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Page 1: Highlight annotation by lorit on October 12th 2016, 5:40:39 pm:
I n t his essay, I shall argue that the a Pr otest ant et hos of salvation t hcr
ucial moral change was the beginning of a shif t fr om a Pr otest ant et hos of
salvation t hroughself-deni al toward a therapeutic ethos stressing self-r ealiz
ation in this world an ethos self-deni al toward a therapeutic ethos stressing s
elf-r ealization in this world an ethoscharacterized by an almost obsessive conc
ern with psychic and physical health definedcharacterized by an almost obsessive
concern with psychic and physical health defined insweeping terms. sweeping ter
ms.Of cours
In earlier times andthical, or religious other places, the quest for health had
occurr ed within larger communal, ethical, or religiousframeworks of meaning. B
y the late nineteenth century those fr amewor ks wer e eroding. frameworks of me
aning. B y the late nineteenth century those fr amewor ks wer e eroding.The ques
t for health was becoming an entirely secular and self -ref erential project , r
oot eThe quest for health was becoming an entirely secular and self -ref erentia
l project , root edin peculi arly modern emotional needs above all the need to r
enew a sense of self hoodin peculi arly modern emotional needs above all the nee
d to renew a sense of self hoodthat had grown fragmented, diffuse, and somehow "
unreal" The coming of the therapeut icthat had grown fragmented, diffuse, and so
mehow "unreal" The coming of the therapeut icethos wa s a modern historical deve
lopment , shaped by t he t urmoil of the turn of the centuethos wa s a modern hi
storical development , shaped by t he t urmoil of the turn of the century.
And the longings behind that ethos the fret ful pr eoccupat ion with preserving
secular well-being, th e anxious concern with regenerating selfhood t hese provi
ded fer tile ground f or t hbeing, th e anxious concern with regenerating selfho
od t hese provided fer tile ground f or t hegrowth of national advertising and f
or the spread of a new way of life. 3 growth of national advertising and for the
spread of a new way of life.In the emergi ng consumer culture, advert iser s be
gan speakin
use the term "hegemony " re luct ant ly but unavoidably, because it suggest s a
nng perspecti ve oil the consumer cultur e a way to tr anscend the "one- dim ens
illuminating perspecti ve oil the consumer cultur e a way to tr anscend the "one
- dim ensional"model developed by Herbert Marcuse wit hout losing it s gr asp of
power relations. The It alian model developed by Herbert Marcuse wit hout losin
g it s gr asp of power relations. The It alianMarxist Antonio Gramsci used the c
oncept of cult ural hegemony to suggest t hat ruling Marxist Antonio Gramsci use
d the concept of cult ural hegemony to suggest t hat rulinggroups dominate a soc
iety not merely t hrough br ute force but also t hrough intellect ualgroups domi
nate a society not merely t hrough br ute force but also t hrough intellect ual
andmoral leadership. In other words, a ruling class needs more than businessmen,
soldiers, moral leadership. In other words, a ruling class needs more than busi
nessmen, soldiers,and statesmen; it also requires publicists, prof essors, minis
t ers, and lit erati who help and statesmen; it also requires publicists, prof e
ssors, minist ers, and lit erati who helpto establish the society's conventional
wisdom the boundaries of per missible debato establish the society's convention
al wisdom the boundaries of per missible debateabout human nature and the social
order . Outside t hose boundaries opinions can be about human nature and the so
cial order . Outside t hose boundaries opinions can belabeled "tasteless," "irre
sponsible," an d in general unwor thy of serious considerat ionlabeled "tasteles
s," "irresponsible," an d in general unwor thy of serious considerat ionif ordin
ary people do not consciously em brace t he conventional wisdom, it shapes th
By helping t obeliefs that arcreate a taken-for-granted "real ity," the leaders
of t he dom inant cult ure identify beliefs that arein the inte rest of a parti
cular class with the "nat ural" common sense of societ y ( and indeed of in the
inte rest of a particular class with the "nat ural" common sense of societ y ( a
nd indeed ofhumani ty) at large. 4 humani ty) at largeYet cultur
Yet cultural hegemony is not maintained m echanically or conspir atorially. A do
minants not a static "superstructure" but a continual process. The boundaries of
commonculture is not a static "superstructure" but a continual process. The bou
ndaries of common-sense " reality" are constantly shifting as t he social str uc
t ure changes shape. As older valuesense " reality" are constantly shifting as t
he social str uct ure changes shape. As older valuesbecome less fashionable, th
ey are widely discarded but persist in residual form s. Newer become less fashio
nable, they are widely discarded but persist in residual form s. Newervalues, wh
ich sometimes seem potentially subversive at f ir st, are frequent ly sanit ized
anvalues, which sometimes seem potentially subversive at f ir st, are frequent
ly sanit ized andincorporated into the mainstream of enlightened opinion. This c
ultur al "pr ogr ess" is a m esincorporated into the mainstream of enlightened o
pinionbusiness , generating social and psych ological conf licts t
I n what follows I rom the beginniplan fi rst to sketch the emergi ng therapeuti
c et hos, which was promot ed f rom the beginningas a liberation; then to show h
ow it became dif fused by advert isers and incorporated as a as a liberation; th
en to show how it became dif fused by advert isers and incorporated as anew mode
of adjustment to the develo ping corporate system ; and finally t o t urn t o B
ruce new mode of adjustment to the develo ping corporate systemBarton, a n adver
tising executive and therapeutic ideologue w
The origins of the therapeutic ethos ar e t oo complex t o describe in det ail h
ere. I n part ,s is involved the professionaliz ation and gr owing author it y o
f medicine. That process its genes is involved the professionaliz ation and gr o
wing author it y of medicine. That processhad been under way at least since the
ear ly ant ebellum era, when healt h ref ormers sprout ehad been under way at le
ast since the ear ly ant ebellum era, when healt h ref ormers sprout edlike mush
rooms, linking medi cal wi th moral st andar ds of value. But during t he late n
ineteent hlike mushrooms, linking medi cal wi th moral st andar ds of value. But
during t he late nineteent hcentur y, medical prestige became far more firmly e
st ablished. While urban minister s' aut horitcentur y, medical prestige became
far more firmly est ablished. While urban minister s' aut horitywaned, d octors
of body and mind became prof essionalized into therapeut ic elites. This meantwa
ned, d octors of body and mind became prof essionalized into therapeut ic elites
. This meanta growth in influence not only for tradit ional M. D. s but also for
neurologist s, psychologists, a growth in influence not only for tradit ional M
. D. s but also for neurologist s, psychologists,social scientists with panaceas
for a sick societ y, and even f or m ind curist s on the penumsocial scientists
with panaceas for a sick societ y, and even f or m ind curist s on the penumbra
of respectability. Mini sters and other moralists began increasingly t o conf or
m to medicalmodels in making judgments and disp ensing advice. 6 models in makin
g judgments and disp ensing adviceBut besides the rise of medical aut horit y, t
h
For the educated bourgeoisie in t he lat e nineteent h centur y, reality it self
began to seemematic, something to be sought rather than merely lived. A dr ead
of unrealit y, a yearninproblematic, something to be sought rather than merely l
ived. A dr ead of unrealit y, a yearningto experience intense "real life" in all
its for ms these emotions were dif ficult to chart but to experience intense "r
eal life" in all its for ms these emotions were dif ficult to chart butnonethele
ss pervasive and important. They energized the spread of t he ther apeutic ethos
nonetheless pervasive and important.underl ay the appeal of much national
Feelings of unreality stemmed from urbanization and t echnological development ;
from t herise of an increasi ngly interdependent market economy; and f rom the
secularization of liberise of an increasi ngly interdependent market economy; an
d f rom the secularization of liberalProtestan tism among its educated and aff l
uent devotees.Protestan tism among its educated and aff luent devoteesThe first
and simplest source of a sense of unrea
The first and simplest source of a sense of unrealit y was t he urban- industr i
almation of the nineteenth century. Changes in mat erial lif e br ed changes in
mtransfor mation of the nineteenth century. Changes in mat erial lif e br ed cha
nges in mor alperception. As A mericans fled the surveillance of the village, th
ey encountered the anonperception. As A mericans fled the surveillance of the vi
llage, they encountered the anonym it yof the city. Escape was liberating but al
so disturbing, as any reader of late- nineteent h-centur yof the city.literature
k
In Howells's A Hazard of New For tunessolvent" of lif e in t he m et ropolis se
eme(1890) , h is protagonist Basil March not es t hat the "solvent" of lif e in
t he m et ropolis seemedto bring out the "deeply underlying nobody" in everyone.
Yet there was more to the changeto bring out the "deeply underlying nobody" in
everyonethan urban malaise. During the second half of the ninet
During the second half of the ninet eent h cent ury, technological advanceted co
mfort and convenience to the more privileged sectors of the urbanbrought unprece
dented comfort and convenience to the more privileged sectors of the urbanbourge
oisie. To affluent Americans reared with t he agr arian bias of republican mor a
lism, bourgeoisie. To affluent Americans reared with t he agr arian bias of repu
blican mor alism,urban " luxury" could be a symptom of "overcivilization" as wel
l as a sign of progress. Freurban " luxury" could be a symptom of "overcivilizat
ion" as well as a sign of progress. Freedfrom the drudgery of farm life, they we
r e also increasingly cut of f f rom the hard, resistant from the drudgery of fa
rm life, they wer e also increasingly cut of f f rom the hard, resistantreality
of things. Indoor plumbing, cent ral heating, and canned f oods wer e pleasant a
m ereality of things. Indoor plumbing, cent ral heating, and canned f oods wer e
pleasant am enit iesbut made life seem curiously insubsta ntial; t hey contr ib
ut ed to what Daniel Boorst in has but made life seem curiously insubsta ntial;
t hey contr ibut ed to what Daniel Boorst in hasperceptively called "the thinner
life of things." Complaints about prepackaged art if icialityperceptively calle
d "the thinner life of things." Complaints about prepackaged art if icialitymay
seem a recent and faddish development , but as early as 1909 cult ural comm ent
atomay seem a recent and faddish development , but as early as 1909 cult ural co
mm ent ator swere lamenting "the Era of Predi gestio n," which had render ed vig
or ous, firsthand experienwere lamenting "the Era of Predi gestio n," which had
render ed vigor ous, firsthand experienceobsolete. According to T he A tlantic M
onthly, "The wor ld is by degrees getting r eady t o lie obsoleteabed all
Yet t his ease of lif e had not pr oduced healt hy people;eople were also t he
m ost anxious, the most likely to on the contrary, the most comfortable people w
ere also t he m ost anxious, the most likely tofall victim to "our now universal
disorder, nervous prostr ation." 7 fall victim to "our now universal disorder,
nervous prostr ation"Nervous prostration" or neurasthenia were shor than

Nervous prostration" or neurasthenia were shor thand t erms for t he immobilizin
gons that plagued many among t he ur ban bourgeoisie dur ing the late ninet eent
h depressi ons that plagued many among t he ur ban bourgeoisie dur ing the late
ninet eenthcentur y and after. While descripti ons of neurast henia var ied, t h
ey were united by their centur y and after.emphases on the
his sense that he was no longer able toat life had become som ehow unreal. 8 pl
unge in to "the vital currents of life," his f eeling t hat life had become som
ehow unrealTechnological change alone c ould not account f or such extr em e sym
pt oms. T
As more and mor e people became enm eshed in the libe ral ideals of aut onom ous
selfhood becam e ever market's web of interdependence, libe ral ideals of aut o
nom ous selfhood becam e ever moredifficult to sustain. For entrepreneurs as wel
l as wageworkers, f inancial rise or ruin came difficult to sustain. For entrepr
eneurs as well as wageworkers, f inancial rise or ruin cameto depend on policies
formulated far away, on sit uations beyond t he individual's cont rol. to depen
d on policies formulated far away, on sit uations beyond t he individual's cont
rol.And by the 1890s, as A lfred D. Chandler and a host of economic hist orians
have m ade
And by the 1890s, as A lfred D. Chandler and a host of economic hist orians have
m adeclear, the large, bureaucratically organized corporat ion was becoming the
dominant m oclear, the large, bureaucratically organized corporat ion was becom
ing the dominant m odelfor busi nessmen w ho sought to organize the national mar
ket . Jobs wer e becoming m or e for busi nessmen w ho sought to organize the na
tional market . Jobs wer e becoming m or especialized, more interdependent; pers
onal autonomy was becoming more problem atic. specialized, more interdependent;
personal autonomy was becoming more problem aticwas not surprising that believer
s in se lf -made manhood grew uneasy. Even t he privileg
As self-made manhood became ever more chim erical, the meaning of success began
change. In a society increasingly dominated by bureaucrat ic corporat ions, one
dealt subtly to change. In a society increasingly dominated by bureaucrat ic cor
porat ions, one dealtwith peop le rather than things; "personal magnetism" began
to replace character as the key with peop le rather than things; "personal magn
etism" began to replace character as the keyto advan cement. In advice literatur
e aft er 1900, as Warren Susman has observed, success to advan cement. In advice
literature aft er 1900, as Warren Susman has observed, successseemed less often
a matter of mastering one's physical environment or plodding diligently seemed
less often a matter of mastering one's physical environment or plodding diligent
lyat one's t rade, more often a matter of displaying one's poise among a crowd.
The aut hor oat one's t rade, more often a matter of displaying one's poise amon
g a crowd. The aut hor ofPersonality: How To Build It (1916) advised his r eader
s t o "be or iginal but r etain the esteemPersonality: How To Build It (1916) a
dvised his r eader s t o "be or iginal but r etain the esteemof others" and to "
love company, widen your connections." At work and at home, behavior of others"
and to "love company, widen your connections.became more finely attuned to the u
biquit ous pr esence of
T he older ethic had requir ed adherence to an int ernalized moralit y as this "
inner-direct ion" had been, it helped to sustain a solid coreof self-control; re
pressive as this "inner-direct ion" had been, it helped to sustain a solid coreo
f selfhoo d. T he newer ethic of "other-direction" undermined t hat solidit y by
pr esenting the of selfhoo d. T he newer ethic of "other-direction" undermined
t hat solidit y by pr esenting theself as an empty vessel to be filled and r efi
lled according t o t he expectat ions of others andself as an empty vessel to be
filled and r efilled according t o t he expectat ions of others and t heneeds o
f the moment. After the turn of t he cent ury, success m anuals increasingly pr
escribed needs of the moment. After the turn of t he cent ury, success m anuals
increasingly pr escribedwhat the soci ologist David Riesman has called "m odes o
f manipulat ing t he self in order to what the soci ologist David Riesman has ca
lled "m odes of manipulat ing t he self in order tomanipulate others." The succe
ssful man or woman had "no clear cor e of self " (in Riesmamanipulate others.wor
ds), only a set
The notion of social masks had been abroad for centur ies, but Americans had nea
r lyassumed the existence of a "simple, genuine self" beneat h t he layers of co
nvent ion. always assumed the existence of a "simple, genuine self" beneat h t h
e layers of convent ion.By the turn of the century, for many Am er icans, t hat
assum ption was no longer tenable. FroBy the turn of the century, for many Am er
icans, t hat assum ption was no longer tenable. Fromlowbrow success literature
to the empyr ean realm of theory (in the wor k of William James lowbrow success
literature to the empyr ean realm of theory (in the wor k of William Jamesand Ge
o rge Herbert Mead), Americans began t o imagine a self that was neit her simple
nand Geo rge Herbert Mead), Americans began t o imagine a self that was neit he
r simple norgenuine, but fragmented and socially const ructed. As Howells wr ote
in 1890, t he human genuine, but fragmented and socially const ructedpersonalit
y seemed like an onion which was "noth
On e can sense it in m any aspects of Victor ian cult ure: inrasthenics, in yout
hf ul seeker s' yearnings to "be a r eal the immobilized depressions of neurasth
enics, in youthf ul seeker s' yearnings to "be a r ealperson," in all the anxiou
s earnestnes s which of ten seemed by t he late nineteent h centperson," in all
the anxious earnestnes s which of ten seemed by t he late nineteent h cent ury to
lack clear focus or direction. The autonomous self , long a linchpin of liberal
culture, to lack clear focus or direction. The autonomous self , long a linchpi
n of liberal culture,was being rendered unreal not only by t he gr owt h of an i
nterdependent mar ket but alswas being rendered unreal not only by t he gr owt h
of an interdependent mar ket but alsoby a growing awareness of the constraints
t hat unconscious or inherited dr ives placed on by a growing awareness of the c
onstraints t hat unconscious or inherited dr ives placed onindividual choice. A
s the educated public grew f ascinated with "The Loss of Personality, " individu
al choice. A s the educated public grew f ascinated with "The Loss of Personalit
y, "multiple "selves," and other mysteries uneart hed by psychiatr ist s, conven
t ional def initionmultiple "selves," and other mysteries uneart hed by psychiat
r ist s, convent ional def initionsof "will power" began to seem oversimplif ied
and fam iliar feelings of self hood began t o seof "will power" began to seem o
versimplif ied and fam iliar feelings of self hood began t o seemobsolete. 1 3 o
bsolete
I t was not sur prising t hatrvous prostr ation. Victorthe suffe rers from "over
pressure" often t ook t o t heir beds wit h nervous prostr ation. Victorian,impe
ratives persisted while their religious and even et hical sanct ions faded. 1 4i
mperatives persisted while their religious and even et hical sanct ions fadedThe
se difficulties were exaggerat ed by the sor ry st ate of liberal the
In all, the modern sense of unrealit y st em med f rom extr aordinar ily various
sourcescrated complex effects. Technological change isolated t he ur ban bourge

oisie f romand gencrated complex effects. Technological change isolated t he ur
ban bourgeoisie f romthee hardness of life on the land; an inter dependent and i
ncreasingly corporat e economy thee hardness of life on the land; an inter depen
dent and increasingly corporat e economycircumscribed autonomous will and choice
; a soft ening Pr otest ant t heology undermined circumscribed autonomous will a
nd choice; a soft ening Pr otest ant t heology underminedcommitments and blurred
ethical distinctions. Yet a production et hos persisted: Self -concommitments a
nd blurred ethical distinctions. Yet a production et hos persisted: Self -cont r
olbecame merely a tool for secular achievement; success began to occur in a mora
l and became merely a tool for secular achievement; success began to occur in a
moral andspiritual void. spiritual void.It wa
Amongr oject othee educated bourgeoisie, this quest for "real lif e" was the cha
racter ist ic psychic pr oject ofthe age. It energized the settlement ho use mov
ement , as legions of shelter ed young peoplthe age. It energized the settlement
ho use movement , as legions of shelter ed young peoplesearched in the slums fo
r the intense experience t hey felt they had been denied at home; searched in th
e slums for the intense experience t hey felt they had been denied at home;it la
y beh ind V an Wyck Brooks's attac k on the anem ia of Am er ican cult ure; it p
r ovoked it lay beh ind V an Wyck Brooks's attac k on the anem ia of Am er ican
cult ure; it pr ovokedRandol ph Bourne's insistence that ossified school curr ic
ula be r eplaced by "education Randol ph Bourne's insistence that ossified schoo
l curr icula be r eplaced by "education f orliving." This reverence for "life" a
s a value in itself was a new developm ent in Amer ican living." This reverence
for "life" as a value in itself was a new developm ent in Amer icancultural hist
ory. Never before had so many people felt that realit y was t hrobbing with vitc
ultural historypulsating with
A t its most mundane, t his change involved a looseningverpressure, " a gr owin
g acceptance of what William of the wo rk ethic in response to "overpressure, "
a gr owing acceptance of what WilliamJames called "The Gospel of Relaxation" am
ong educated business and prof essional James called "The Gospel of Relaxation"
am ong educated business and prof essionalpeople a s w ell as factory and cleric
al wor kers. While avant -garde bohem ians dramat ipeople a s w ell as factory a
nd clerical wor kers. While avant -garde bohem ians dramat izedthe appeal of lif
e in extremis, captains of a nascent "leisure indust ry" played t o t he yearnit
he appeal of life in extremis, captains of a nascent "leisure indust ry" played
t o t he yearningfor intense experience at all social levels. They com modif ied
titillation at cabaret s and in for intense experience at all social levels. Th
ey com modif ied titillation at cabaret s and inamusement parks; they catered to
the anxious businessm an as well as the bored shop amusement parks; they catere
d to the anxious businessm an as well as the bored shop gir l;they assimilated i
mmigrants and WA SPs in a new mass audience. Roller coasters, exot ic they assim
ilated immigrants and WA SPs in a new mass audience. Roller coasters, exot icdan
cers, and hootchy-kootchy girls all prom ised temporar y escapes t o a realm of
intense dancers, and hootchy-kootchy girls all prom ised temporar y escapes t o
a realm of intenseexperience, far from the stuffy unrealit y of bourgeois cultur
e. I n mor e elevat ed t ones, socexperience, far from the stuffy unrealit y of
bourgeois culturetheor ists spoke to the same emotional needs: Att acking Vict
But if the flight from unreality ranged widely, it was m ost clearly em bodied i
n t heutic ethos. By looking more closely at t herapeutic ideals, we can m ore c
learly matherapeutic ethos. By looking more closely at t herapeutic ideals, we c
an m ore clearly mapout the territory claimed by therapists and advert isers ali
ke. To a bour geoisie suff ering f roout the territory claimed by therapists and
advert isers alike. To a bour geoisie suff ering f romidentity d iffusion and i
nner emptiness, t he creat ors of t he t herapeutic et hos of fered harmonidenti

ty d iffusion and inner emptiness, t he creat ors of t he t herapeutic et hos of
fered harmony,vitality, and the hope of self-realization. The pat hs t o self-r
ealization could vary. O ne might vitality, and the hope of self-realizationsee
k wholeness and security through c
O ne mights; or one seek wholeness and security through careful m anagement of p
ersonal resources; or onemight pursue emotional fulfillment and endless "gr owt
h" thr ough int ense experience. Themight pursue emotional fulfillment and endle
ss "gr owt h" thr ough int ense experience. Theseapproaches were united by sever
al as sumptions: an implicit nost algia f or t he vigorous approaches were unite
d by several as sumptions: an implicit nost algia f or t he vigoroushealth alleg
edly enjoyed by farmers, children, and ot her s "close to nature"; a belief thah
ealth allegedly enjoyed by farmers, children, and ot her s "close to nature"; a
belief thatexpert advice could enable one to recover that vigor wit hout fundame
nt al social changeexpert advice could enable one to recover that vigor wit hout
fundament al social change;and a taci t conviction that self-realization was th
e largest aim of hum an exist ence. This land a taci t conviction that self-real
ization was the largest aim of hum an exist enceassumption was the most importan
t: Whet her one sought self -realizat ion through
Good Houseke eping's "League f or Longer Lif e," told readers in 1920w ritten fo
r the League's questionnaire which will enable them to find that " thousands hav
e w ritten for the League's questionnaire which will enable them to findout just
where their health account stands whet her t hey may draw on it for many years
out just where their health account stands whet her t hey may draw on it for man
y years orwhether it is about to be closed out." The improvident faced bankr upt
cy if t hey failed to heedwhether it is about to be closed out." The improvident
faced bankr uptcy if t hey failed to heedtheir investment counselors. 1 9 their
investment counselors.This prudential attitu 1
This prudential attitude toward healt h rest ed on assum ptions of physical and
psychic Children as well as adults were war ned to conserve t heir energies; eve
n babies scarcity. Children as well as adults were war ned to conserve t heir en
ergies; even babiesfaced psychic ruin if they became overexcited while at play.
The older f orm of t herapy, wfaced psychic ruin if they became overexcited whil
e at play. The older f orm of t herapy, wit h itsfrequent money metaphors and it
s insist ence on careful husbanding of resources, expressed frequent money metap
hors and its insist ence on careful husbanding of resources, expressedthe persis
tent production orientation wit hin t he dom inant cult ure. The Vict orian mor
ality of the persistent production orientation wit hin t he dom inant cult ure.
The Vict orian mor ality ofself-control was surviving, but on a se cular basis.
Therapists counseled pr udence becausself-control was surviving, but on a se cul
ar basis. Therapists counseled pr udence because itpromoted well-being in this w
orld, not salvation in t he next . promoted well-being in this world, not salvat
ion in t he next .Yet by the 1890s there was a growing sense that h
Yet by the 1890s there was a growing sense that health m ight not be exclusively
af moderation. A longsi de the prudent ial "scarcity therapy" an exuberant "abu
ndancematter of moderation. A longsi de the prudent ial "scarcity therapy" an ex
uberant "abundancetherapy" began to appear. Charging that t he prudent man was o
nly half alive, abundance therapy" began to appear. Charging that t he prudent m
an was only half alive, abundancetherapy promised to reach untapped reservoirs o
f ener gy and open the way t o a richer, futherapy promised to reach untapped re
servoirs of ener gy and open the way t o a richer, fullerlife. More directly and
aggressively than scar cit y t herapy, abundance ther apy off ered br acinglife
.reli
Assumptions of psychic abundance m arked a wide variety of cult ural figures. An
nieCall, a popular self-hel p writer, counseled neurast henics t o achieve Power
ThroughPayson Call, a popular self-hel p writer, counseled neurast henics t o a
chieve Power ThroughRepose (1891): Instead of fighting fatigue, she advised, yie
ld t o it; instead of r emaining Repose (1891): Instead of fighting fatigue, she
advised, yield t o it; instead of r emainingconstrained by "sham emotions" and
"mor bid self- consciousness," emulat e t he healthyconstrained by "sham emotion
s" and "mor bid self- consciousness," emulat e t he healthy babywho "lets himsel
f go" with unconscious ease. "The most intense suff er ers f rom nervous who "le
ts himself go" with unconscious ease.prostration," Call wrote, "are those wh o s
upp
While Gulick fr equent ly charact erized healt h as t he car efulurces, for him
the ef ficient lif e was ultimately t he exuberanmanagement of scarce resources,
for him the ef ficient lif e was ultimately t he exuberant lif e.He warned men
that mere freedom from disease was inadequate; t o be "m en of power "
The worship of growth and process in t he t herapeutic et hos was closely allied
e r transformations in A merican culture: a "revolt against form alism" among so
with othe r transformations in A merican culture: a "revolt against form alism"
among socialscientists; a "revolution in manners and m orals" among t he middle
and upper classes scientists; a "revolution in manners and m orals" among t he m
iddle and upper classesgenerally; the ri se of a leisure ethic for those subject
t o a r egiment ed workplace. At thgenerally; the ri se of a leisure ethic for
those subject t o a r egiment ed workplace.obvious level, the therapeutic injunc
tio n to "let go" eased adjust ment to the r hyth
There was a further problem as well. A loosening of r epressive moralit y cam e
at of increased banality. Defining the natural as the good, abundance therapists
the pri ce of increased banalitysought to li berate instinctual lif
efining the natural as the good, abundance therapistsy denying it s dar ker side
. Elwood Worcest er expresssought to li berate instinctual life by denying it s
dar ker side. Elwood Worcest er expressed acommon view when he said: "The subcon
scious mind is a nor mal part of our spiritual nat urcommon view when he said: "
The subconscious mind is a nor mal part of our spiritual nat ure... [and] what w
e observe in hypnosis is an elevat ion of the moral f aculties, great er r ef in
em e... [and] what we observe in hypnosis is an elevat ion of the moral f aculti
es, great er r ef inem entof feeling , a higher sense of truth and honor, of ten
a delicacy of m ind, which t he waking of feeling , a higher sense of truth and
honor, of ten a delicacy of m ind, which t he wakingsubject d oes not possess.
In my opinion t he r eason for t his is that the subconscious minsubject d oes n
ot possess. In my opinion t he r eason for t his is that the subconscious mind,w
hich I believe is the most active i n suggest ion, is purer and f reer from evil
than our wakinwhich I believe is the most active i n suggest ion, is purer and
f reer from evil than our wakingconsciousness." With assertions like these, abun
dance t her apist s waved aside the toweringconsciousness.rages and the i
t her apist s waved aside the toweringious. And t hey dismissed the painf urages
and the insatiabl e longings in the hum an unconscious. And t hey dismissed the
painf ulconflict between instinct and civilization. I nstinct liberated became
instinct made banal; the conflict between instinct and civilization. I nstinct l
iberated became instinct made banal; thereaction against weightlessness produced

more weightlessness. 3 0 reaction against weightlessness produced more weightle
ssness.Ultimately the most corrosive aspect of the ther apeut ic e
Ultimately the most corrosive aspect of the ther apeut ic ethos was the worship
ofnd process as ends in themselves. By devaluing ult im ate purposes, abundanceg
rowth and process as ends in themselves. By devaluing ult im ate purposes, abund
ancetherapists (like "antiformalist" social scient ist s), tended to under mine
possibilities f or anytherapists (like "antiformalist" social scient ist s), ten
ded to under mine possibilities f or anybedrock of moral values. And by urgin g
unending personal growth, abundance t herapistbedrock of moral values. And by ur
gin g unending personal growth, abundance t herapist sencouraged the forgetting
(one might say the r epression) of t he past. They em braced t heencouraged the
forgetting (one might say the r epression) of t he past. They em braced t hecree
d of progress and transferred its ef fect s t o t he most intimate areas of lif
e. Devaluing creed of progress and transferred its ef fect s t o t he most intim
ate areas of lif e.the custo ms and traditions designed to preserve cult ur al m
emory, t hey devalu
That sentiment surfaced in Hall, Gulick, Call, and many ot hers in t heir dist r
ust ofn city, their admiration for the healt hiness of rural lif e, t heir yearn
ings f or a childlike the modern city, their admiration for the healt hiness of
rural lif e, t heir yearnings f or a childlikestate of nature. "Childhood," Hall
wrote, "is the par adise of the r ace f rom which adult lif e is state of natur
e. "Childhood," Hall wrote, "is the par adise of the r ace f rom which adult lif
e isa fall." Gulick inveighed against the "mushiness" of modern urban lif e. Th
er apist s want ed a fall." Gulick inveighed against the "mushiness" of modern u
rban lif e.
To sum up: The therapeutic ethos was rooted in reaction against the rationalizat
ione the growing effort, first descr ibed by Max Weber, to exert system atic con
tr ol of culture the growing effort, first descr ibed by Max Weber, to exert sys
tem atic contr olover man's external environment and ult imat ely over his inner
life as well." By the t urn ofover man's external environment and ult imat ely
over his inner life as well."the century the iron cage of bureaucra tic "rat ion
alit y" had begun subt ly to a
Many began to sense t hat t heir f amiliar sense of aut onomy was beinghey had b
een cut off f rom int ense physical, emot ional, or spiritual underm ined, and t
hat they had been cut off f rom int ense physical, emot ional, or spiritualexper
ience. T he therapeutic ethos promised to heal the wounds inflict ed by rational
izatioexperience. T he therapeutic ethos promised to heal the wounds inflict ed
by rationalization, torelease the cramped energies of a fret ful bourgeoisie. re
lease the cramped energies of a fret ful bourgeoisie.Reacting against rationaliz
ation, t he creat ors
Reacting against rationalization, t he creat ors of t he t herapeutic et hos nev
ert helessed that process by promoting a new and subtler set of cont rols on hum
an behavior .reinforced that process by promoting a new and subtler set of cont
rols on hum an behavior .The nature of control varied: Scarcity ther apy addres
sed anxieties; abundance ther apy The nature of control varied: Scarcity ther ap
y addressed anxieties; abundance ther apyaddressed aspirations. B ut the main po
int is t hat longings for reintegrat ed selfhood addressed aspirations. B ut the
main point is t hat longings for reintegrat ed selfhoodand i ntense experience
were assimila ted by both ther apeut ic and business elit es inand i ntense expe
rience were assimila ted by both ther apeut ic and business elit es in theemergi
ng consumer culture: not only by psychiatr ist s, social t heorist s, and capt a
ins of temerging consumer culture: not only by psychiatr ist s, social t heorist
s, and capt ains of t henascent "leisure industry" but also by advert ising exe
cutives. This was not a conspir acy bnascent "leisure industry" but also by adve
rt ising executives.an unconsci ous collaboration. The elites' mot ives were div
er
The elites' mot ives were diverse and cont radict ory; they wer eeir clients and
as enam ored of t he t herapeutic prom ise. 3 3 often as full of self-doubt as
their clients and as enam ored of t he t herapeutic prom ise.This confusion was
nowhere clear er t han in t he advert ising prof ession. Respo
Between 1880 and 1930, the m ushrooming inst it utional growth of nat ional adve
rt isingompanied by a shift in advertisers' assumpt ions and st rategies. Wit h
t he spread of was accompanied by a shift in advertisers' assumpt ions and st ra
tegies. Wit h t he spread ofa national market and urban conditions of lif e, adv
ertisers began to im agine a buying publia national market and urban conditions
of lif e, advertisers began to im agine a buying publicthat w as increasingly re
mote and on the r un. The tr ade jour nal Pr int er 's Ink noted in 1890 that w
as increasingly remote and on the r un. The tr ade jour nal Pr int er 's Ink not
ed in 1890that " the average [newspaper] reader skims lightly over the thousand
f acts massed in serthat " the average [newspaper] reader skims lightly over the
thousand f acts massed in ser riedcolumns. T o win his attention he must be ar
oused, excit ed, t errified." While some advertisingcolumns. T o win his attenti
on he must be ar oused, excit ed, t errifimen deplored these habits of mind, oth
ers urged adjustment t o t
Page 9: Highlight annotation by lorit on October 12th
Amid a mounting din of product claims, m anyresenting
g at tent ion. 3 4national a dvertisers shifted their
orm ation to att racting at tent ion.The shift toward
tt racting at tention was accelerated by
2016, 8:13:05 pm:

inform ation to att ractin
focus f rom presenting inf
sensational tactics f or a

The shift toward sensational tactics f or att racting at tention was accelerated
byer movement from print to visual modes of expression. Technical advances in a
broader movement from print to visual modes of expression. Technical advances i
nphotography, film, and printing promot ed a pr oliferat ion of images and made
an excluphotography, film, and printing promot ed a pr oliferat ion of images an
d made an exclusivelyverbal medium seem dull by comparison. "American civilizati
on gr ows more hieroglyphic verbal medium seem dull by comparisonevery day," Vac
hel Lindsay wrote in The
A lbert Lasker of Lord & Thomas in Chicago typified this new approach style of c
opy. Reject ing the dignif ied, low- key approach favored by develo ping a new s
tyle of copy.by professionals at that ti me, Lask
Ir onically it was not reasonable at all:ng a product's qualit ies; on the cont
raHopkins refused to appeal to a buyer' s reason by listing a product's qualit
ies; on the cont raryhe addressed nonrational yearnings by suggest ing the ways
his client 's product would he addressed nonrational yearnings by suggest ing th
e ways his client 's product wouldtransfor m the buyer' s l ife. Lord & T homas
wr it ers applied such st rategies t o pat ent m etransfor m the buyer' s l ife.
Lord & T homas wr it ers applied such st rategies t o pat ent m edicines,toothp
astes, and automobiles. Other a gencies f ollowed Suit . Hopkins's "Reason Why"
pointedtoothpastes, and automobiles.advertising away from the pro

And t he m ost pot ent manipulation was t herapeutic: theribut e t o t he buyer'
s physical, psychic, or social wellpromise that the product would contribut e t
o t he buyer's physical, psychic, or social well-being; th e threat that his wel
l-being would be under mined if he failed to buy it . 3 7 being; th e threat tha
t his well-being would be under mined if he failed to buy it .For many psycholog
ical consult ants, t herapeutic advert ising became
Simplemi nded as it seemed, Scott 's concept of suggest ion embodied an import a
nte from familiar ideas of autonomy, will, and choice. It port ended a view of h
uman departure from familiar ideas of autonomy, will, and choice. It port ended
a view of humannatur e that has become common amo ng advert isers and public rel
at ions men t hroughoutnatur e that has become common amo ng advert isers and pu
blic relat ions men t hroughout thetwentieth century. From this standpoint , hum
an beings were f undamentally unthinking and twentieth century. From this standp
oint , human beings were f undamentally unthinking andimpulsive. "Man has been c
alled the reasoning animal but he could wit h great er t rut hfulneimpulsive.be
cal led t
Lumping individuals en masse, manip ulat ive strat egies displayed a gr owing co
ntem ptfor "the average man." It was left to E dward Bernays, nephew of Freud an
d "fat her " offor "the average man." It was left to E dward Bernays, nephew of
Freud and "fat her " ofpublic relations, to provide an epitaph for bourgeois ide
als of individual autonomy andpublic relations, to provide an epitaph for bourge
ois ideals of individual autonomy andconscious choice. "The group mind," he wrot
e in Propaganda ( 1928), "does not think iconscious choice. "The group mind," h
e wrot e in Propaganda ( 1928), "does not think inthe str ict sense of the word.
In place of thoughts it has im pulses, habit s, emotions." To the str ict sense
of the word. In place of thoughts it has im pulses, habit s, emotions."ensure t
hat consumption kept pace with production, Ber nays advised, adver tiser s
On the contrar y. Advert iser s' growinglection of t he most pr ofound intellec
t urecogni ti on of human irrationality was a pale reflection of t he most pr of
ound intellect ualcurrents of the age: a recovery of the unconscious pioneer ed
by Freud and Jung, a r evcurrents of the age: a recovery of the unconscious pion
eer ed by Freud and Jung, a r evoltagainst p osi ti vism led by James and Bergso
n, a broad quest ioning of the complacent libeagainst p osi ti vism led by James
and Bergson, a broad quest ioning of the complacent liber alfaith in hu man rea
son and progress. 4 0 The problem was t hat manipulative adver tisers faith in h
u man reason and progress.distorted this critique of bourgeois cu 4 0 The proble
m was t hat manipulative adver tisersre beyond recognit ion. Emphasizing hum an
distorted this critique of bourgeois cult ure beyond recognit ion.irrationality,
they used that emphasis t o limit rat her t han deep
Page 11: Highlight annotation by lorit on October 13th 2016, 11:14:34 am:
But by t he 1920s the sym bolic universe of nat ionalapeut ic wor ld descr ibed
by Philip Rieff a world iadvertising markedly resembled the therapeut ic wor ld
descr ibed by Philip Rieff a world inwhich all overarching structures of meaning
had collapsed, and there was "not hing at stake which all overarching structure
s of meaning had collapsed, and there was "not hing at stakebeyond a manipulativ
e sense of wellbeing. " 4 2 beyond a manipulative sense of wellbeing. "It is imp
ortant to underscore the r ol 4 2
It is important to underscore the r ole of adver tising in accelerat ing this co
llapse of. T he decline of symbolic struct ures outside the self has been a cent
ral process imeaning.the deve l
advertisements constitut ed a new and bewildering code, a set ofwhich the refere
nt s were unclear. Unlike ther apeutic prescriptionverbal and visual signs for w
hich the referent s were unclear. Unlike ther apeutic prescriptions,advertisemen
ts were not meant to be taken literally or were t hey? That was the problem . ad
vertisements were not meant to be taken literally or were t hey? That was the pr
oblem .The new attention-getting strategies, par ticularly t he t herapeutic em
phasis on manipulating The new attention-getting strategies, par ticularly t he
t herapeutic em phasis on manipulatingfeeling rather than presenting informat io
n, led advertisers to a nether realm between feeling rather than presenting info
rmat ion, led advertisers to a nether realm betweentruth and falsehood. P romisi
ng relief from f eelings of unreality, adver tising never theltruth and falsehoo
d. P romising relief from f eelings of unreality, adver tising never thelessexac
erbated those feelings by hastening what the Fr ench sociologist Henri Lefebvr e
haexacerbated those feelings by hastening what the Fr ench sociologist Henri Le
febvr e hascalled "the decline of the referentials" t he t endency, under corpor
at e capitalism , for wcalled "the decline of the referentials" t he t endency,
under corpor at e capitalism , for wor dsto become severed from any meaning ful
ref erent. Think, for example, of t he beating t hat to become severed from any
meaning ful ref erentwords like "personality" and "revolutionary" have
Advertising helped to create a culture in which t here were f ew symbols root ed
incustoms (as in traditional cultures), nor even m any signs with specif ic ref
er ents (specific customs (as in traditional cultures), nor even m any signs wit
h specif ic refer ents (asin Victorian print culture). There were only f loat in
g, det ached im ages t hat ( like t he f lickeringin Victorian print culture). T
here were only f loat ing, det ached im ages t hat ( like t he f lickeringfaces
in t he movies) promised therapeut ic feelings of em otional or sensuous excitem
ent. Bfaces in t he movies) promised therapeut ic feelings of em otional or sen
suous excitem ent.fulfillment seemed alw ays just out of reach.
A count er part toan dr ab, t it illat ingthe poster art of Communist societies
, advert ising was garish rat her than dr ab, t it illat ingrather tha n didacti
c, and ceaselessly open to aest hetic novelty. I t was no accident t hat rather
tha n didactic, and ceaselessly open to aest hetic novelty. I t was no accident
t hatby the 1920s and 1930s advertising had begun t o assim ilate the allegedly
r ebellious by the 1920s and 1930s advertising had begun t o assim ilate the all
egedly r ebelliousimpulses of aesthetic "modernism." A s t he advert ising execu
t ive Er nest Elmo Calkinimpulses of aesthetic "modernism." A s t he advert isin
g execut ive Er nest Elmo Calkinsrecalled, "Modernism offered the opport unit y
of expressing t he inexpr essible, of suggrecalled, "Modernism offered the oppor
t unit y of expressing t he inexpr essible, of suggest ingnot so much a motor ca
r as speed, not so much a gown as style, not so much a compact anot so much a mo
tor car as speed, not so much a gown as style, not so much a compact asbeauty."
It offered, in other words, not inform ation but feeling. I ndeed one m odernist
st rain beauty." It offered, in other words, not inform ation but feeling. I nd
eed one m odernist st rainspecifically attacked the whole notion of content and
m eaning in ar t. From this view the specifically attacked the whole notion of c
ontent and m eaning in ar t. From this view theadvertisement (like the painting)
was not a com municat ion but a thing unt o itself. Form advertisement (like th
e painting) was not a com municat ion but a thing unt o itself. Form wasall. 4 6
all.
The corr osion of m eaning wascked familiar values; instead gradual and largely
unintended. National advert iser s rar ely at tacked familiar values; insteadth
ey sugg ested a new set of values ce ntering around the therapeut ic promise of
psychic they sugg ested a new set of values ce ntering around the therapeut ic p
romise of psychicsecurity and fulfillment. security and fulfillmentThe earlier,
pr
H usbands and wives alike were const antly needled about their dom estic roles.
Ifed to provi de a Laun-dry-et te or an Aet na Life Insurance policy, advertisem
ents husband s failed to provi de a Laun-dry-et te or an Aet na Life Insurance p
olicy, advertisementsimplied, their wives would soon degener ate into humpbacked
slatt erns. If wives overlooked implied, their wives would soon degener ate int
o humpbacked slatt erns. If wives overlookedthe Puffed Rice or the Pro-P hy-LacTic t oothbrush, t heir children f aced m alnutr it ion and the Puffed Rice or t
he Pro-P hy-Lac-Tic t oothbrush, t heir children f aced m alnutr it ion andpyorr
hea. The domestic ideal, long a focal point of Vict orian moralit y, was being r
edefinpyorrhea. The domestic ideal, long a focal point of Vict orian moralit y,
was being redefined t ofit the ne w consumer culture. 4 7 fit the ne w consumer
cultureA characteristic ther
A characteristic therapeutic st rategy linked domest ic responsibilities wit h n
ost algiastine, "natural" state. "Mothers, do you not know that children crave n
at ural food unfor a pr istine, "natural" state. "Mothers, do you not know that
children crave nat ural food untilyou pervert their taste by the use of unnat ur
al food?" a Shredded Wheat advert isem ent askeyou pervert their taste by the us
e of unnat ural food?"in 1903. "Unnatural food develops unnat ural and t her
The appeal to nature addressed t he half- conscious nost algia of cosmopolit an
elit es.es to their own past attenuated, t he urban bour geoisie became more sus
cept ible t o As the ties to their own past attenuated, t he urban bour geoisie
became more suscept ible t othe commodified version of the past served up in nat
ional advert isement s. Or so it seems the commodified version of the past serve
d up in national advert isement swhen one surveys the advertisements in such m i
ddle- and upper-class pe
By the 1920s appeals the anxiet y had int ensif ied and spread. Wat son's Scot t
Tissuen warned that harsh toilet paper s caused irr it ation that "is not only
a sour ce of campaign warned that harsh toilet paper s caused irr it ation that
"is not only a sour ce ofdiscomfort but al so a possible seat of inf ection." O
ne advert isem ent showed a photogrdiscomfort but al so a possible seat of inf e
ction."a woman lying despondent in a hospital bed, a
In the emergi ng other-directed societ y of managers and prof essionals,ements i
ncreasingly assumed the im portance of creating a pleasant soadvertisements incr
easingly assumed the im portance of creating a pleasant social self.After the tu
rn of the century, men's toiletries were no longer merely gr ooming aids; t heyA
fter the turn of the century, men's toiletries were no longer merely gr ooming a
ids; t heybecame keys to success and barriers against embarrassm ent. Women as w
ell were became keys to success and barriers against embarrassm ent. Women as we
ll werereminded repeatedly about the possibilities of giving of fense through ba
d breat h, yelreminded repeatedly about the possibilities of giving of fense thr
ough bad breat h, yellow,teeth, body odors, and shabby home furnishings. I n adv
ert ising's symbolic universe, t he teeth, body odors, and shabby home furnishin
gs. I n advert ising's symbolic universe, t heallegedly sacrosanct home became a
test ing gr ound for ot her-directed housewives. Gueallegedly sacrosanct home b
ecame a test ing gr ound for ot her-directed housewives. Guestswere everywhere i
n Good Housekeep ing dur ing the 1920s evaluating f ood, f urniture, were everyw
here in Good Housekeep ing dur ing the 1920s evaluating f ood, f urniture,childr
en's behavior, even the bathroom dr ains. From the adver tisers' point of view,
t he children's behavior, even the bathroom dr ains. From the adver tisers' poin
t of view, t hebathr oom became "the showroom of your home. " Epit omizing t he
older t herapeutic idbathr oom became "the showroom of your home. " Epit omizing
t he older t herapeutic idealof well-managed health, a spotless bathroom became
a f ocus f or f emale achievem ent . Tof well-managed health, a spotless bathro
om became a f ocus f or f emale achievem ent . culmination of this tendency appe
ared in 1930, when Brunswick t oilet seats print ed t he
Yet other-direction could embody aspiration as well as anxiety. By t he 1890s, w
hilevertisements still exploited fears of giving off ense, ot hers began to addr
ess longingmany advertisements still exploited fears of giving off ense, ot hers
began to address longingsfor a more vibrant personality and a fu ller lif e. Fr
om this new perspective, toot hpaste might for a more vibrant personality and a
fu ller lif e. From this new perspective, toot hpaste mightdo more than prevent
"acid mouth" and "pink toot hbrush"; it m ight also provide the consumdo more th
an prevent "acid mouth" and "pink toot hbrush"; it m ight also provide the consu
merwith a po sitively dazzli ng smile and (u lt imat ely) int ense r omantic exp
erience. 5 3 While t he with a po sitively dazzli ng smile and (u lt imat ely) i
nt ense r omantic experience.
The newer abundance-oriented approach appeared earliest and m ost clearly-relate
d advertising. A s early as 1873 an advertisement f or Tarr ant 's Selt zer in h
ealth-related advertising. A s early as 1873 an advertisement f or Tarr ant 's S
elt zer inHarper's Weekly noted that "thousands of people who ar e not actually
sick complain t hHarper's Weekly noted that "thousands of people who ar e not ac
tually sick complain t hatthey are 'never w ell .' " This feeling o f ener vatio
n prom oted year nings not m erely for they are 'never w ell .' " This feeling o
f ener vation prom oted year nings not m erely forwell-regulated health but als
o for abundant vitalit y; during the 1890s advert isers begawell-regulated healt
h but also for abundant vitalit y; during the 1890s advert isers beganaddressi n
g those yearnings directly. Paine's Celery Compound was pr omising t o "increadd
ressi ng those yearnings directly. Paine's Celery Compound was pr omising t o "i
ncreasethe appetite" and "brighten the eye," Pabst M alt Extr act t o give "vim
and bounce." By 1913 the appetite" and "brighten the eye," Pabst M alt Extr act
t o give "vim and bounce." By 1913an advertisement for the White Cross Electric
Vibrator was telling r eaders of The Amer icanan advertisement for the White Cro
ss Electric Vibrator was telling r eaders of The Amer icanMagazine that "nine ou
t of ten people are only half alive. How about yourself ? Vibration is Magazine
that "nine out of ten people are only half alive. How about yourself ? Vibration
islife. It will chase away the years like magic ... you will r ealize t hor oug
hly the joy of living. lifesel
Women played a cri ti cal role in the spread of older and newer ther apeut ic st
r ategies. in forming the "helping professions" t hat promot ed ther apeutic ide
als; they They led in forming the "helping professions" t hat promot ed ther ape
utic ideals; theydominated the clientele of mind cure a nd the Emmanuel Movement
. Adver tising tradominated the clientele of mind cure a nd the Emmanuel Moveme
ntconstantly emphasized the importance of r eaching women, who (it
There is no doubt that many women wer e victimized in new ways by the leader s n
sumer culture. As dominant values were revit alized and transf ormed through of
the co nsumer culture. As dominant values were revit alized and transf ormed thr
oughincorporation of the therapeutic ethos, t he chief beneficiaries were t he u
pper- class malincorporation of the therapeutic ethos, t he chief beneficiaries

were t he upper- class maleexecuti ves who managed the developing corporat e sys
t em. There was no male conspirexecuti ves who managed the developing corporat e
syst em. There was no male conspir acy.Rather, tendencies inherent in the thera
peut ic ethos helped t o def use demands for fem ale Rather, tendencies inherent
in the therapeut ic ethos helped t o def use demands for fem aleequali ty. Femi
nist political claims were def lect ed int o quest s f or psychic sat isf action
t hrougequali ty. Feminist political claims were def lect ed int o quest s f or
psychic sat isf action t hroughhigh-style consumption. The emphasis on self -re
alizat ion through emotional fulfillment, t he high-style consumption. The empha
sis on self -realizat ion through emotional fulfillment, t hedevaluation of publ
ic life in favor of a leisur e world of int ense private experience, t he need d
evaluation of public life in favor of a leisur e world of int ense private exper
ience, t he need t oconstruct a pleasing "self" by purchasing consumer goods the
se t herapeutic imperat ives construct a pleasing "self" by purchasing consumer
goods these t herapeutic imperat iveshelped to domesticate the drive toward f em
ale emancipation. Wit h great f anfare, advert iserhelped to domesticate the dri
ve toward f emale emancipationoffered women the freedom to smoke Lucky Strikes o
r buy "
But it is easy to exaggerate the sexual dimensions of hegemony. Men, too, were s
ed into conformity with all levels of the corporat e system . As fr equent ly as
wombeing ea sed into conformity with all levels of the corporat e system . As f
r equent ly as women,they wer e the target of therapeutic appeals. And even t he
relatively comf or table could be they wer e the target of therapeutic appeals.
And even t he relatively comf or table could bevictimize d in subtle ways. Prom
isi ng wholeness or rejuvenation, advertisers addr essed victimize d in subtle w
ays. Promisi ng wholeness or rejuvenation, advertisers addr essedthose im mersed
in routine work or domest ic drudgery; t hey held out the hope that lif e cthos
e im mersed in routine work or domest ic drudgery; t hey held out the hope that
lif e couldbe perpetually fulfilling; and they implied t hat one ought to strive
f or that fulfillment t hrough be perpetually fulfilling;consumption.
It would be a mistake to read the changes in advert ising as a dir ect indicatio
n ofa nges in the advertisers' audience. Like the pr oliferat ing therapies, cha
nges in value cha nges in the advertisers' audience. Like the pr oliferat ing th
erapies, changes inadvertising represented a shift in official nor ms and expect
at ions, not a gr ound swell ofadvertising represented a shift in official nor m
s and expectat ions, not a gr ound swell ofpopular sentiment. Unlike therapies,
moreover, advert isem ents did not always contain popular sentiment. Unlike ther
apies, moreover, advert isem ents did not always contain directprescriptions for
behavior. A nd the advert iser s' audience was neither as passive nor as prescr
iptions for behavior. A nd the advert iser s' audience was neither as passive no
r asgullible as critics sometimes assumed. Ever since t he days of P. T. Bar num
, at least a fgullible as critics sometimes assumedadvertisers had called atten
tion to the
Twent iet h- of wish centur y advertising institutionalized this joke by m assproducing a f antasy world of wishfulfillment. No doubt many ordinary Amer icans
refused to embrace this wor ld literally, bfulfillment.they wer e
A web of connections joined n ational adver tising, the ther apeut ic ethos, and
f orms of mass entertainment. O ne can see those connect ions, f or exam ple,th
e new f orms of mass entertainmentthe cult o f youthful vitality surrounding
As the hist orian Larry May obser ves, "A st ar unlike the actorwas a young per s
on who experimented with a nunineteen th century character actorwas a young per s
on who experimented with a numberof roles, identities, and styles." 6 1 He was o
t her -directed, creat ing and recr eating a ser ies of roles, identities, and s
tyles."of personalities according to th 6 1 He was ot her -directed, creat ing a
nd recr eating a ser iesxpect ations of his producer and his audience. Furt her,
of personalities according to the expect ations of his producer and his audienc
e. Furt her,movies and advertisements alike engaged in a ther apeut ic renovatio
n of sensualit y movies and advertisements alike engaged in a ther apeut ic reno
vation of sensualit y cleansing sex of V ictorian associations wit h povert y, di
sease, and dirt ; locat ing eroticiscleansing sex of V ictorian associations wit
h povert y, disease, and dirt ; locat ing eroticism insettings characterized by
affluence, re spect abilit y, and, above all, healt h. Cecil B. De M ille'setti
ngs characterized by affluence, re spect abilit y, and, above all, healt h. Ceci
l B. De M ille'sfamous bath scenes closely paralleled advertisement s f or t oil
etr ies and bathroom f ixt ures: famous bath scenes closely paralleled advertise
ment s f or t oiletr ies and bathroom f ixt ures:All presented half-nude females
in scenes of cleanliness and opulence; all sanitized sex bAll presented half-nu
de females in scenes of cleanliness and opulence; all sanitized sex byassociatin
g it with health and high-level consumpt ion. 6 2 associating it with health and
high-level consumpt ionThe clearest example of these connections w
Animat ed by t herapeutic ideals, Bart on's workat ions of t he em erging consu
mer cult ur e. Yet entwined and expressed the major preoccupat ions of t he em e
rging consumer cult ur e. Yetit also embodied fitful protest against that cult u
re. Som etimes clinging t o older bour geois it also embodied fitful protest aga
inst that cult ure. Som etimes clinging t o older bour geoisvalues, s ometimes d
oubting the worth of his own vocation, Bar ton year ned f or t ranscendvalues, s
ometimes doubting the worth of his own vocation, Bar ton year ned f or t ransce
ndentmeaning even as his profession corroded it. His personal tur moil has a bro
ader hist orical meaning even as his profession corroded it.significance: It i l
luminates the moral and psy
he gave upysical labothe fellowship and went to a railroad camp in M ontana f o
r revit alization t hrough physical labor.After six months he left Montana to tr
a vel aimlessly. The whole postgraduat e period of drift , After six months he l
eft Montana to tra vel aimlesslyBarton recalled, caused "great distress, bot h t
o my
Rejecting t he "weightlessness" of liberal Protest antvigorous and manly r eligi
on, Barton produced a cresentimentality, yearning for a more vigorous and manly
r eligion, Barton produced a creedeven m ore vacuous than its predecessor. 6 6 e
ven m ore vacuous than its predecessorIn his earliest articles for the Chi
Like Hall and Fosdick, he exalted Jesus as a) presented Jesus as "a young man g
lowing healthy p ersonality. A Y oung Man's Jesus (1914) presented Jesus as "a y
oung man glowingwith physical strength and the joy of living" who had "our bound
ing pulses, our hot desires," with physical strength and the joy of living" who
had "our bounding pulses, our hot desires,"not to mention "perfect teeth." And t
his Jesus would enthusiastically att end t he spect acles onot to mention "perfe
ct teeth." And this Jesus would enthusiastically att end t he spect acles ofthe
consu mer culture. "If there w ere a wor ld's championship series in town, we mi
ght look f othe consu mer culture. "If there w ere a wor ld's championship serie
s in town, we might look f orHim there," B arton wrote. This refashioning of Jes
us was only part of Bart on's promot ion of Him there," B arton wrote. This refa
shioning of Jesus was only part of Bart on's promot ion ofthe therapeutic ethos.
His E very Week edit or ials f requently st ressed t he import ance of healthe
therapeutic ethos. His E very Week edit or ials f requently st ressed t he impor
t ance of healt hin attainin g "maximum effici ency" and t old young men how "t
o gr ow inst ead of stagnat e." His in attainin g "maximum effici ency" and t ol
d young men how "t o gr ow inst ead of stagnat e." Hisbook title s suggested the
willed optimism of t he search for self -r ealizat ion: M ore Power t o Yobook
title s suggested the willed optimism of t he search for self -r ealizat ion: M
ore Power t o You(1917) , It 's a Good Old World (1920), On the Up and Up (1929)
. 6 8 (1917) , It 's a Good Old World (1920), On the Up and Up (1929).During the
1920s, Barton slipped his pr omotional activit i 6 8
During the same period, Barton linked t her apeutic ideals of "enjoyment"he brav
e new consumer cult ure. Having inter viewed Henr y Ford for Theand " gr owth" t
o the brave new consumer cult ureAmerican Magazine, B arton hailed the inst allm
e
The unw illingness t o postpone gratification becam e a hallm ark of t heer corp
orate capitalism. 89Bart on, like other prophet s of consumpt iondominant cultur
e under corporate capitalism.tied this multiplication of wants to a larger sc
Vict orian moralist s had longike individuals) m ust not st alinked work and pro
gress, had long as sumed t hat civilizations (like individuals) m ust not st and
still. But Barton's scheme was slightly diff er ent: O ne wor ked in order t o s
atisfy want s f or still. But Barton's scheme was slightly diff er ent: O ne wor
ked in order t o satisfy want s f orconsumer goods, not because one had to sur
vive or because one was comm it ted t o Vicconsumer goods, not because one had t
o sur vive or because one was comm it ted t o Victorian
The new book joined adver tisingense experience, suf fusing t he wideology to t
herapeuti c i deals of abundant vitalit y and int ense experience, suf fusing t
he wholewith an a tmosphere of religiosity. B art on's Jesus personified persona
l magnet ism and out doorwith an a tmosphere of religiosityliving. He was no wea
k-kneed L
For all that, Barton was neither a cynical huckster nor a one-dimensional man. E
agere in his own optimistic vision, he was never theless t roubled by it. His wr
iting of ten to beli eve in his own optimistic vision, he was never theless t ro
ubled by it. His writing of tenreflected the nostalgia implicit in the ther apeu
t ic ethos. Celebrat ing economic developmenreflected the nostalgia implicit in
the ther apeut ic ethos. Celebrat ing economic developmentand personal growth, h
e worried about their impact on st able communities and secure and personal grow
th, he worried about their impact on st able communities and secureidentities .
Complaining about the pace of life in New York, he noted t he anxious f aces ide
ntities . Complaining about the pace of life in New York, he noted t he anxious
f aceson Wall Street and observed in irri tation that "before a building has acq
uired the deceon Wall Street and observed in irri tation that "before a building
has acquired the decentdrabness of age it is torn out by the roots and a gay ne
w str ucture leaps to the sky." Hedrabness of age it is torn out by the roots an
d a gay new str ucture leaps to the sky." Heyearned fitfully for the rural and t
he natural. As early as 1908, having just ret ur ned f romyearned fitfully for t
he rural and the natural. As early as 1908, having just ret ur ned f rom hisrege
nera tive sti nt in Montana, he asser ted that "the open lif e of the country st
ill gives m en regenera tive sti nt in Montana, he asser ted that "the open lif
e of the country still gives m enbetter opportunities to live natural lives, whi
ch m eans bet ter lives." Throughout his young better opportunities to live natu
ral lives, which m eans bet ter lives."manhood, Barton remained nervous, dr iven
, and plagued by a wor
N eil Harris,Humbu g: T he A rt of P . T . B arn um (New Y ork, 1973)
May, S cre ening O ut t he P ast , p . 23 2

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Page 1: Highlight annotation by lorit on October 12th 2016, 5:40:39 pm:

nervous prostr ation"Nervous prostration" or neurasthenia were shor than

sourcescrated complex effects. Technological change isolated t he ur ban bourge

nner emptiness, t he creat ors of t he t herapeutic et hos of fered harmonidenti

iberated became instinct made banal; thereaction against weightlessness produced

2016, 8:13:05 pm:

Page 9: Highlight annotation by lorit on October 12th 2016, 8:13:20 pm:

pointedtoothpastes, and automobiles.advertising away from the pro

pper- class malincorporation of the therapeutic ethos, t he chief beneficiaries

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