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Article
David Bell
University of Leeds, UK
Copyright 2006 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi)
Vol 9(4): 387407 DOI: 10.1177/1363460706068040
http://sex.sagepub.com
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participants can call on if caught, and they are easy to find, being marked
on maps and signposted on the road.
Some branches of the scene differentiate between participants who
remain in their cars and who engage in exhibitionist and/or partnerswapping sex (parkers) and those who walk around the site, watching
and sometimes joining in with sex (doggers or peekers). Nevertheless,
as it is popularly described and discussed, the entirety of the car park sex
scene is usually referred to as dogging. The scene is most often associated
with the UK, though sources anecdotally suggest the diffusion of the term
and practice to other Anglophone countries, while media accounts sometimes allude to scenes in other countries or at least, as in the coverage
of actor Steve McFaddens alleged participation, to British tourists
exporting the practice when they go on holiday.
A central element of the dogging scene is its reliance on technologies
a key focus of this article. Most obviously, it uses the technology of the
motor car, and draws on longer-established sexual uses of the car. But it
is also enabled by other, more recent technologies, and these have been
equally if not more important in producing and sustaining dogging as a
scene or subculture. These are the technologies of the telephone, especially the mobile phone, text messaging (SMS) and camera- or videophones, and the technology of the internet the most significant
resource for doggers and would-be doggers, with dedicated websites
offering tips on sites and news about the scene, as well as opportunities
for contact. There are further technologies to consider, too the technology of contraception and/or prophylaxis, and the mundane technology of dog-leads (Michael, 2000). Later in the article I offer a
broader analysis of the roles of all these technologies in transforming
sexual practice and in enabling dogging; first, I want to briefly discuss
recent UK media coverage of dogging.
Press dogging
Dogging has been in and out of the UK media spotlight over the last few
years, and for a variety of reasons. I do not pretend to offer a comprehensive content analysis of coverage here; rather, I want to briefly sketch
a few selected moments in the medias interest in dogging. Dogging
receives episodic coverage in the local and regional media, usually staged
more-or-less as a moral panic. Local press coverage is particularly significant, in fact, in providing detailed place-specific accounts local knowledges of dogging, often under the guise of warning the concerned
public. My local paper, The Sentinel, for example, ran a feature on
19 January 2003, headlined Voyeurs told to watch out by police
(Lawton, 2003). It opens by describing dogging as a group sex craze
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stories, and have also been hosts to adverts for dogging websites and
dogging-related personal advertisements.
A televisual representation of dogging appeared as part of a documentary, Hypersex, broadcast in the UK by BBC2 in December 2002. Filmed
and narrated by Olly Lambert, Hypersex centred on Paul, a man Lambert
met in a Sheffield sex club, and included discussion of his participation in
the car park scene. Paul elaborated on the attractions of this scene,
emphasizing the taboos it transgressed: having sex with someone elses
wife, having sex outdoors, the risk of possibly getting caught. Paul
enthused about the liberation of having sex without relationships he
describes the car park scene as a male fantasy of free sex and multiple
partners. Paul introduces Lambert (and the audience) to the nuances and
etiquettes of dogging the use of car lights to signal openness to either
being watched while having sex or to engaging in sex with onlookers, and
so on. However, the film ultimately frames Paul as a sex addict, as a loner,
and as perverted. As a media representation of dogging, Hypersex marks
out that this is the domain of perverted men men who may talk the
sexual liberation talk, but who are to be pitied. Nevertheless, the film
provides another mass-mediated discursive presence for dogging, providing its viewers with detailed information about a scene that would otherwise remain invisible to many of them (Cooper, 1995).
There is one more moment in the medias fascination with dogging that
I want to describe here, from the UK national broadsheet The Guardian
(Allison, 2003). This article stresses the sexual health issues around
dogging, and reports an initiative by a health promotion team to warn
doggers and would-be doggers to take appropriate precautions to play
safe noting that rises in sexually-transmitted diseases have in some cases
been linked to dogging. As per usual, the piece derives a substantial
amount of its material from websites, but what is notable about its focus
for my purposes is its discussion of contraception/prophylaxis noted
earlier as one of the key technologies I want to explore in this article. So,
while it is a scare story about rising rates of STDs, it offers a technological (rather than moral) solution.
It is important to see media reporting of dogging as constituting part
of the scene itself. As Hay and Packer (2004) suggest, media coverage can
be seen as part of a broader assemblage or conjugation of
media/communications technologies and transport technologies that
have become increasingly intertwined. While their focus is on rather
different conjugations of technologies their initial object of interest is
the launch of a new human transporter their discussion of automobility as a technologically-mediated experience that balances new
freedoms with new forms of governance is certainly resonant with my
discussion of dogging, as the next sections will show.
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Giddens (1992) refers to this new sexual freedom as plastic sexuality, and
describes how contraceptive technologies (among other things) brought
with them new sexual scripts and a new sexual contract. Part of the sexual
revolution involved taking lessons in love from gay culture, especially the
sexual practices associated with episodic or casual sex. One cluster of ways
that this was incorporated into heterosexual culture was via the wife
swapping and sex party scenes. These practices were partly accommodated
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Although her focus is road rage, Lupton does a larger job of mapping
out the embodied ontology of driving, including emphasizing the (latent
and explicit) erotics of cars and driving (pushed to their imaginative limit
in Ballards (1973) Crash, which endlessly delineates the sexual potentials
of bodies-in-cars). Lupton also notes the ambivalent relation of the car to
private and public space entering the car generates a private space in a
public space (Lupton, 1999: 60) and the role of car ownership and
auto-mobility in contemporary constructions of autonomy, individualism
and identity. Moreover, her focus on road rage brings into relief the
enjoyment of risk invoked by certain kinds of car-driving practices. Also
interested in understanding road rage, Michael (2000) explores the ways
that cars (or, rather, casons) enable subversive and subcultural behaviour even while they are situated in regulatory regimes (both explicit, such
as highway law, and implicit, as in the etiquettes of driving). The car, he
writes, enables certain deviant emotions, certain mis-uses (Michael,
2000: 86) these include road rage and joy riding, resonantly named
by Michael examples of the naughty hybrid (2000: 92).
It is another instance of the naughty hybrid that I am interested in
here: the use of the car in sexual practice. This intimate association has a
long history of its own, and the erotics of the car remain a mainstay of
both advertising discourse and cultural practice. The history of autoerotics includes the evolution of distinct sites of car-based amour such
as so-called lovers lanes where courting couples (especially teenagers)
can drive away from (parental) surveillance to make out (DEmilio and
Faderman, 1988; Sheller and Urry, 2000). Car-bound making out has
also been enabled by other automotive recreations, such as the drive-in.
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Particularly in the USA perhaps, cars signified (and still signify) teenage
autonomy and growing up, and car ownership and driving are hence
woven into subcultural practices of teenhood (and beyond), including
sexual practices. In terms of contemporary dogging, Kahney (2004) notes
that the youth-dominated custom (modified) car scene has distinct
spatial and sexual overlaps with dogging, in that young people with
custom cars often congregate in the same marginal zones as doggers, and
also often use their cars as sites for sex.
The car affords mobility to other groups for whom transit is also
equated with new sexual freedoms. Retzloff (1997), for example, provides
a detailed account of the role of the car in shaping postwar gay male
culture in the city of Flint, Michigan. In the absence of a developed
commercial gay scene, subcultural and sexual spaces were carved out in
and around cars; for gay men as for growing-up teens acquiring a
license to drive also gave them a license to frolic (Retzloff, 1997: 235).
A malemale sex scene thus evolved in Flint that used cars and related sites
including a parking lot scene, techniques and codes for car cruising,
and the use of the alibi of hitchhiking as a cover for in-car sex:
In Flint, the car allowed gay and bisexual men to assemble like never before,
and these men gave new meaning to the concept of driving for pleasure. . . .
[T]he concealment and mobility afforded by the automobile greatly enhanced
the ability of gay men to find each other . . . The car thus gave men access to
gay spaces both local and distant, became a gay space itself, and helped shape
stationary gay spaces as they evolved during the 1960s. (Retzloff, 1997: 243)
While the Flint case study is in some senses atypical, given the intensity
of car culture at this key site of American automobile manufacture,
Retzloff ends by noting the broader impacts of cars on American gay (and
indeed, broader sexual) culture. And while the city is often seen as the
quintessential car-sex backdrop, marginal spaces on the urban fringe and
rural locations have equally been subject to auto-eroticization. Particularly in terms of gay male culture, the opportunities afforded by the car
to escape, to go elsewhere, and to drive to places to meet other men have,
over time, produced a complex map of auto-erotic zones themselves
part of a larger map of transport-related sex sites (see Bech, 1997). For
rural gays, the car is one of the key tools in forging identity and
community through mobility (Kramer, 1995) although newer technologies, especially the internet, provide different forms of contact for
rural gays today. The rural subcultural sexual use of cars is not, of course,
restricted to gay men; see Jones (1992) for a discussion of blockies,
young rural women performing (hetero)sexuality through cars and
driving. Moreover, there are well-developed sexual scenes utilizing still
points or nodes in the networks of auto-mobility, such as highway rest
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[S]ex is the most frequently searched for topic online . . . [O]nline pornography industries are among the most prolific and profitable enterprises on the
Web. It has been estimated that over half of all spending that occurs on the
Internet is related to sexual service and activities . . . Entrepreneurs of sexrelated services are continually seeking new, more efficient and resonant platforms for service delivery. In this regard, sex-related activities can be seen as a
major variable in the technological and economic growth and development of
the Internet. (OBrien and Shapiro, 2004: 115)
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play, in fact, as cars and phones. But there is one last piece of mundane
technology to bring into the equation.
So, the dog provides a ready excuse for being in certain places at certain
times a perfect excuse, were it not for the detritus of dogging. But the
dog is much more than alibi, of course; it is also an unwitting (and possibly
unwilling) voyeur. While I do not want to dwell here on the ethics of dogs
involvement in dogging, it is nevertheless an interesting extension to the
usual list of functions of these companion animals one more curious
example of how dogs intervene in their humans lives in variegated ways
(Michael, 2000: 126). What I am interested in is the hudogledog as an
actor in producing an understanding of dogging. More accurately, as with
Michaels analysis, it is the mundane technology of the dog-lead that
rounds out my exploration of doggings technologies. For the dog-lead
does a lot of work in bringing together the hudogledog and presumably, in the context of dogging, its role is to confine the dog while its
human watches or joins in. Perhaps, in fact, a dog-lead can stand in for a
hudogledog as a ready-made prop for justifying presence at a dogging site
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the dog itself might have run off, or have been let off the lead for a run.
Of course, the dog lead only makes sense in the appropriate location a
location befitting walking the dog. So, to round off my discussion, it is to
the sites of dogging that I now want to turn.
Spaces of dogging
Finally, then, I want to consider the settings where all this technologicallymediated sexual activity takes place, those marginalized sex zones
(Califia, 1994) where the marginal(ized) practices of dogging have carved
out a stage. In this light, Measham (2004: 320) sees dogging sites as wild
zones outside of the commercialized leisure spaces of contemporary
cities, noting that dogging represents a wholly unexpected and as yet
unregulated reclamation of traditional beauty spots, recreation grounds
and open space for alternative leisure pursuits. To an extent, dogging can
be seen, as in the context of technology, to be drawing on pre-existing
sexual practices involving particular kinds of space. It is related, therefore,
to gay male practices such as cruising, and with the practices of outdoors
sex, which has both heterosexual and homosexual variants, for example in
the use of beaches especially nudist beaches as sex zones (Bell and
Holliday, 2000; Leap, 1999). These scenes, like dogging, are complexly
organized and codified, with a range of possible modes of participation,
including watching (voyeurism), being watched (exhibitionism), and
having sex. Such scenes have been theorized in terms of their re-appropriation of public space, contesting normalized definitions of appropriate
sites for sexual practices (Duncan, 1996; Hubbard, 2001). They have
been described as counterpublic spaces, often ephemeral and secret
sites, carved out in the interstices of heteronormative geographies (Berlant
and Warner, 1998). However, I concur with Hubbard (2001: 52) in
arguing that the public/private distinction is much more complexly
folded in these spaces, and that a more fluid and topologically complex
interpretation of public and private space is necessary to understand the
changing geographies of sexuality. While much of the work examining
sexualized spaces has focused on non-heterosexual practices, Hubbard
also includes what he names scary heterosexualities (2001: 57) a
category into which we can easily incorporate dogging. Perhaps this
folding is even more acute in the spaces of dogging, in fact, since these
revolve around a number of technologies that further blur the
public/private divide. Both the mobile phone and the car present possibilities for private space to exist in public; Sheller and Urry (2000: 746)
describe the car as a rolling private-in-public space, while Jain (2002:
401) sees the mobile phone enabling the habitation of private space in
public. At the same time, the exhibitionist and voyeurist components of
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dogging fetishize the thrill and risk of being in public, rather than
claiming public visibility as a political act (an act that is itself very contingent only some sexual dissidents can use visibility in public as the basis
of rights-claims; see Skeggs, 1999).
The eroticizing of publicity married to particular forms of mobile
privacy-in-public locates dogging in a complex relation to both public
and private, therefore; dogging cannot be read straightforwardly as an
attempt to claim publicity or to reclaim privacy. Rather, dogging stages
elective privacy and publicity, often simultaneously; as Hubbard (2001:
67) puts it, borrowing from Hetheringtons (1999) discussion of folded
and crumpled spaces, publicity and privacy co-join differently in different spaces, and it is in sites that are imagined as not solely public or solely
private that new identities will emerge. Dogging, I would like to propose,
is a very clear candidate for empirically supporting Hubbards claim. While
not politicized in terms of rights-claims or citizenship, and not politically
radicalized (there is no Doggers Pride although the radicalization of
dogging is not inconceivable, especially in light of the creation in UK law
of the new offence of inappropriate sexual behaviour in public; see
Byrne, 2003), dogging nevertheless poses a challenge to reconceptualize
the figuring and configuring of spaces, acts and identities, and crucially,
to understanding the role of technologies in producing a simultaneously
mobile and located, public and private, assemblage.
Conclusion
This article has attempted a preliminary exploration of some dimensions
of dogging. It has provided a provisional definition, briefly sketched some
media responses to the practice, outlined the role of technologies both in
dogging and in antecedent sexual practices that are folded into dogging,
and discussed some of the issues raised by the spaces of dogging, especially in relation to public and private space. It has described dogging as an
example of a geographically and culturally located assemblage of bodies,
technologies and spaces.
There are many further avenues of enquiry beyond the scope of this
article, of course. I have not provided a reading of the content of
dogging websites, which would doubtless reveal important insights into
the modes of sexual storytelling (Plummer, 1995) used within the
dogging subculture. I have not examined the organization and performance of gender in dogging encounters, and the extent to which these
reinforce or transgress pornonormativity. Nor have I produced an ethnographic account of the micro-practices of the dogging scene, in the way
that earlier researchers mapped sexual sites (e.g. Corzine and Kirby,
1977). There is certainly more work to be done in understanding the
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specific erotic codings of the chosen spaces of dogging, to unpick the ways
these sites produce territorializations of desire. Moreover, I have only
alluded to the legal issues surrounding dogging, rather than providing a
thorough socio-legal analysis. And I have sidestepped the empirical
question of who participates in dogging, which would, I am sure, reveal
interesting patternings of age, class and so on and which could also point
up class and age crossings within the scene. Nevertheless, the directions
that I have chosen to pursue have at least begun the task of thinking
through the practice of dogging, and to reveal the manifold intersections
of bodies, technologies and spaces that dogging produces.
Acknowledgements
For reading drafts of the article, or for conversations about dogging, thanks to
Jon Binnie, Tim Edensor, Ruth Holliday, Phil Hubbard and Todd Welton.
Thanks also to Todd for alerting me to the Hypersex documentary, and to Dan
Hampton for Voyeurs Told to Watch Out by Police. Thanks to the participants
at the Sexuality and the City seminar, University of Newcastle, for listening to
and commenting on a draft of this article and thank you to Mark Casey for
inviting me to the seminar series. Finally, thanks to Ken Plummer and Agnes
Skamballis at Sexualities for seeing the article through to publication.
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Biographical Note
David Bell teaches Human Geography at the University of Leeds. His research
interests include urban and rural sexual cultures, consumption, science and
technology, and urban and cultural policy. Recent books include City of
Quarters, Science, Technology and Culture, Cyberculture: the Key Concepts and
Ordinary Lifestyles. Address: School of Geography, University of Leeds,
LS2 9JT, UK. [email: d.j.bell@leeds.ac.uk]
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