be adequately substantiated since their maps were not recognized
by those in power (Pearce, 2004). They also were not able to know that they were
effectively being erased from the landscape until many years later. In essence since
native populations in early colonial times did not have access to power, they had no way
to shape their own destinies, let alone shape the landscape around them.

28
Chapter Four: The Study Area
The specific study area for this research is Waterford County, along the southern
coast of Ireland. This area is of particular significance to this project because it has
experienced strong impacts from all four major cultural migrations (or invasions) in the
history of Ireland. Waterfords geographic location plays a major role in not only how
local history, but also national history, comes to pass. Due to the nature of this research it
is imperative to have a historical perspective of Waterford County, as well as Ireland as a
whole. Understanding who was in power, and when, will lead to a better understanding
of the place names of Waterford County. The following chapter explores the several
groups who imposed their power over Ireland throughout the centuries as well as a more
detailed history of Waterford County.

The Celts
While there were many pre-historic groups of people in Ireland, the Celts were
considered the original Irish people, but little is known about their origins. The
prevailing theory is that they came to Ireland by way of Britain and France before the
Christian era (Weisser, 1999; Davis, Goodby, Hadfield, and Patten, 2003). It was
beginning in this time that the Celts established their dominance over the entire island
(Figure 1). As they spread throughout the entire land mass they developed a reputation
as a warrior people, conquering all other pre-historic settlements in their path. This
reputation became so well known throughout the world that they are even mentioned in
the classic works of Aristotle and Polybius (Foster, 1989: Davis et al., 2003). They were

29
Figure 2. Celtic Ireland c. 650 A.D.

30
also reputed to be skilled metallurgists, being experts in working with iron. Their
political system was loosely based around small tribal kingdoms and their religion was
lead by pagan priests called druids (Weisser, 1999). Other than this, scarcely little is
known about the Celts until around the time of St. Patrick. From pre-historic times until
about 300 A.D. Celtic culture developed in relative isolation.
It was during that time of isolation that the Roman Empire expanded as far north
as England. The only reason that the Romans left Ireland alone (even though it is only a
mere 50 miles away) was due to Irelands dubious reputation for being a cold and wet
swamp land. With Ireland receiving upwards of 300 days of rainfall a year (Abbot, 1998)
and being located only about 15 away from the artic circle, the Romans saw this piece of
land as a waste of their time (Weisser, 1999). Moreover, the Roman nautical vessels
were unable to traverse Irelands slow, shallow rivers, and thus the most efficient
transportation method of the day was rendered useless (Weisser, 1999). So while the rest
of Europe was forced under complete control of the Romans sword, Irelands only,
albeit very significant, influence of this time was through the cross of the Catholic
Church (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999). The Celtic connection to the Vatican came
through St. Patrick. After becoming a priest in England, Patrick made it his lifes mission
to establish Christianity in Ireland. His work was so successful that he and his successors
eventually completely replaced the ancient pagan Druid religion with Christianity and
established monasteries all over Ireland. Unlike what would normally be expected in an
imposed ideological change, the Celts absorbed this new ideology, and thus highly
influenced Celtic culture as it is thought of today.

31
The Vikings
The next group to invade Ireland and maintain an era of control was the Vikings
of Scandinavia (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999; Davis et al., 2003). Unlike the Romans, the
Vikings were not as swayed by Irelands reputation as a cold and wet swamp land, but
rather were encouraged by Irelands new reputation for being a land of saints and
scholars (Weisser, 1999). The Vikings also had different ships that were easily able to
navigate the slow, shallow rivers of the island (Davis et al., 2003). Even though only a
relatively small number of Vikings actually came to Ireland they still managed to pillage
the Catholic Church as well as set up several administrative centers from which control
could be exerted (Figure 2). The Celts, however, as descendants of ancient warriors, did
not submit to this invasion silently The Battle of Clontarf in 1014 changed the tide and
Ireland once again came under the control of the Celts (Weisser, 1999; Davis et al.,
2003). Although defeated, the Vikings did not return to Scandinavia. Instead, since they
were already so invested in their settlements (personally, socially, and economically) they
stayed and eventually became absorbed into the larger Celtic culture.
The Vikings did leave several important lasting imprints on the landscape and on
Celtic culture. First, Viking administrative centers became Irelands first urban
settlements (Weisser, 1999). The Vikings laid down the basic roadway transportation
infrastructure connecting the coast to inland communities. They also incorporated these
port cities into known trade routes with the rest of Europe. Second, after converting to
Christianity, they allowed for a traditional structuring of the Catholic Church (ex: Parish,
Diocese, and Archdiocese) to take hold in these urban centers. This Viking imprint alone

32
Figure 3. Viking Ireland c. 950 A.D.

33
was enough to give the Church an enormous increase in their influence and power in
Ireland that lasts to the present day (Weisser, 1999).

The Normans
The next invasion of Ireland by outside cultural influences followed closely on the
heels of the end of the conflict with the Vikings. The Normans, who were more or less
Frenchified Scandinavians, invaded Ireland around the year 1069 (Weisser, 1999). The
Normans first stop was the colonization of England (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999), but
just two years later they turned their sights on Ireland, marking the beginning of the
Ireland-Britain connection, and what the native Irish deem seven and a half centuries of
plain and fancy hell (Weisser, 1999) for their country. The Normans attempted to take
over every part of the landmass, and in fact almost succeeded (Figure 3). It was this
Norman invasion that radically altered the Irish landscape both visually and socially. It
was the Normans who built the castles, introduced the feudal system, introduced a
monetary unit, set up a legal system (trial by jury), and imposed a new governmental
structure (mayors, town councils, etc.), creating a system that mirrored that of medieval
England (1999).

34
Figure 4. Norman Ireland c. 1300 A.D.

35
The British
After the Normans eventually left Ireland and England, the native Irish did retake
some of their lands and reestablish political control over most of the country. However,
the English monarchy soon assumed control of Ireland and any land that the oppressed
Irish people did assume control over immediately became Englands domain. Conversely,
due to the fact that the monarchy was more focused on ongoing conflicts with Scotland
and France they did not pay much attention to Ireland at first, leaving the administration
to the Earl of Kildare (1999).
In the beginning the English sphere of direct influence was limited to The Pale
(Figure 4). The Pale, however, became the site of the origin of the conflicts that still
exist in Ireland today with respect to the Protestants (English) versus the Catholics
(native Irish/Celts). Inside The Pale precautions were taken by the British to avoid being
absorbed by the Celtic culture as the Vikings were. For example, the Statues of Kilkenny
stated that in The Pale a person had to speak English and follow all English customseverything Irish was banned (1999). In 1485, when the English began their world
colonization efforts, they also moved and increased their sphere of influence in Ireland.
It was in this period that the English influence became solidified in the six northern-most
counties of Ireland, thus creating the separation of present day Ireland from Northern
Ireland (Ulster), which remains a British holding today (Weisser, 1999).

36
Figure 5. Anglo-Ireland c. 1450 A.D.

37
The Modern Irish Republic
Before the Irish Declaration of Independence was read on Easter Sunday, 1916
(Hutchinson, 2001), the people of Ireland faced many hardships. For example, there was
the infamous potato famine of the 1840s (De Blij and Muller, 2002). Resulting in over
one million deaths and another two million emigrations, Ireland lost nearly one-third of
its population as a result of the famine (2002). The after-effects of this famine, coupled
with the instability of a new government and religious warfare, retarded Irelands
economic development until recently. It has been only in recent decades that the
European service sector came to Ireland to take advantage of Irelands well-educated but
not highly paid labor pool (De Blij and Muller, 2002, pg 82). This boom in the
economy earned Ireland the nickname the Celtic Tiger. Tourism has become the
second most important part of the modern Irish economy. This is largely a result of the
countrys relatively cheap real estate prices compared to mainland Europe (2002).
Although religious and political uprisings between the Irish and British still occur,
tensions seem to be lessening over time. Membership in the European Union has also
assured Ireland a somewhat more stable future as compared to its rather violent and
unsure past.

History of County Waterford

After examining the history of Ireland as a whole, it is important to illustrate how
Waterford County has been a strategic location throughout that history, and thus ideally
suited for this case study in toponymns. According to one source, the first proven settlers
arrived in Waterford about 9,000 years ago (Total Ireland, 2001). These settlers were

38
nomadic Mesoliths who migrated from the European mainland via the much narrower
English Channel. It is theorized that the first point of arrival in Ireland for these PreCeltic settlers was in fact present-day Waterford County (2001). Even though these
settlers engaged in a nomadic way of life, they did construct permanent structures. There
are thirty-two known structures throughout Waterford County dating to approximately
4,500 years ago (2001).
It was not until 795AD that the Vikings first began their raids along Irelands
southern coast (Ireland Information Guide, 2005). The Vikings first official presence in
Waterford occurred when they established a Longport in 853AD (2005). This was the
first time the Vikings established a somewhat permanent presence in Ireland instead of
just venturing onto the island to raid, pillage, and plunder. With sheltered bays used to
harbor the Viking fleet and a close proximity to the existing trade routes of Europe, the
Longport became a key geographic location yet again. One problem the Vikings did face
was that the native Irish did not welcome their presence, and for about fifty years staged
rebellions in an attempt to regain control. However, due to the strategic position of
Waterford, the Vikings increased their presence in the area. In 914AD the Vikings
finally established Irelands first city, the city of Waterford (2005).
The Vikings held control of Waterford until the Battle of Clontarf, when the Celts
regained control of Ireland. For approximately the next one hundred years Ireland was
divided into regional kingdoms, ruled by local kings. This relative peace lasted only until
1137 AD when one of these local kings, Diarmuid MacMorrogh, sought to become king
of all Ireland (2005). To accomplish this quest he would have to capture and control all
of the other regional kingdoms of the island. His campaign stalled, however, when he

39
came to Waterford and found the local king too strong to defeat. At this point
MacMorrogh made a truly fateful decision that was to impact the entire future of Ireland.
MacMorrogh forged an alliance with Richard de Clare (Strongbow), the Second Earl of
Pembroke (2005). This marked the first time that Norman controlled England stepped
into the politics of Ireland. The alliance, originally struck up to capture Waterford and
instate a native Irishman king, had a disastrous outcome. MacMorrogh was in the end
double-crossed and the Normans used this alliance as an open invitation to extend their
power from England to Ireland as well (2005).
In 1171, Waterford was again the setting for another landmark event in the history
of Ireland (2005). Henry II was the first English king to ever set foot in Ireland, and his
first stop was Waterford. He brought with him not only the English navy, but also a
decree that Waterford would now be considered a colonial city of England (2005). The
resident Irish in Waterford did not take kindly to this English imposition. As time went
on Waterford joined other cities of Ireland in the Confederation of Kilkenny that
attempted to undermine and cease the British rule of Ireland (2005). Also, to the great ire
of the English monarchy, the citizens of Waterford also remained overwhelmingly
Catholic.
Despite the local (and national) disdain for the English, Waterford County
continued to progress. In the 18th century, the city of Waterford was Irelands second
P

largest port and population center. In keeping with the citys tradition of being the site of
historical firsts for Ireland, Thomas Frances Meager first flew the modern Irish tricolored flag over Waterford Mall (2005).

40
Chapter 5: Methods and Data
Primary Sources and Methods
For this specific case study, a database of all the place names in Waterford
County had to be constructed. The main sources in creating this database were maps
from the Ordnance Survey of Ireland that were published in 2003. Five maps in all were
procured from the Ordnance Survey of Ireland in order to ensure complete coverage of
Waterford County. These maps are the Irish equivalent of the USGS topographical maps.
At a scale of 1:50,000 these maps contain much more detail than the USGS maps, and are
thus more ideally suited for this study.
Although critics may claim that since these maps come from a government
sponsored organization the data may be biased, such worries are unwarranted for this
case study. Two main factors attest to the use of these maps for this project. First, in
referring back to Brian Harleys research, all maps include at least some bias since they
are human-produced images (Harley 1988a, 1988b, 1992). It is that very bias and content
that lies just beneath the surface of a map that is at the very core of this study. Second,
the unique history of the Ordnance Survey itself that makes these maps an ideal primary
source.
At first the Ordnance Survey, founded in Ireland in 1824 (Ordnance Survey,
2005), was just an extension of the British-funded and controlled group of the same
name. Early on in its existence the groups main commission was to update colonial
maps of Ireland for taxation purposes (2005) since the British government was interested
in asserting more control over the island. Already by 1846, the entire island was mapped
at a scale of six inches to one mile, and was the first country in the world to boast such an

41
accomplishment (2005). Over this period of about twenty years, the agency carried out
this assignment in a British controlled environment. As time went on, however, and
discontent with the British in power increased, more Irish natives slowly gained
leadership positions within the Ordnance Survey. John ODonovan, an Irish historical
place name pioneer, was among those leading the British funded mapping agency
(Hutchinson, 2001). Not only did this new leadership continue to provide topographical
and geological maps of Ireland, but they also initiated another branch of cartography in
the Ordnance Survey. They began the historical mapping of the Pre-Norman Irish
landscape, and also took it upon themselves to rework early British colonial maps as well
(2001). Once the British government recognized this change in leadership and shift in
direction it was too late. They had already lost any control and influence that they once
held over the Ordnance Survey. Due to this loss, they quickly terminated funding for the
organization in the late 1840s (2001). Until 1916, the Ordnance Survey survived mostly
under private funding, and after the Republic of Irelands independence was assimilated
into the new government where it remains till this day (Ordnance Survey, 2005). Since
then, the maps produced by the Ordnance Survey have been considered the official
national maps of Ireland. Due to the unique circumstances and political process
surrounding the establishment of this mapping agency that increases the need for the
interpretation of their maps of modern day Ireland.
The database collected for this project focused specifically on place names
referring to areas of human habitation in Waterford County. Places such as small
neighborhoods, villages, towns, major cities and their suburbs, and general regions were
all included. After the initial name collection, the next aspect of the project required the

42
determination of the linguistic origin of each place name. During this process any
variation of the individual place name was also recorded. Three main sources were
consulted in this process. The most comprehensive source was Irish Place Names by
Deirdre Flanagan and Laurence Flanagan, which was published in 2002. This book
represents some of the most extensive and specific work done on Irish place names since
John ODonovans pioneering research in the field in the late 1840s. This book is
comprised of two main sections, both of which were relevant to this case study. The first
section is a dictionary of common Irish place name elements. Not only did the authors
define and give examples of these elements, but they also commented on how variations
of the elements would appear. For example, they would list any variation of the element
that would come from the Anglicization of that element (2002). The second section is
more of a place name dictionary for place names all across Ireland, including place
names of foreign origin. From this section the meaning of a place name or a specific
place name element could be determined.
The second primary source was a British Isles place name dictionary by Adrian
Room, published in 1988. While this source focuses mainly on English place names
throughout the British Isles, he too differentiates between English and Irish place name
elements (Room, 1988). In the first section of his book, Room provides an extensive list
of place name prefixes and suffixes. He indicates the origin of the said element and also
gives examples of how each element can be implemented. For instance, he notes how the
prefix Rath- is a common Irish prefix that often denotes an ancient ecclesiastical site
(1988). Room then provides a place name dictionary in the second half of the book. In

43
addition to a name definition, he also makes a note of when the name was first recorded if
that information was available.
Finally, the third primary source used in this research was by T. Jones Hughes
(1970). While his main preoccupation was the difference in the use of the Irish word
baile and the English word town (which mean the same thing), he makes two other
notable distinctions as well. First he distinguishes between what place name elements
typically refer to natural features on the landscape, and which ones refer to cultural, or
man-made features (1970). Secondly, he includes many maps in his research showing
the distribution of many commonplace name elements, with a discussion of all of them,
not just baile and town (1970).
Thus, after each source was consulted, and each name verified in one-way or
another, the database was complete.

Results
Throughout Waterford County there were 1,052 unique place names. Out of that
total some names actually appeared on the map more than once, but with a qualifier
attached. For example, Ballykerin materializes on the map three separate times as
Ballykerin Upper, Ballykerin Middle, and Ballykerin Lower. For research
purposes Ballykerin was just recorded once in the database with a note to point out any
accompanying qualifiers. Other examples of qualifiers are directionals (North, South,
East, and West), Beg, More, Little, Big, Mountain, and Hill.
Out of these 1,052 place names, 910 are Irish in origin. With that group
compromising of 87% of the total names in Waterford County, it is the clear majority.

44
Even with that said the data do require further clarification. While many of the Celtic
place names contain the common Celtic place name elements, on the map many of those
names are presented in an anglicized form. For example, elements common to Celtic
place names include: Baile, Carriag, Cill, and Cnoc (Room, 1988). On the map,
however, those elements appear as: Bally, Carrick, Kill, and Knock respectively.
Out of all the Irish toponymns, 899, or 99%, are presented in the anglicized version.
The second largest group of place names found in Waterford County was names
that were English in origin. Out of the 1,052 total names, only 137, or 13%, were of
English linguistic origins. Common English place name elements included: acre,
castle, field, grange, hill, land, moore, mount, town, ville, and wood
(Hughes, 1970). In the case of Waterford County- and as is the case in the entirety of
Ireland (1970)- the use of the element town appeared the most often. Town as a
place name suffix appeared a total of 41 times. All of the English toponymns were
scattered throughout the county with no discernable spatial pattern.
In all of Waterford County there were only three place names of Norse, or
Scandinavian Viking, origin. The very name of Waterford itself is an anglicized
version of the original Viking name Vadrefjord, which refers to the point on the river
where rams were loaded onto boats for export (Room, 1988). With only a few
exceptions, the rest of the remaining Norse names in Ireland also refer to coastal features
or are near waterways (Flanagan and Flanagan, 2002). For example, Helvick is on
Waterfords coastline and is the Norse name meaning rock-shelf bay (2002). Also
while the meaning of Reisk is unknown it is situated on a tributary of the Suir River, a
major river in the southern part of Ireland.

45
Finally, there are two place names of French origin in Waterford County. While
one refers to a family name, the other was established during the Anglo-Norman times.
Pallis was derived from the French word palis, which means stockade (2002).
While this toponymn occurs several other times throughout Ireland, its usage is restricted
to the southern counties only (2002).

46
Chapter 6: Discussion
From only a cursory analysis of the results from this case study one main point
stands out. A map definitely carries more meaning and content than what appears on the
surface. This is in agreement with the research of Harley (1988a, 1988b, 1992), Sparke
(1995), Belyea (1992), and Pearce (2004). In this case, the maps of Waterford County
say much more about the inhabitants past and present than just what is the best way to
the coast. By just investigating one symbol on the map, the symbol that is language, a
rich and complicated picture of this society comes into view.
First, the numerical distribution of the linguistic origins of the toponymns of
Waterford County is very revealing. Following along the research of leading traditional
geographers (Jordan, 1974; Kniffen, 1965; Room, 1989; Sauer, 1925,1941; West, 1954;
Zelinsky, 1967) the idea of place name diffusion can be seen in Waterford County. In
Waterford County, place name variation tends to follow the historic settlement pattern of
the area, with only minor discrepancies. The Celts were the first group of people with a
somewhat significant population to inhabit the area and are also a group with very few
place names still in their original unmodified Gaelic language. This may be due in part to
their existence at such an early period of history. At this time the Catholic Church was
the only real form of population organization that existed in all of Ireland and most of the
population lived in rural locales (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999). So the place names that
did exist may only be known to a small group of people.
The second group to come along in the history of this area, the Vikings, only has
three surviving place names. I would argue that there are two possible explanations for
this exceptionally low number. First, the Vikings came to Ireland in moderately small

47
numbers (Davis, Goodby, Hadfield, and Patten, 2003). Because of those small numbers,
the Vikings only had a few major settlements in Ireland, mainly confined to the coastlines
(Appendix 2). Even though they exercised much power over the Celts, they did not
occupy a large amount of territory, so in reality they had to introduce a minimum number
of place names in the first place. Secondly, what happened to the Viking population after
they lost control of the area constitutes a unique set of circumstances. The Vikings were
the exceptional group in that once they lost control of Ireland they remained in the area;
they did not retreat to their homeland. I would ascertain that once they had become
absorbed into the larger Celtic culture they would become more likely absorb the Celtic
language as a part of that process. In an attempt to blend in completely, which they later
effectively did, they may have switched many of their original place names to words of
Celtic origins. That may be why that in all of Ireland there are no more than fifty original
Viking place names present (Flanagan and Flanagan, 2002).
The Anglo-Normans, the third group in Irelands historic settlement pattern, have
two names to their credit. Originally from France (Weisser, 1999) the Normans are
attributed these names are of French linguistic origin. Historically, the Normans were not
in control of Ireland very long and for the most part kept the surviving Viking place
names intact (Flanagan and Flanagan, 2002). Also, I would assert that since they had
colonized and gained control of England before they set their sights on Ireland they might
have incorporated words of English linguistic origin into their place names. According to
Room (1988) the Anglo-Normans language was a combination of French (from the
Normans) and old German from the (Angles). This hybrid language eventually drew

48
more upon the Germanic side and evolved into the English language (Room, 1988;
Hughes, 1970).
Since the English basically inherited their control of Ireland from the Normans
once they had retreated it probably did not take much effort to completely anglicize the
place names of the area they inherited. Further, due to the quick turnover time between
the Normans and the English, it is still difficult today to determine the exact linguistic
differences between the place names attributed to each group (1988). As mentioned
earlier, there are 120 place names that are decidedly descended from the English
language (whether it is Old English from the Normans or English from the British).
However, this small number is somewhat misleading with respect to the scope of their
influence on place names in Waterford County. Over time the Irish words have been retranslated to fit into the phonetics of the English language; and some of their meanings
have been lost in that switch. Coinciding with what Withers (2000) concluded about
Gaelic names in Scotland, the place names may have been lost in translation, when the
English came to perform their Ordnance Surveys of the land. Even though 1120 place
names in the county are originally of Celtic origin, 1107 of them have been anglicized.
Since historically the British have had control of Ireland for most of the modern age, this
is not altogether surprising. Accordingly, if all of the names that have undergone English
influence are combined (the English names and the anglicized Celtic names) the English
linguistic influence incorporates 1227 of the place names of Waterford County a
staggering 98.6% of the total toponymns.
In the end, the place names of Waterford County diffused along the lines of power
rather than the straight diffusion lines as presented in the research of the traditional

49
cultural geographers who could trace routes on a map (Sauer 1925, 1941; Jordan, 1974;
Kniffen, 1965; Zelinsky, 1967). It is the group in power, or control, of the entire area that
makes decisions of how the landscape will form, and how the past landscape will be
viewed.
Another valuable point of discussion brought about by the results from the
Ordnance Survey maps follows along the assertions of Whitbeck, who argued that the
way the surrounding environment is constructed also plays a part in place name
formations (1911). Although stemming from research done along the lines of the
traditional school of cultural geography, his assertion is still applicable when examining
power relations behind the landscape of the map. In this study of Waterford County this
is definitely the case. Implementing the colonizing technique of Cartographic
Encroachment as defined by Pearce (2004), the English imposed the land-segmenting
scheme of dividing up the country into counties. A New Cultural Geographer who shares
this opinion was Macalister, who wrote that County names should always be given in
their English forms. For counties are an English innovation and their names, being
usually derived from the anglicized form of the chief town, have no meaning in Irish
(Macalister, pg. xv, 1970). In the case of Waterford County, Waterford derived from
the Anglicization of the Viking word Vadrefjord, and was subsequently applied to an
area designated by British cartographers of the colonial period.
It does not appear that the technique of Cartographic Censorship was refined in
Waterford County to the extent that it was implemented in the New World colonies. Had
this not been the case, the native place names within the boundary of Waterford County
would have been erased from the landscape completely (Harley, 1988b; Pearce, 2004). A

50
different type of censorship was employed, however, when the native place names were
anglicized. In essence it was the Gaelic language itself that was censored and made to be
perceived as undesirable for the locals rather than the actual places themselves. It was
this kind of colonial mapping of Ireland that set the stage for the colonial mapping of the
New World colonies. This environment gave the early British cartographers practice in
encroachment and censorship techniques, something that many leading cartographic
scholars do not imply (Sparke, 1995, and Pearce, 2004). I would argue that it was in
Ireland where the British cartographers found that they could not achieve total control of
an area by just anglicizing existing place names. Based on the continual uprisings of the
native Irish people (www.irelandinformationguide.com), the British knew they would
have to try something different with their future colonies. Although neither the
cartographic techniques used in Ireland or in the New World imparted a lasting alternant
reality (Dau, 2003, pg. 32), where the British ended up with permanent, lasting control,
the effects of their attempts have lasted to this day.
Why is it that in the end these cartographic techniques and English impositions (a
foreign land segmenting system, toponymn variation) still appeared on the present day
Waterford County maps? The answer is that there are still more hidden contents on the
Waterford County maps that are beginning to challenge these old imperialistic
cartographic techniques. To recognize those more subtle messages emerging from the
maps, we must return to the toponymn work of Miller (1969), who argued for the two
different naming processes: the folk and the official process (1969). His definition of the
official process being when a governing body came in to map a large area (1969)
definitely fits in this case. However, I would argue for a slightly different variation in the

51
folk process definition. I would argue that in this case the folk process of naming is the
grassroots effort of the population to override the prevailing official name. With these
definitions, for instance, on the Waterford County maps it can be seen that these two
naming processes are colliding in the same area. For example, for many of the place
names referencing areas of larger population, alongside the anglicized version of the
toponymn appears the proper Celtic version of the name as well. It is this seemingly
trivial discovery of the maps of Waterford County that is in reality the most revealing
about the present day power struggles and political issues facing the Irish people today.
The explanation for these phenomena comes from the Gaelic revival, through which the
emergence of the Gaelic language as a national symbol that can be seen on the maps of
Waterford County. It is the apparently small gesture of placing the original Celtic
toponymn next to the anglicized version that manifests one of Don Mitchells culture
wars (2000) in front of the very eyes of the map-reader. This phenomenon is in reality
the most revealing about the present day power struggles and political issues facing the
Irish people today, and this is just the beginning. Currently there are a couple main
initiatives in Ireland in regards to place name revival. Specifically in Waterford County,
a Place Names Committee was established in 2001 (Waterford County Council, 2003).
This committee is responsible for:
Promoting suitable names for residential developments in County
Waterford [suitable names are] Irish or bilingual names, which reflect local
place names, history, and heritagethe overall aim of An Coiste
Logainmneacha (Place Names Committee) is to ensure as far as possible that
names will reflect the rich Irish culture and heritage that is an integral part of

52
Contae Phort Lairge (Waterford County). The importance of place names in
our society cannot be underestimated, and by ceasing to use, or ignoring, the
rich variety of indigenous place names we are in danger of loosing a vital
part of our heritage forever. (Waterford City Council, 2001)
A more general place name movement is taking hold in Ireland in the Gaeltacht
Region. This region is in the Western most counties of Ireland and is home to the largest
percentage of native Gaelic speakers. Presently, on March 28, 2005 an order went into
effect requiring all place names in this area of Ireland to be Celtic in origin only
(Waterford Today, 2005). This action was headed by a regional place names committee
whose job is to sort out the mess [that the English created] and they intend to research
all the names and revert to the correct place names (Waterford Today, 2005, pg 1).
Since April all place names and street signs of this area have been reverted back into their
original Celtic toponymns (De Pasquale, 2005). While critics of this movement say this
is just sustaining the death grip on this language (De Pasquale, 2005, pg 1), the local
residents of the Gaeltacht area have noted evidence to the contrary. The local residents
claim that this is a necessary measure for the continued existence of the Gaelic language.
They even ascertain that because of this movement, students and other tourists are
increasingly visiting this area to be immersed in the original language of their culture.
According to De Pasquale (2005), popularity for the Gaelic language has increased since
this movement was initiated; even the ratings and popularity of all Gaelic radio and
television stations have increased.
There is even international support coming to the likes of the more localized
language revivals. Just this past June 13 the entire European Union showed their support

53
by recognizing Irish as an official language (2005). In turn, this is causing a surge in the
translation business due to the subsequent need for the translation of thousands of
European Union documents into Gaelic (2005).
The main point that this case study is making, however, is that all of these current
events have been documented before. As recently as 2003 when the Ordnance Survey
published the maps of Waterford County this Gaelic Revival has been noted. The subtle
tribute of the seemingly incongruous placement of the original Celtic place name next to
the anglicized version of the toponymn has marked how this Irish cultural movement is
being incorporated into the perceived landscape.

54
Chapter Seven: Conclusions
In summary, four main conclusions can be drawn from this case study. The first
is the idea from traditional cultural geography that place names do in fact diffuse along
cultural migration patterns. For this particular case of Waterford County, remnants of
their historical settlement pattern are manifested on the present day map. Second, the
premise from the new cultural geography that current power relations and struggles can
be seen in the landscape also holds true. In this case the Gaelic revival stands as an
example of the modern day power struggle that is being manifested in the maps of
Waterford. Third, the anticipatory imperialism techniques of Cartographic Encroachment
(Pearce, 2004) and Cartographic Censorship (Sparke, 1995) did take place in Waterford
County. The encroachment technique was implemented when the English set up their
land segmenting system defining areas as counties. By only taking the name of the
largest city in the area and applying it to a larger region, they redefined the spatial
meaning attached to that name. The technique of cartographic censorship was
implemented through the Anglicization of original Irish toponymns. It was through this
act that the Gaelic language itself became the censored object. Finally, the dual naming
process also occurred in Waterford County. This can be seen through the reality of
places in Waterford being listed with two names, one English and one Irish.
By employing techniques defined in both Traditional and New Cultural
Geography this case study has explored and answered the following questions. Do the
toponymns (place names) of Ireland reflect its historic settlement patterns? The answer
here is an unequivocal yes. If so, what are these patterns of change? The change comes
in the form of place name diffusion and variation through power assertion. Finally, what

55
power relations and social struggles influenced and affected the name changes? In this
case it was the overall struggle to keep power or to gain it that affected the toponymns on
the map. Sparke points out how studies like this must keep coming forward. He states
that attention is drawn to the problem that there will always be something [to be read in
the map], and that the critic must always remain alert to any complacency that may
follow (Sparke, 1995, pg 4). In other words the map is always shifting and changing,
and with that so too are the power relations and the society that the map is supposed to
represent.

Relevance of Research
The relevance of this research is three fold. First, this case study fills a void in the
current research. Most studies of this kind are pre-occupied with places in North
America. By setting a case study in Old World Ireland, an alternate cite is being
provided to test the existing cultural geography theories. Second, this study combats the
myth of maps as scientific tools. By showing that there is more to be found in a map
than just surface data, it encourages a more critical approach to further map use and
interpretation. Finally, it is an example of how the principals of Traditional and New
Cultural Geography can be combined to investigate both the physical and symbolic
landscape. By asking not only the questions of what and where, but also how and why,
we can expect a better understanding to the world around us.

56
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Harley, J.B. (1988b). Sliences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early
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Mitchell, D. (2000). Culture Wars: Culture is Politics by Another Name. Cultural
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61
Appendix. Waterford County Toponymns Database
This database contains all of the place names that were compiled from the five
Ordnance Survey of Ireland Maps (2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2003d, 2003e). The first
column contains the toponymn as it appeared on the map. The second column contains
any alternative form of the name that either occurred directly on the map or was found in
the research sources. The third column represents the linguistic origin of the toponymn.
The fourth column refers to which of the three main sources the name, or name element,
was found in. They are coded as follows:
1 - Flanagan, D., & Flanagan, L. (2002). Irish Place Names. Dublin: Gill &
Macmillan Ltd.
2- Room, A. (1988). Dictionary of Place-Names in the British Isles. London:
Bloomsbury Publishing Limited.
3- Hughes, T.J. (1970). Town and Baile in Irish Place-Names. (N. Stephens & R.
Glasscock, Eds.). Irish Geographical Studies. Belfast: The Department of
Geography, The Queens University of Belfast.
The fifth column notes whether or not the word has been Anglicized. This means that if
there is a Yes noted then the name that appeared on the map was altered to fit into
English phonetics. If there is a No noted then the word is in its original linguistic form.
NA is marked for words that are originally English, meaning that an Anglicized form
would be Not Available. Finally, the last column gives the meaning of a toponymn, or
a specific toponymnic element.

62
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Abbeyside

English

NA

"Abbey" refers to a Monastery

Acres

English

NA

"Acre" is an English element

Adamstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Addrigoole

Irish

Yes

"Place Between a Fork"

Adramone

Irish

Yes

"-mone" means "Bog"

Irish

Yes

Refers to a Church

Irish

"Ahan" refers to a ford

Irish

Yes

"Ahaun" refers to a ford

Aglish

An Eaglais

Ahanaglogh
Ahaun

Athan

Ahuanboy

Irish

Yes

"Ahaun" refers to a ford

Amberhill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

An Cuilin

Irish

No

"Cuil-" means "Corner"

An Cuan

Irish

No

"Corner" or "Nook"

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Ardaguna

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Ardeenloun

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Irish

Yes

"Great Height"

Annestown

Ardmore

Bun Abha

Aird Mhor

Ardnahow

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Ardocheasty

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Ardoginna

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Ardpaddin

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Ardnamult Head

Ard na Molt

Ardsallagh

Irish

Yes

"Ard" means "Height"

Ashtown

English

Yes

"Town" is an English element

Aughmore

Irish

Yes

"Augh" means "Field"

Aughnabrone

Irish

Yes

"Augh" means "Field"

Aughnacurraveel

Irish

Yes

"Augh" means "Field"

Baile na nGall

Irish

No

"Homestead of the stones"

Ballaghavorraga

Irish

Yes

"Ballagha" means "Pass"

Balleighteragh

Irish

Yes

""Balleigh" means "Homestead"

Ballinab

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinaha

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinaleucra

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinamona

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinanchor

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinaspick

Baile an Easpaig

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Bishop"

Ballinattin

Baile na Aitheann

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Gorpse"

Ballindaggan

Baile an Daingin

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Fortress"

Ballindud

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballindysert

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballingarra

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballingarry

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballingowan

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballingowna

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinkina

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinlevane

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

63
Name

Alternative

Ballinlough

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballintaylor

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballintlea

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballintoor

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinure

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinvella

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinwillin

Irish

Yes

"Ballin-" means "Homestead"

Ballinroad

Baile an Roid

Ballyanhemery

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyard

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballybeg

Baile Beag

Irish

Yes

"Small Homestead"

Ballyboy

Baile Atha Bui

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the yellow ford"

Ballybrack

Baile Breac

Irish

Yes

"Speckled Homestead"

Ballybregin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballybrennock

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballybrusa

Brucetown

Ballycahane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballycanvan

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballycarnane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"O Caisin's Homestead"

Ballyclement

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyclohy

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballycoarda

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballycoe

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballycondon

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyconnery

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Clay"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Baile Ui Choileain

Irish

Yes

"O Choileain's Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Baile Ui Churraoin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Doibhi's/ Dhaith's Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballycashin

Ballycraddock

Baile Ui Chasisin

Baile Chreadoig

Ballycrompane
Ballycullane
Ballycurrane
Ballycurreen
Ballydasoon
Ballydavid

Baile Dhaibhi/ Dhaith

Ballydermody
Ballydermodybog

Irish

Yes

Ballydonagh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballydowane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballydrislane
Ballyduff
Ballydurn

An Baile Dubh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Black Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyea

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyeafy

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyeelinan

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballygagin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballygalane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

64
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Ballygally

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballygambon

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballygarran

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballygarret

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyglan

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyguiry

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballygunner

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyhamlet

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyhander

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyhane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyharrahan

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyheadon

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyheeny

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyhest

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyhoo

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyhussa

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballykennedy

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballykerin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballykeroge

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballykilmurry

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballykinsella

Irish

Yes

"O Cinsealaigh's Homestead"

Ballyknock

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballylane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballylaneen

Baile an Chinsealaigh

Baile Ui Fhlaithnin

Ballylangadon
Ballyleane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyleen

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballylegat

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballylemon

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballylenane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballylinch

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballylough

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballymabin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballymacarbry

Baile Mhac Cairbre

Irish

Yes

"MacCarbre's Homestead"

Ballymacart

Baile Mhac Airt

Irish

Yes

"MacArt's Homestead"

Ballymacaw

Baile Mhic Dhaith

Irish

Yes

"MacDaith's Homestead"

Ballymacmague

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballymakee

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballymartin

Irish

Yes

"MacGiolla Mhartain's Homestead"

Ballymoat

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballymoodranagh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

"Muiris's Homestead"

Ballymorris

Irish

Yes

Ballymuddy

Baile Mhuiris

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballymulalla

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

65
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Ballymurrin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynabanoge

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynabola

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaclash

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaclogh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynacourty

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Mansion"

Ballynacurra

Baile na Cuirte

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynadeige

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynadogh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynafina

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynafineshoge

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynagaul

Baile na nGall

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Stones"

Ballynageeragh

Baile na gCaorach

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Sheep"

Ballynagigla

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynagleragh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynagorkagh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaguilkee

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Baile na hArda

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Baile na Cille

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Church"

Ballynalahessery

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynameelagh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynamertinagh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynamintra

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaharda
Ballynahila
Ballynakill

Ballynamona

Baile na Mona

Ballynamoyntragh
Ballynamuck
Ballynamult

Beal na Muilt

Ballynamultina

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Bog"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Homestead of the Wether"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaneashagh

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaparka

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaraha

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynarrid

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynasisala

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynaskeha

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynatray

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyneal

Baile Ui Neill

Irish

Yes

"O Neill's Homestead"

Ballyneety

Baile an Fhaoitigh

"De Faoite's Homestead"

Irish

Yes

Ballynerroon

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynevin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynevoga

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynicole

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballynoe

Irish

Yes

"New Homestead"

Ballynulalla

Baile Nua

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyogarty

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

66
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Ballyphilip

Baile Philib

Irish

Yes

"Philib's Homestead"

Ballyquin

Baile Ui Choinn

Irish

Yes

"o Coinn's Homestead"

Ballyrafter

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyrandle

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyristeen

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyrobin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyroe

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyreilly

Baile Ui Raghallaigh

Ballyrohan

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyrussel

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballysagart

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballysagartbeghill

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Dirty Homestead"

Ballyscanlan

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyshoneen

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyshonock

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyslough

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballythomas

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballysallagh

Baile Salach

Ballytrisnane

Baile Throsnain

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballytruckle

Balie Throcail

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvad
Ballyvadden

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvallikin

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvalloona

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvecane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvellon

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvohalane

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvoony

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Ballyvoreen

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

"O Baoill's Homestead"

Ballyvoyle

Irish

Yes

Ballywelligan

Baile Ui Bhaoill

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Barnakile

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barrack

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barracree

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barracreemountain

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barranafaddock

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barranalira

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barranamanoge

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barranashingaun

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barranaleaha

Barranastook

Barr na Leithe

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barravakeen

Barr na Stuac

Irish

Yes

"Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top

Barristown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Barrysmountain

English

NA

"Mountain" is an English element

Bawnabraher

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

67
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Bawnacarrigaun

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnacommera

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnagappul

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnagarrane

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnard

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnatanavoher

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnbrack

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawndaw

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnfoun

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnfune

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnlaur

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnmore

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Bawnnavinnoge

Irish

Yes

"Bawn-" means Cow Fortress

Beallough

Irish

No

"Beal-" means "Mouth"

Bellaheen

Irish

Yes

"Bella-" means "Estuary"

Belleville

English

NA

"Ville" is an English element

Benvoy

Irish

Yes

"Ben-" means "Peak" or "Mountain"

Bewley

English

NA

"-ley" is English for "Woods"

Bishopscourt

English

NA

"Court" is an English element

Bishopstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Black

English

NA

"Black" is an English element

Blackball Head

English

NA

"Black-" is an English element

Blackbog

English

NA

"Bog" is an English element

Blackhill Wood

English

NA

"Wood" is an English element

Blackknock

Irish

Yes

"Black Hill"

Bog

English

NA

"Bog" is an English element

Boggagh

English

NA

"Bog" is an English element

Bohadoon

Irish

Yes

"Boha-" means "Road"

Irish

Yes

"High Road"
"Willin's Road"

Boherard

Bothar Ard

Boherawillin

Irish

Yes

Boherboy

Bothar Bui

Irish

Yes

"Yellow Road"

Boola

Buaile

Irish

Yes

"Boola" means "Milking Place"

Boolabeg

Irish

Yes

"Boola" means "Milking Place"

Boolabrien

Irish

Yes

"Boola" means "Milking Place"

Boolacloghagh

Irish

Yes

"Boola" means "Milking Place"

Boolakiley

Irish

Yes

"Boola" means "Milking Place"

Boolattin

Irish

Yes

"Boola" means "Milking Place"

"Boola" means "Milking Place"

Boolavonteen

Irish

Yes

Bridgequarter

English

NA

"Quarter" is an English element

Bridgetown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Brittle Land"

English

NA

"Mountain" is an English element

Briska
Broemountain

Brioscach

Brooklodge

English

NA

"Lodge" is an English element

Brownstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Brownswood

English

NA

"Wood" is an English element

68
Name
Bunmahon

Alternative
Bun Machan

Butlerstown
Caher

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Irish

Yes

"Mouth of the river Machain"

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Stone Fort"

Caherbaun

Irish

Yes

"Stone Fort"

Caherbrack

Irish

Yes

"Stone Fort"
"White Stone Fort"

Cahergal

Cathair

Origin

Irish

Yes

Caheruane

Cathair Geal

Irish

Yes

"Stone Fort"

Callowclough

Irish

Yes

"Holm Stone Castle"

Cappagh

Ceapach Choinn

Irish

Yes

"Plot of Land"

Cappoquin

Ceapach Choinn

Irish

Yes

"Conn's Plot"

Carrickadustara

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickahilla

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickanure

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickarea

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickaready

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickatober

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickavarahane

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickavrantry

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Irish

Yes

"Small Rock"

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carrickbarrahane
Carrickbeg

Carraig Bheag

Carricknabrone
Carrickphierish
Carrickphilip

Ceapach Philib

Carricksaggart

Irish

Yes

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Irish

Yes

"Carrick-" means "Rock"

Carriganard

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigane

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigavoe

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigbrack

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigcastle

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigeen

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigeennageragh

An Carraigin

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigeennahaha

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carriglass

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carriglea

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carriglong

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigmoorna

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrignagower

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrignanonshagh

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigroe

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carrigseegowna

Irish

Yes

"Carrig-" means "Rock"

Carronadroleen

Irish

Yes

"Carron-" means "Pile of Stones"

Carronahyla

Irish

Yes

"Carron-" means "Pile of Stones"

Carronbeg

Irish

Yes

"Carron-" means "Pile of Stones"

Carrondavderg

Irish

Yes

"Carron-" means "Pile of Stones"

Carrowgarriff

Irish

Yes

"Carrow-" means "Quarter"

69
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Carrowleigh

Irish

Yes

"Carrow-" means "Quarter"

Carrowncashlane

Irish

Yes

"Carrow-" means "Quarter"

Carrowntassona

Irish

Yes

"Carrow-" means "Quarter"

Castlecraddock

English

NA

"Castle" is an English element

Castlelands

English

NA

"Castle" is an English element

Castlemiles

English

NA

"Castle" is an English element

Castlequarter

English

NA

"Castle" is an English element

Castlereagh

English

NA

"Castle" is an English element

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Streak Point"

Castletown
Cheekpoint

Pointe na Sige

Cherrymount

English

NA

"Mount-" is an English element

Churchquarter

English

NA

"Quarter" is an English element

Churchtown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Cladagh

Irish

Yes

Means "Shore" or "Beach"

Clashabeema

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Clashanahy

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Clashbrack

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Clashdog

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Clasheenanierin

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Clashganny

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Irish

Yes

"Big Ravine"

Clashnadarriv

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Clashnagoneen

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Clashnamonadee

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Irish

Yes

"Clash-" means"Ravine"

Irish

Yes

"Stone Castle"

Cloghadda

Irish

Yes

"Clog-" means "Stone Castle"

Cloghaun

Irish

Yes

"Clog-" means "Stone Castle"

Cloghbog

Irish

Yes

"Clog-" means "Stone Castle"

Irish

Yes

"Little Stone Castle"

Irish

Yes

"Clog-" means "Stone Castle"

Irish

No

"Stony Place"

Clashmore

Clais Mhor

Clashroe
Clogh

Clogheen

Cloichin

Cloichin

Cloghraun
Cloghernach

Clocharnach

Clonagam

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Clonanav

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Cloncoskoran

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Clondonnell

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Irish

Yes

"Pasture of the Deer"

Clonea

Cluain Fhia

Clonfadda

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Clonkerdin

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Irish

Yes

"Pasture of Honey"

Clonmel

Culain Meala

Clonmore

Culain Mhor

Clonmoyle

Irish

Yes

"Large Pasture"

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Cloonbeg

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Clooncogaile

Irish

Yes

"Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow"

Close

English

NA

"Close" is an English element

70
Name

Alternative

Commons
Cool

Cul

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

English

NA

"Commons" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Back"
"Cool-" means "Back"

Cooladalane

Irish

Yes

Coolagadden

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolagortboy

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolahest

Irish

Yes

Coolanheen

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolatoor

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolbagh

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolbeggan

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolbooa

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolbunnia

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolcormuck

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Cooldrishoge

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolfinn

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolgower

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolishal

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnabeasoon

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnacreena

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnagoppoge

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnagour

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnahorna

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnalingady

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnamuck

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnanav

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnaneagh

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnasmear

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolnasmuttaun

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolowen

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolrattin

Irish

Yes

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Cooltegin

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Cooltubbrid

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Coolum

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Irish

Yes

"Cool-" means "Back"

Irish

Yes

"Odd Homestead"

Corradoon

Irish

No

"Corr-" means "Hill"

Corragina

Irish

No

"Corr-" means "Hill"

Corranduff

Irish

No

"Corr-" means "Hill"

Corrannaskeha

Irish

No

"Corr-" means "Hill"

Coolroe

An Chuil Rua

Coolydoody
Corbally

Corrbhaile

Coumaraglinmountain
Coumfea

Com Fia

Irish

Yes

"Coum-" means "Hollow"

Irish

Yes

"Coum-" means "Hollow"

Coummahon

Irish

Yes

"Coum-" means "Hollow"

Coumnagappul

Irish

Yes

"Coum-" means "Hollow"

Coumshingaun

Irish

Yes

"Coum-" means "Hollow"

71
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Countygate

English

NA

"County" is an English element

Coxtown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

"Creg-" means "Rock"

Creggane

Irish

Yes

Crobally

Cruabhaile

Irish

Yes

"Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead"

Cross

Crois

Irish

Yes

"Cross"

Crossery

English

NA

"-ery" is English for "Ford"

Crossford

English

NA

"-ford" is an English element

Cullencastle

English

NA

"Castle" is an English element

Currabaha

Irish

Yes

"Curra-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curradarra

Irish

Yes

"Curra-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Irish

Yes

"Curra-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Irish

Yes

"Marsh"

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraduff
Curragh

Currach

Curraghacnav
Curraghataggart

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghateskin

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghballintlea

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghduff

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghkiely

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghmore

Irish

Yes

"Big Marsh"

Curraghmoreen

Currach Mor

Irish

Yes

"Little Big Marsh"

Curraghna-Garraha

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghnagree

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghnamaddree

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghphilippen

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraghroche

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curragraig

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraheen

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Curraheenavoher

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

Currahreigh

Irish

Yes

"Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh"

"Cresent Shaped Place"

Currane

Corran

Irish

Yes

Curraun

Corran

Irish

Yes

"Cresent Shaped Place"

English

NA

"Grange" is an English element

Cush of Grange
Davmore

English

NA

"More" is an English element

Deelishmountain

English

NA

"Mountain" is an English element

English

NA

"Park" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Oak Grove"

French

No

Personal Name

Deerpark
Derry

Doire an Bhile

D'Loughtane
Doon

Dun

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Dooneen

Dunin

Irish

Yes

"Little Fort"

Irish

Yes

"Knock" means "Hill"

Dowersknock
Drehidkeal

Droichead

Irish

Yes

"Drehid" means "Bridge"

Drohidnawillin

Droichead

Irish

Yes

"Drehid" means "Bridge"

Dromina

Dhrom Eidhneach

"Ridged Land"

Irish

Yes

Dromona

Irish

Yes

"Drom-" means "Ridge"

Dromore

Irish

Yes

"Drom-" means "Ridge"

72
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Drumcannon

Irish

Yes

"Drum-" means "Ridge"

Drumgorey

Irish

Yes

"Drum-" means "Ridge"

Drumgullane

Irish

Yes

"Drum-" means "Ridge"

Drumlohan

Irish

Yes

"Drum-" means "Ridge"

Drumroe

Irish

Yes

"Drum-" means "Ridge"

Drumrusk

Irish

Yes

"Drum-" means "Ridge"

Drumslig

Irish

Yes

"Drum-" means "Ridge"

Irish

Yes

"Black Ford"

Ducarrig

Irish

Yes

"Carrig" means "Rock"

Duckspool

English

NA

"-pool" is an English element

Duffcarrick

Irish

Yes

"Carrick" means "Rock"

Dunabrattin

Irish

Yes

"Dun-" means "Fort"

"Garbhan's Fort"

Duagh

Dubhath

Dungarvan

Dun Garbhan

Irish

Yes

Dunhill

Dun Aill

Irish

Yes

"Fort Cliff"

Dunmoon

Dun Moin

Irish

Yes

"Mon's Fort"

Dunmore

Dun Mor

Irish

Yes

"Big Fort"

Dunsallagh

Dun Salach

Irish

Yes

"Dirty Fort"

Durrow

Daru

Irish

Yes

"Oak Plain"

Dysert

Diseart

"Hermitage"

Irish

Yes

Eaglehill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Englishtown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Faha

Irish

Yes

"Green"

Fahafeelagh

Irish

Yes

"Faha-" means "Green"

Farranalahesery

Irish

Yes

"Farran-" means "Plough Land"

Irish

Yes

"Farran-" means "Plough Land"

Irish

Yes

"Farran-" means "Plough Land"

"Farran-" means "Plough Land"

Farranalounty

An Fhaiche

Fearann an Lontaigh

Farranbullen
Farrangarret

Irish

Yes

Feagarrid

Feith Ghairid

Irish

Yes

"Short Stream"

Fennor

Fionnuir

Irish

Yes

"Place by White Water"

Fews

Fea

Irish

Yes

"Woods"

Finisk

Fionnuisce

Irish

Yes

"White Water"

Flowerhill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Foilanprisoon

Irish

Yes

"Foil-" means "Cliff"

Fortwilliam

English

NA

"Fort" is an English element

Fountain

English

NA

"Fountain"

Fourmilewater

English

NA

"Mile" is an English element

Foxhole

English

NA

"Fox" is English element

Fox's Castle

English

NA

"Castle" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Grey Mound"

Gardenmorris

English

NA

"Morris' Garden"

Garra

Irish

Yes

"Clump" or "Grove"

Garrahylish

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Garrananaspick

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Garranbaun

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Garranmillon

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Furraleigh

Foradh Liath

73
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Garranturton

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Garrarus

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Garraun

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Garravoone

Irish

Yes

"Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove"

Garrison

English

NA

"Garrison"

Garrybrittas

Irish

Yes

"Garry-" means "Garden"

Garryclone

Irish

Yes

"Garry-" means "Garden"

Garrycloyne

Irish

Yes

"Garry-" means "Garden"

Garryduff

Irish

Yes

"Garry-" means "Garden"

Garrynageragh

Irish

Yes

"Garry-" means "Garden"

Garrynagree

Irish

Yes

"Garry-" means "Garden"

Garrynoe

Irish

Yes

"Garry-" means "Garden"

Gates

English

NA

"Gates"

Gaulstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Geogrgestown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Gibbethill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Glen

Irish

Yes

"Valley"

Glenabbey

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenaboy

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenagarra

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenaknockaun

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenaleeriska

Gleann Trasnain

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenary

Gleann an Fhiorusce

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenasaggart

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenassy

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenavaddra

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Irish

Yes

"Valley of the Cairn"

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenaveha
Glencarin
Glencullen

Gleann an Chairn

Glendalligan

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glendalough

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glendaw

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glendeish

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glendine

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenfooran

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glengoagh

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenhouse

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenlicky

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenmorrishmeen

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glennafallia

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glennagad

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glennaglogh

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glennaneane

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glennanore

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glennaphuca

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

74
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Glennawillin

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenpatrick

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenribbeen

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenshask

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Glentaun

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glentaunatinagh

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glentaunemon

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Glenwilliam

Irish

Yes

"Glen-" means "Valley"

Gortaclade

Irish

Yes

"Gort-" means "Field"

Gortahilly

Irish

Yes

"Gort-" means "Field"

Gortavicary

Irish

Yes

"Gort-" means "Field"

"Little Field"

Gorteen

An Goirtin

Irish

Yes

Gortnadina

Gort na Duimhche

Irish

Yes

"Gort-" means "Field"

Gortnalaght

Irish

Yes

"Gort-" means "Field"

Gortnapeaky

Irish

Yes

"Gort-" means "Field"

Gowlaun

Irish

Yes

"Fork"

Graigariddy

Irish

Yes

"Graig-" means "Hamlet"

Graigavalla

Irish

Yes

"Graig-" means "Hamlet"

Graignagower

Irish

Yes

"Graig-" means "Hamlet"

Irish

Yes

"Hamlet"

Graigue

Slaibh an Ghabhlain

Graig

Graiguearush

Irish

Yes

"Graigue-" means "Hamlet"

Graigueavurra

Irish

Yes

"Graigue-" means "Hamlet"

Graiguenageeha

Irish

Yes

"Graigue-" means "Hamlet"

Graigueshoneen
Grange

An Ghrainsigh

Grantstown

Irish

Yes

"Graigue-" means "Hamlet"

Irish

Yes

"Monastic Grange"

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Greenan

Grianan

Irish

Yes

"Sunny/ Important Place"

Greenane

Grianan

Irish

Yes

"Sunny/ Important Place"

Gurteen

Goirtin

Irish

Yes

"Little Tilled Field"

Hacketstown

Baile an Aiceadaigh

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Harristown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Harrowhill

English

NA

From "Harrow on the Hill, London"

Headborough

English

NA

"Borough" is an English element

"Rock-Shelf Bay"

Helvisk

Norse

No

Hunter

Heilbhic

English

NA

"Hunter"

Hunthill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Inchindrisla

Irish

Yes

"Inch-" means "Island"

Inchinleama

Irish

Yes

"Inch-" means "Island"

Island

English

NA

"Island"

Islandhubbock

English

NA

"Island-" is an English element

Islandikane

English

NA

"Island-" is an English element

Islandtarsney

English

NA

"Island-" is an English element

Janeville

English

NA

"Ville" is an English element

Joanstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

75
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Johnstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Kealfoun

Irish

Yes

"Keal-" means "Slender"

Kealroe

Irish

Yes

"Keal-" means "Slender"

Keiloge

Irish

Yes

"Keal-" means "Slender"

Khakitown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Kilballyquilty
Kilbarry

Cill Barra

Kilbarrymeaden

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Barra's Church"

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilbeg

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilbrack

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilbree

Irish

Yes

Kilbride

Cill Bhride

Irish

Yes

"Brigid's Church"

Kilbrien

Cill Bhrain

Irish

Yes

"Church of Brian"

Kilbryan

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcalf

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcana

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcannon

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcaragh

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcarton

Irish

Yes

Kilcloher

Cill Chololchir

Irish

Yes

"Church of the Stony Place"

Kilclooney

Cill Chluana

Irish

Yes

"Church of the Pasture"

Kilcockan

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcohan

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Church of Colman"

Kilcolman

Cill Cholmain

Kilcomeragh

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcooney

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcop

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilcreggane

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Church of the Steep Slope"

Kilcullen

Cill Chuillinn

Kildermody

Cill Dhiarmada

Irish

Yes

"Church of Diarmaid"

Kilderriheen

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kildroughtaun

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilduane

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilfarrasy

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilgabriel

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilgainy

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Church of Gobnait"

Kilgreany

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilgrovan

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilkeany

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilgobnet

Kill

Cill Ghobnait

An Chill

Kill St. Nicholas

Killadangan

Coill an Daingin

Irish

Yes

"Church"

Irish

Yes

"Church of St. Nicholas"

Irish

Yes

"Wood of the Fortress"

Killahaly

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killanthony

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

76
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Killatoor

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killawlan

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killea

Cill Aodha

Irish

Yes

"Church of Aodh"

Killeagh

Cill la

Irish

Yes

"Church of La"

Killenagh

Cill Eanach

Irish

Yes

"Church of the Marsh"

Killeeshal

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killelton

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killerguile

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killineen
Killinoorin

Cillan Fhuarthainn

Killone

Cill Eoghain

Irish

Yes

"Eoghan's Church"

Killongford

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killossearagh

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killoteran

Cill Odhrain

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Killowen

Cill Eoin

Irish

Yes

"Eoin's Church"

Killure

Irish

Yes

"Kill-" means "Church"

Kilmacleague

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmacomma

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmacthomas

Irish

Yes

"Wood of the Sons of Thomas"

Kilmagibboge

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmaloo

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmanahan

Coill Mhic Thomaisin

Irish

Yes

"Manchan's Church"

Kilmanicholas

Cill Mainchin

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmaquague

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmeadan

Cill Mhiadain

Irish

Yes

"Church of Miadan"

Kilmeedy

Cill Mide

Irish

Yes

"Church of Ide"

Kilminnin

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmolash

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

"Big Church"

Kilmore

Cill Mhor

Irish

Yes

Kilmovee

Cill Mobhi

Irish

Yes

"Church of Mobhi"

Kilmoyemoge

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmoylin

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmurrin

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Mary's Church"

Kilnacarriga

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilnacomb

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilnafarna

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilnafrehan

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilnagrange

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilnamack

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilmurry

Cill Mhuire

Kilnockan

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Cill Ronain

Irish

Yes

"Ronan's Church"

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilrush

Cill Rois

Irish

Yes

"Church of the Grove"

Kilsheelan

Cill Siolain

Irish

Yes

"Solan's Church"

Kilronan
Kilrossanty

77
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Kilsteague

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Kilwatermoy

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Kil-" means "Church"

Irish

Yes

"Head of the Sea"

Irish

Yes

"More" common English element

Kilwinny
Kinsalebeg

Baile an Phoill

Knoateemore
Knockacaharna

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockacomortish

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockacoola

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockacronaun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockacullen

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockacurrin

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockadav

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockadoonlea

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockadreey

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockadrumalea

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockadullaun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaharaun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockalafalla

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockalahara

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockalassa

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockalisheen

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockanacullin
Knockanaffrin

Cnoc an Aifrinn

Knockanagh
Knockananna

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockand

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockanduff

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockane

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockanearis

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaniska

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockannanagh

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockannia

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockanore

Cnoc an Oir

Knockanpaddin

Irish

Yes

"Hill of Gold"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockanpower

Cnocan Phaoraigh

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockanroe

An Concan Rua

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaraha
Knockatoor

Irish

Yes

Knockatouk

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockatrellane

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaturnory

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunabulloga

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunacuit

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunagloon

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

78
Name
Knockaunapeebra

Alternative
Conocan Phiopaire

Knockaunarast

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunbrandaun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunfargarve

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaungarriff

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunnaglokee

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunnagoun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaunroe

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockavannia

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockaveelish

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockavelish

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockbaun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Yellow Hill"

Knockboy

An Conc Bui

Knockbrack

Cnoc Breac

Irish

Yes

"Speckled Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Little Hill"

Knockeengancan

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockgarraun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockhouse

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocklucas

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockmahon

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockcorragh
Knockeen

Cnoicin

Knockmaon

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockmeal

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Warrior of the Fort"

Knockmealdown

Cnoc Mhaoldomhnaigh

Knockmeelmore

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknaboul

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknabrone

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknacreha

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknacrohy

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknacrooha
Knocknafreeny

Cnoc an Fhreinigh

Knocknafrehane

Irish

Yes

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknagappul

Conc na gCapall

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknageragh

Summerhill

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknaglogh

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknagoppal

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknagranagh

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknahoola

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknalooricaun

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknalougha

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknamona

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknamuck

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknamulee

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknaraha

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknaree

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

79
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Knocknasheega

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknaskagh

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocknastooka

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockparson

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockroe

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockrour

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knocksheegowna

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockyelan

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Knockyoolahan

Irish

Yes

"Knock-" means "Hill"

Lackaduff

Irish

Yes

"Lacka-" means "Hillside"

Lackandarra

Irish

Yes

"Lackan-" means "Hillside"

Lackanroe

Irish

Yes

"Lackan-" means "Hillside"

Lacken

Irish

Yes

"Lacken-" means "Hillside"

Lackenagreany

Irish

Yes

"Lacken-" means "Hillside"

Lackendarra

Irish

Yes

"Lacken-" means "Hillside"

Lackenfune

Irish

Yes

"Lacken-" means "Hillside"

Lackenrea

Irish

Yes

"Lacken-" means "Hillside"

Lackensillagh

Irish

Yes

"Lacken-" means "Hillside"

Lackmore
Lagnagoushee

Log na Giumhaisi

Landscape Glen

Irish

Yes

"Lack-" means "Flagstone"

Irish

Yes

"Lag-" means "Elm"

English

NA

"Glen" is an English element

Lauragh

Laithreach

Irish

Yes

"Site"

Leckaun

Leacan

Irish

Yes

"Hillside"

Lemybrien

Leim Ui Bhriain

Irish

Yes

"Leap of O Briain"

Leperstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Lisard

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisduggan

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisfennel

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisfinny

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisglass

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisgriffin

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisheen

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisheenoona

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Liskeelty

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Irish

Yes

"Big Fort"

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisleagh
Lismore

Lios Mor

Lisnageragh
Lisnagree

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Lisnakill

Lios na Cille

Irish

Yes

"Fort of the Church"

Lisroe

Lios Ruadh

Irish

Yes

"Red Fort"

Liss

Irish

Yes

"Liss" means "Fort"

Lissahane

Irish

Yes

"Liss-" means "Fort"

"Fort of the Water"

Lissaniska

Irish

Yes

Lissarow

Lios an Uisce

Irish

Yes

"Liss-" means "Fort"

Lissasmuttaun

Irish

Yes

"Liss-" means "Fort"

80
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Lissaviron

Irish

Yes

"Liss-" means "Fort"

Lissavironbeg

Irish

Yes

"Liss-" means "Fort"

Lisselan

Irish

Yes

"Liss-" means "Fort"

Lisselty

Irish

Yes

"Liss-" means "Fort"

Listeige

Irish

Yes

"Lis-" means "Fort"

Logleagh

Irish

Yes

"Log-" means "Elm"

Logloss

Irish

Yes

"Log-" means "Elm"

Irish

Yes

"Burnt Ground"

Loughaniska

Irish

Yes

"Lough-" means "Lake"

Loughanunna

Irish

Yes

"Lough-" means "Lake"

Loughdeheen

Irish

Yes

"Lough-" means "Lake"

Loughnasollis

Irish

Yes

"Lough-" means "Lake"

Loughnatouse

Irish

Yes

"Lough-" means "Lake"

Loskeran

Loiscrean

Lyranearia

Irish

Yes

"Lyra-" means"Fork"

Lyrattin

Irish

Yes

"Lyra-" means"Fork"

Lyre

Irish

Yes

"Fork"

Lyrenacallee

Irish

Yes

"Lyre-" means"Fork"

Lyrenacarriga

Irish

Yes

"Lyre-" means"Fork"

Lyrenaglogh

Irish

Yes

"Lyre-" means"Fork"

Magaha

Irish

Yes

"Plain"

Mapestown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Matthewstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Mayfield

English

NA

""-field" is an English element

Middlequarter

English

NA

"-quarter" is an English element

Milk Hill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Millerstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

English

NA

"-street" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"High Crown Head"

Irish

Yes

"Moan-" means "Bog"

"Moan-" means "Bog"

Millstreet
Mine Head

Mionn Ard

Moanballyshivane
Moanbrack

An Mhoin Bhreac

Irish

Yes

Moanfoun

An Mhion Fhionn

Irish

Yes

"Moan-" means "Bog"

Irish

Yes

"Moan-" means "Bog"

Irish

Yes

"Moan-" means "Bog"

Irish

Yes

"Mound"

Moanfune
Moanyarha
Moat

An Mota

Modelligo

Ma Deilge

Irish

Yes

"Plain of the Thorn"

Monabreeka

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monacullee

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monadiha

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monafehadee

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monagally

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monageela

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monagilleeny

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monagoush

Irish

Yes

Monagyreroe

Moin an Ghiunhais

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monakirka

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

81
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Monalour

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monalummery

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monaman
Monameean

Moin na mBian

Monamelagh
Monamintra

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monamraher

Mion na mBrathar

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monaneea

Moin na Fhia

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Irish

Yes

"High Bog"

Monang
Monard

Moin Ard

Monarud

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monataggart

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monatarriv

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monatouk

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monatray

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monatrim

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monavaud

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

Monavugga

Irish

Yes

"Mona-" means "Peatbog"

"Bog of the Summit"

Monavullagh

Moin an Mhullaigh

Monboy
Monea

Ma Niadh

Irish

Yes

Irish

Yes

"Yellow Bog"

Irish

Yes

"Plain of the Champion"

Moneygorm

Irish

Yes

"Money-" means "Bog"

Monkeal

Irish

Yes

"Mon-" means "Bog"

Monloum

Irish

Yes

"Mon-" means "Bog"

Monminane

Irish

Yes

"Mon-" means "Bog"

Monvore

Irish

Yes

"Mon-" means "Bog"

Monvoy

Irish

Yes

"Mon-" means "Bog"

Monyvroe

Irish

Yes

"Mon-" means "Bog"

Moorehill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Mothel

Irish

Yes

"Soft Place"

Mountaincastle

Moathail

English

NA

"Mountain-" is an English element

Mountainfarm

English

NA

"Mountain-" is an English element

Mountainrea

English

NA

"Mountain-" is an English element

Mountbolton

English

NA

"Mount-" is an English element

"Mount-" is an English element

Mountcongreve

English

NA

Mountmelleray

English

NA

"Mount-" is an English element

Mountodell

English

NA

"Mount-" is an English element

Mountrivers

English

NA

"Mount-" is an English element

Mountstuart

English

NA

"Mount-" is an English element

Munsburrow

English

NA

"Burrow-" means "Fortified Place"

Mweelahorna

Bruachaill

Maoil na Choirnigh

Mweeling
Newport
Newtown
Nicholastown

An Balie Nua

Irish

Yes

"Hill of the Barley"

Irish

Yes

"Mweel-" means "Barley"

English

NA

"New-" is an English element

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

82
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Norrisland

English

NA

"Land" is an English element

Oldgrange

English

NA

"Grange" is an English element

Orchardstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Pallis

French

Yes

"Palisade" or "Stockade"

Irish

Yes

"Field"

Park

Pairc

Parkatobeen

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Parkbeg

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Parkdotia

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Parkeenagarra

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Parkeennaglogh

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Irish

Yes

"Big Field"

Parknoe

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Parkswood

Irish

Yes

"Park-" means "Field"

Pembrokestown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Pickardstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Pigeon Hill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Pillpark

English

NA

"Park" is an English element

"Town" is an English element

Parkgarriff
Parkmore

Pairc Mhor

Pilltown

English

NA

Portally

Port Ailigh

Irish

Yes

"Port-" is "Platform" or "Bank"

Portlaw

Port Lach

Irish

Yes

"Platform of the Hill"

Portnaboe

Irish

Yes

"Port-" is "Platform" or "Bank"

Poulavone

Irish

Yes

"Poul-" means "Pool"

Poulbautia

Irish

Yes

"Poul-" means "Pool"

Poulboy

Irish

Yes

"Yellow Pool"

Poulfadda

Irish

Yes

"Poul-" means "Pool"

Poulnagunoge

Irish

Yes

"Poul-" means "Pool"

Poul-maddra-ruadh

Irish

Yes

"Poul-" means "Pool"

Powersknock

Irish

Yes

"-knock" means "Hill"

Pulla

Irish

Yes

Anglicized for "Pool"

Quilly

Coillidh

Irish

Yes

"Woodland"

Raheen

An Raithin

Irish

Yes

"Little Fort"

Raheens

Irish

Yes

"Little Forts"

Ralph

English

NA

Personal Name

Raspberry Hill

English

NA

"Hill" is an English element

Rath

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Rathanny

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Rathgormuck

Irish

Yes

"Fort of Ui Chormaic"

Rathlead

Rath O gCormaic

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Rathmaiden

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Rathnaskilloge

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Rathquage

Irish

Yes

"Fort"

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Rathmoylan
Rathnameneenagh

Readoty

Rath na mBinineach

An Re Dhoite

83
Name
Reamanagh

Alternative
An Re Mheanach

Reanabarna
Reanaboola
Reanaclogheen

Re na gCloichin

Reanacoolagh
Reanadampaun
Reanagullee

Re na gGuili

Reanaskeha

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Irish

Yes

"Clearing of the Little Stones"

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Reanaviddoge

Irish

Yes

"Rea-" means "Grey"

Reisk

Norse

NA

NA

Rincrew

Irish

Yes

"Rin-" means "Point"

Ringaphuca

Irish

Yes

"Ring-" means "Point"

Ringcrehy

Irish

Yes

"Ring-" means "Point"

Irish

Yes

"Ring-" means "Point"

Irish

Yes

"Point of the Animal"

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Ringnasilloge
Ringville

An Rinn Mhil

Robertstown
Rockfield
Ross

Ros

English

NA

"-field" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Grove"

Rossduff

Irish

Yes

"Ross-" means "Grove"

Rossgrilla

Irish

Yes

"Ross-" means "Grove"

Russellstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Salterbridge

English

NA

"Bridge" is an English element

Sapperton

English

NA

"-ton" is short for "-town"

Savagetown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Scart

Irish

Yes

"Thicket"

Scartacrooka

Scairtin

Irish

Yes

"Scart-" means "Thicket"

Scartandriny

Irish

Yes

"Scart-" means "Thicket"

Scartlea

Irish

Yes

"Scart-" means "Thicket"

Scartmountain

Irish

Yes

"Scart-" means "Thicket"

Scartnacroona

Irish

Yes

"Scart-" means "Thicket"

Scartnadriny

Irish

Yes

"Scart-" means "Thicket"

Scartore

Irish

Yes

"Scart-" means "Thicket"

English

NA

"Field" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Fionn's Seat"

Seafield
Seefin

Sui Finn

Seemochuda

Irish

Yes

"See-" means "Seat"

Shanaclone

Irish

Yes

"Shana-" means "Old"

Shanacloon

Irish

Yes

"Shana-" means "Old"

Shanacool

Irish

Yes

"Shana-" means "Old"

Shanacoole

Irish

Yes

"Shana-" means "Old"

Irish

Yes

"Shana-" means "Old"

Shanakill

An tSeanchill

Shanapollagh

Irish

Yes

"Shana-" means "Old"

Shanavoola

Irish

Yes

"Shana-" means "Old"

Shanbally

An Seanbhaile

Shanballyanne
Shean

Sian

Irish

Yes

"Old Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Anne's Old Homestead"

Irish

Yes

"Fairy Mound"

84
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Sheskin

Irish

Yes

"Swamp" or "Marsh"

Sleveen

Irish

Yes

"Mountain"

Slieveburth
Slievegrine Hill

Sliabh gCruinn

Slieveroe

Irish

Yes

"Mountain Burth"

Irish

Yes

"Mountain Grine Hill"

Irish

Yes

"Mountain Roe"

Snugborough

English

NA

"-borough" is a "Fortified Place"

Southpark

English

NA

"Park" is an English element

Springfield

English

NA

"-field" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Stream"

English

NA

"-house" is an English element

Sruh

Sruth

Stonehouse
Stradbally

Irish

Yes

"Street Town"

Strancally

Irish

Yes

"Stran-" means "Street"

Summerville

English

NA

"Ville" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Little Hill of the Iron"

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Irish

Yes

"Michael's Church"

Templeyvrick

Irish

Yes

"Temple-" means "Church"

Tiknock

Irish

Yes

"-knock" means "Hill"

Tallow

An tSraidbhaile

Tulach an Iarainn

Tankardstown
Templemichael

Teampall Mhichil

Tinahalla

Irish

Yes

"Tina-" means "House"

Tinalira

Irish

Yes

"Tina-" means "House"

Tinnabinna

Irish

Yes

"Tinna-" means "House"

Tinnagroun

Irish

Yes

"Tinna-" means "House"

Tinnalyra

Irish

Yes

"Tinna-" means "House"

Tinnascart

Irish

Yes

"Tinna-" means "House"

Tintur

Irish

Yes

"Tin-" means "House"

Tircullen

Irish

Yes

"Cullen's Land"

Tober

Irish

Yes

"Well"

Toberagattabrack

Tobar

Irish

Yes

"Tober-" means "Well"

Toberagoole

Irish

Yes

"Tober-" means "Well"

Irish

Yes

"Tober-" means "Well"

Irish

Yes

"Bleach-Green"

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Tobernahulla
Toor

Tuar

Tooracurragh
Toorala
Tooraneena

Tuar an Fhiona

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Tooreen

Irish

Yes

"Little Bleach-Green"

Toornageeha

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Toornagoppoge

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Toorneena

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Toorreagh

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Toortane

Irish

Yes

"Toor-" means "Bleach-Green"

Torradoo

Irish

Yes

"Torr-" means "Bleach-Green"

Torranaraheen

Irish

Yes

"Torr-" means "Bleach-Green"

Tourin

Irish

Yes

"Tour-" means "Bleach-Green"

Tournore

Irish

Yes

"Tour-" means "Bleach-Green"

Townparks

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

85
Name

Alternative

Origin

Source

Anglicized

Meaning

Tramore

Tra Mhor

Irish

Yes

"Big Strand"

Tubbrid

Tiobraid

Irish

Yes

"Well"

Vicarstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Villerstown

An Baile Nua

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Waterford

Port Lairge

Norse

Yes

"Wether Inlet"

Westtown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Whitechurch

English

NA

"White-" is an English element

Whitefield

English

NA

"-field" is an English element

Whitehouse

English

NA

"-house" is an English element

Whitesfort

English

NA

"-fort" is an English element

Whitestown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Whitfield

English

NA

"-field" is an English element

Williamstown

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

Woodhouse

Tinakilly

Woodstock
Woodstown
Woodville

Ceann Chnoc Mhilis

Irish

NA

"Tinakilly" was Original Name

English

NA

"-stock" is an English element

English

NA

"Town" is an English element

English

NA

"Ville" is an English element