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Corded Ware culture

2 Geography

The Corded Ware culture (German: Schnurkeramik;


French: ceramique corde; Dutch: touwbekercultuur)
comprises a broad Indo-European archaeological horizon
of Europe between c. 2900 BCE circa 2350 BCE, thus
from the late Neolithic, through the Copper Age, and ending in the early Bronze Age.[2] Corded Ware culture encompassed a vast area, from the Rhine on the west to the
Volga in the east, occupying parts of Northern Europe,
Central Europe and Eastern Europe.[2]

Corded Ware encompassed most of continental northern Europe from the Rhine on the west to the Volga
in the east, including most of modern-day Germany,
the Netherlands, Denmark, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia,
Estonia, Belarus, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Switzerland,
northwestern Romania, northern Ukraine, and the European part of Russia, as well as coastal Norway and the
southern portions of Sweden and Finland.[2] In the Late
Eneolithic/Early Bronze Age, it encompassed the territory of nearly the entire Balkan Peninsula, where corded
ware mixed with other steppe elements.[6]

The origins and dispersal of Corded Ware culture remained one of the pivotal unresolved issues of the IndoEuropean Urheimat problem.[3] but a genetic study conducted by Haak et al. (2015) found that a large proportion (about 75%) of the Corded Ware cultures ancestry
came from the Yamnaya culture, tracing the Corded Ware
cultures origins to migrations from the Yamnaya population of the steppes.[4] Their study conrms with paleogenomics the pivotal role Corded Ware culture played
in disseminating many forms of the Indo-European language ancestral to at least Northern European IndoEuropean languages (Germanic and Balto-Slavic), and
suggests a role in the spread of other Indo-European
languages of Southern Europe (Italo-Celtic and probably Greek languages).[4]:Supplementary Material: 139-140 Furthermore, Allentoft et al. (2015) presents surprising genetic evidence of genetic anity of the Corded Ware Culture with the later Sintashta culture, suggesting that the
Western or European Neolithic component of Sintashta
and its daughter cultures may have come from the Corded
Ware culture.[1]

Archaeologists note that Corded Ware was not a unied culture, as Corded ware groups inhabiting a
vast geographical area from the Rhine to Volga seem
to have regionally specic subsistence strategies and
economies.[2]:226 There are dierences in the material
culture and in settlements and society.[2] At the same
time, they had several shared elements that are characteristic of all Corded Ware groups, such as their burial practices, pottery with cord decoration and unique stoneaxes.[2]
The contemporary Beaker culture overlapped with the
western extremity of this culture, west of the Elbe, and
may have contributed to the pan-European spread of that
culture. Although a similar social organization and settlement pattern to the Beaker were adopted, the Corded
Ware group lacked the new renements made possible
through trade and communication by sea and rivers.[7]

3 Origins and development


1

Nomenclature

The Corded Ware culture has long been regarded as


Indo-European because of its relative lack of settlements
compared to preceding cultures, which suggested a mobile, pastoral economy, similar to that of the Yamna culture, and the culture of the Indo-Europeans inferred from
philology. Its wide area of distribution indicates rapid
expansion at the assumed time of the dispersal of IndoEuropean languages. Indeed, the Corded Ware culture
was once presumed to be the Urheimat of the Proto-IndoEuropeans based on their possession of the horse and
wheeled vehicles, apparent warlike propensities, wide
area of distribution and rapid intrusive expansion at the
assumed time of the dispersal of Indo-European languages[3] Today this idea has lost currency, as the Kurgan

The term Corded Ware culture (German:


Schnurkeramik-Kultur, Dutch:
touwbekercultuur,
French: ceramique corde) was rst introduced by the
German archaeologist Friedrich Klopeisch in 1883.[5]
He named it after cord-like impressions or ornamentation
characteristic of its pottery.[5] The term Single Grave
culture comes from its burial custom, which consisted
of inhumation under tumuli in a crouched position with
various artifacts. Battle Axe culture, or Boat Axe culture,
is named from its characteristic grave oering to males,
a stone boat-shaped battle axe.[5]
1

Corded ware pottery in the Museum fr Vor- und Frhgeschichte


(Berlin). Ca. 2500 BCE

3 ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT

Corded Ware stone-axe in the Museum fr Vor- und


Frhgeschichte (Berlin). Ca. 2800-2400 BCE.

in Switzerland seems to represent examples of artifacts


hypothesis is currently the most widely accepted proposal from all the major sub-periods of the Corded Ware culto explain the origins and spread of the Indo-European ture elsewhere, some researchers conclude that Corded
languages.[8]
Ware occurred more or less simultaneously throughout
Prior to results from testing ancient DNA from Corded North Central Europe in the early 2900 BCE, in a number
Ware graves, which now show that the Corded Ware pop- of centers which subsequently formed their own local
[2]:297
Carbon-14 dating of the remaining cenulation was derived overwhelmingly from the pastoral networks.
Yamnaya population of the steppes north of the Black tral European regions shows that Corded Ware appeared
[11]
Sea, there was a stark division between archaeologists re- after 2880 BCE According to this theory, it spread to
the
Lneburg
Heath
and then further to the North Eugarding the origins of Corded Ware. Some archaeoloropean
Plain,
Rhineland,
Switzerland, Scandinavia, the
gists believed it sprang from central Europe while othBaltic
region
and
Russia
to
Moscow, where the culture
ers saw an inuence from nomadic pastoral societies of
[8]
met
with
the
pastoralists
considered
indigenous to the
the steppes. In favour of the rst view was the fact
[7]
steppes.
However,
the
theories
that
hypothesize
an orithat Corded Ware coincides considerably with the eargin
of
the
Corded
Ware
phenomenon
based
on
continulier north-central European Funnelbeaker culture (TRB).
However, in other regions Corded Ware appears to her- ity with preceding cultures of Western or Central Europe
ald a new culture and physical type.[3] On most of the run afoul of newer palaeogenomic data showing that the
immense, continental expanse that it covered, the cul- Corded Ware population had an ancestry derived at least
ture was clearly intrusive, and therefore represents one of 75% from the Yamnaya population of the steppes.
the most impressive and revolutionary cultural changes In the western regions this revolution has been proposed
attested by archaeology.[7] The degree to which cultural to be a quick, smooth and internal change that occurred at
change generally represents immigration were matter of the preceding Funnelbeaker culture, having its origin in
debate, and such debate had gured strongly in discus- the direction of eastern Germany.[12] Whereas in the area
sions of Corded Ware.
of the present Baltic states and East Prussia, it is seen as
According to controversial radiocarbon dates, Corded an intrusive successor to the southwestern portion of the
Ware ceramic forms in single graves develop earlier in the Narva culture. However, today Corded Ware is now evarea that is now Poland than in western and southern Cen- erywhere seen as intrusive, though not necessarily aggrestral Europe.[9] The earliest radiocarbon dates for Corded sively so, and coexisting with earlier indigenous cultures
[13]
Ware indeed come from Kujawy and Lesser Poland in in many cases.
central and southern Poland and point to the period
around 3000 BCE. However, subsequent review has challenged this perspective, instead pointing out that the wide 3.1 Indo-Europeanization and language
shift
variation in dating of the Corded Ware, especially the dating of the cultures beginning, is based on individual outlier graves, is not particularly in line with other archaeo- The Corded Ware culture is believed to be relevant for
logical data and runs afoul of plateaus in the radiocarbon understanding the extent of the Indo-European languages
calibration curve; in the one case where the dating can be in Europe during the Copper and Bronze Ages. Its imclaried with dendrochronology, in Switzerland, Corded portance is greatest for the family of theories of IndoWare is found for only a short period from 2750 BCE European origin called the Steppe Hypothesis, also
to 2400 BCE. [10] Furthermore, because the short period known by the name Kurgan Theory, originally most

3.2

Genetic studies

clearly articulated by the Lithuanian archeologist Marija peoples during the 3rd millennium BCE, they came to
Gimbutas and more recently modied and updated by J. dominate the local populations yet parts of the indigenous
P. Mallory and David Anthony, among many others.
lexicon persisted in the formation of Proto-Germanic,
the status of being an IndoAccording to Gimbutas' original theory, the process of thus giving Proto-Germanic
[23]
Europeanized
language.
Indo-Europeanization of Corded Ware (and, later, the
rest of Europe) was essentially a cultural transformation,
not one of physical type.[13] The Yamnaya migration from
Eastern to Central and Western Europe is understood as a
military victory, resulting in the Yamnaya imposing a new
administrative system, language and religion upon the indigenous groups.[14][note 1] [note 2] The social organization
greatly facilitated the Yamnaya peoples eectiveness in
war, their patrilineal and patriarchal structure.[15][note 3]
The Old Europeans (indigenous groups) had neither a
warrior class nor horses.[16] They lived in (probably) theocratic monarchies presided over by a queen-priestess or
were egalitarian society[17][note 4] This Old European social structure contrasted with the social structure of the
Yamnaya-derived cultures that followed them.[18]

3.2 Genetic studies


A Genetic study conducted by Haak et al. (2015) found
that a large proportion of the ancestry of the Corded
Ware cultures population came from the Yamnaya culture, tracing the Corded Ware cultures origins to migrations of the Yamnaya from the steppes 4,500 years ago.[4]
About 75% of the DNA of late Neolithic Corded Ware
skeletons found in Germany was a precise match to DNA
from individuals of the Yamnaya culture.[4] The same
study estimated a 4054% ancestral contribution of the
Yamnaya in the DNA of modern Central & Northern Europeans, and a 2032% contribution in modern Southern
Europeans, excluding Sardinians (7.1% or less), and to a
lesser extent Sicilians (11.6% or less).[4][24][web 1] Haak et
al. also note that their results suggest that haplogroups
R1b and R1a spread into Europe from the East after
3,000 BCE.[4]:5

David Anthony (2007), in his revised Steppe


hypothesis[19] notes that the spread of the IndoEuropean languages probably did not happen through
chain-type folk migrations, but by the introduction of
these languages by ritual and political elites, which were
emulated by large groups of people,[20]:117 a process
In terms of phenotypes, Wilde et al. (2014) and Haak
which he calls elite recruitment.[20]:117-8[note 5]
et al. (2015) found that the intrusive Yamnaya popA number of linguists have attempted to work out the ulation, generally inferred to be the rst speakers of
linguistic consequences of the idea that Corded Ware cul- an Indo-European language in the Corded Ware culture
ture introduced Indo-European languages to Western Eu- zone, were overwhelmingly dark-eyed (brown), darkrope. In all such theories, speakers of Indo-European haired and had a skin colour that was moderately light,
languages encountered existing populations that spoke though somewhat darker than that of the average moddissimilar, unrelated languages when they migrated fur- ern European.[4] These studies also showed that light
ther into Europe from the Yamna cultures steppe zone pigmentation traits had already existed in pre-Indoat the margin of Europe. Such research focuses on European indigenous Europeans (in both farmers and
both the eects on Indo-European languages that re- hunter-gatherers), so long-standing philological attempts
sulted from this contact and investigation of the pre- to correlate them with the arrival of Indo-Europeans from
existing languages. Relatively little is known about the the steppes were misguided.[25]
Pre-Indo-European linguistic landscape of Europe, exAutosomal DNA tests also indicate that the Yamnaya micept for Basque, as the Indo-Europeanization of Europe
gration from the steppes introduced a component of ancaused a largely unrecorded, massive linguistic extinccestry referred to as Ancient North Eurasian admixtion event, most likely through language-shift.[21] Guus
ture into Europe.[4] Ancient North Eurasian is the name
[21]
Kroonen (2015)
study purports to show that Pregiven in genetic literature to a component that represents
Indo-European speech contains a clear Neolithic signadescent from the people of the Mal'ta-Buret' culture[4]
ture emanating from the Aegean language family and thus
or a population closely related to them.[4] The Ancient
patterns with the prehistoric migration of Europes rst
North Eurasian genetic component is visible in tests of
farming populations.[21]:10
the Yamnaya people[4] as well as modern-day Europeans,
Marija Gimbutas, as part of her theory, had al- but not of Western or Central Europeans predating the
ready inferred that the Corded Ware cultures intru- Corded Ware culture.[26]
sion into Scandinavia formed a synthesis with the inHaak et al. (2015) also warned that the DNA relatedness
digenous people of the Funnelbeaker culture, giving
between the Corded Ware Culture and the Yamna Culture
birth to the Proto-Germanic language.[13] According to
is not a direct one:[4]
Edgar Polom, 30% of the non-Indo-European substratum found in modern German derives from nonWe caution that the sampled Yamnaya
Indo-European-speakers of Funnelbeaker culture, indigeindividuals from Samara might not be dinous to southern Scandinavia.[22] When Yamnaya Indorectly ancestral to Corded Ware individuals
European speakers came into contact with the indigenous
from Germany. It is possible that a more

GRAVES

western Yamnaya population, or an earlier


(pre-Yamnaya) steppe population may have
migrated into central Europe, and future work
may uncover more missing links in the chain
of transmission of steppe ancestry.
W. Haak et al., Nature

Economy

There are very few discovered settlements, which led


to the traditional view of this culture as exclusively nomadic pastoralists. However, this view was modied, as
some evidence of sedentary farming emerged. Traces
of emmer, common wheat and barley were found at
a Corded Ware site at Bronocice in south-east Poland.
Wheeled vehicles (presumably drawn by oxen) are in
evidence, a continuation from the Funnelbeaker culture
era.[3]
Cows milk was used systematically from 3400 BCE onwards in the northern Alpine foreland. Sheep were kept
more frequently in the western part of Switzerland due to
the stronger Mediterranean inuence. Changes in slaughter age and animal size are possibly evidence for sheep
being kept for their wool at Corded Ware sites in this
region.[27]

Graves

Burial occurred in at graves or below small tumuli in a


exed position; on the continent males lay on their right
side, females on the left, with the faces of both oriented to
the south. However, in Sweden and also parts of northern
Poland the graves were oriented north-south, men lay on
their left side and women on the right side - both facing
east. Originally, there was probably a wooden construction, since the graves are often positioned in a line. This
is in contrast with practices in Denmark where the dead
were buried below small mounds with a vertical stratigraphy: the oldest below the ground, the second above this
grave, and occasionally even a third burial above those.
Other types of burials are the niche-graves of Poland.
Grave goods for men typically included a stone battle Late battle axe from Gotland
axe. Pottery in the shape of beakers and other types are
the most common burial gifts, generally speaking. These
were often decorated with cord, sometimes with incisions
burial had been discovered in a suburb of Prague.[28] The
and other types of impressions.
remains, believed to be male, were orientated in the same
The approximately contemporary Beaker culture had way as womens burials and were not accompanied by
similar burial traditions, and together they covered most any gender-specic grave goods. The excavators sugof Western and Central Europe. The Beaker culture orig- gested the grave may have been that of a member of
inated around 2800 BCE in the Iberian Peninsula and sub- a so-called third gender, which were people either with
sequently extended into Central Europe, where it partly dierent sexual orientation or transsexuals or just peocoexisted with the Corded Ware region.
ple who identied themselves dierently from the rest
In April 2011, it was reported that a deviant Corded Ware of the society,[28] while media reports heralded the dis-

6.3

Swedish-Norwegian Battle Axe culture

covery of the worlds rst gay caveman.[29][30] Archaeologists and biological anthropologists criticised media
coverage as sensationalist. If this burial represents a
transgendered individual (as well it could), that doesn't
necessarily mean the person had a 'dierent sexual orientation' and certainly doesn't mean that he would have
considered himself (or that his culture would have considered him) 'homosexual,'" anthropologist Kristina Killgrove commented. Other items of criticism were that
someone buried in the Copper Age was not a "caveman"
and that identifying the sex of skeletal remains is dicult
and inexact.[31] A detailed account of the burial has not
yet appeared in the scientic literature.

6
6.1

Subgroups
Corded Ware culture

The prototypal Corded Ware culture, German


Schnurkeramikkultur, is found in Central Europe,
mainly Germany and Poland, and refers to the characteristic pottery of the era: twisted cord was impressed
into the wet clay to create various decorative patterns
and motifs. It is known mostly from its burials, and both
sexes received the characteristic cord-decorated pottery.
Whether made of ax or hemp, they had rope.

5
the already known dolmens, long barrows and passage
graves.[33] In 1898, archaeologist Sophus Mller was rst
to present a migration-hypothesis stating that previously
known dolmens, long barrows, passage graves and newlydiscovered single graves may represent two completely
dierent groups of people, stating Single graves are
traces of new, from the south coming tribes.[34]
The cultural emphasis on drinking equipment already
characteristic of the early indigenous Funnelbeaker culture, synthesized with newly arrived Corded Ware traditions. Especially in the west (Scandinavia and northern
Germany), the drinking vessels have a protruding foot
and dene the Protruding-Foot Beaker culture (PFB) as a
subset of the Single Grave culture.[35] The Beaker culture
has been proposed to derive from this specic branch of
the Corded Ware culture.

6.3 Swedish-Norwegian Battle Axe culture


The Swedish-Norwegian Battle Axe culture, or the Boat
Axe culture, appeared ca. 2800 BCE and is known
from about 3000 graves from Scania to Uppland and
Trndelag. The battle-axes were primarily a status object. There are strong continuities in stone craft traditions, and very little evidence of any type of full-scale
migration, least of all a violent one. The old ways were
discontinued as the corresponding cultures on the continent changed, and the farmers living in Scandinavia took
part in those changes since they belonged to the same network. Settlements on small, separate farmsteads without
any defensive protection is also a strong argument against
the people living there being aggressors. Recently also
the mixture of this culture with Barbed Wire Beaker culture elements from the west that reached until Sweden in
the Late Neolithic, probably ultimately derived from the
same Corded Ware stock, has come into the picture.[36]

Protruding-Foot Beaker culture (PFB), subset of the Single Grave


culture.

6.2

Single Grave culture

Single Grave term refers to a series of late Neolithic communities of the 3rd millennium BCE living in southern
Scandinavia, Northern Germany, and the Low Countries
that share the practice of single burial, the deceased usually being accompanied by a battle-axe, amber beads, and
pottery vessels.[32]

Boat-shaped battle axe, characteristic of Scandinavian and


coastal-German Corded Ware.

About 3000 battle axes have been found, in sites distributed over all of Scandinavia, but they are sparse in
Norrland and northern Norway. Less than 100 settlements are known, and their remains are negligible as they
are located on continually used farmland, and have conThe term Single Grave culture was rst introduced by sequently been plowed away. Einar stmo reports sites
the Danish archaeologist Andreas Peter Madsen in late inside the Arctic Circle in the Lofoten, and as far north
1800s, he found Single Graves to be quite dierent from as the present city of Troms.

8 NOTES

The Swedish-Norwegian Battle Axe culture/Boat Axe Uralic nor Indo-European.[37] Genetics seems to support
culture was based on the same agricultural practices as Hkkinen.
the previous Funnelbeaker culture, but the appearance
of metal changed the social system. This is marked
by the fact that the Funnelbeaker culture had collective 7 See also
megalithic graves with a great deal of sacrices to the
graves, but the Battle Axe culture has individual graves
Funnelbeaker culture
with individual sacrices.
FatyanovoBalanovo culture
A new aspect was given to the culture in 1993, when a
death house in Turinge, in Sdermanland was excavated.
Middle Dnieper culture
Along the once heavily timbered walls were found the remains of about twenty clay vessels, six work axes and a
Beaker culture
battle axe, which all came from the last period of the cul Mjlnir
ture. There were also the cremated remains of at least six
people. This is the earliest nd of cremation in Scandi Ukko
navia and it shows close contacts with Central Europe.
In the context of the entry of Germanic into the region,
Einar stmo emphasizes that the Atlantic and North Sea
coastal regions of Scandinavia, and the circum-Baltic areas were united by a vigorous maritime economy, permitting a far wider geographical spread and a closer cultural
unity than interior continental cultures could attain. He
points to the widely disseminated number of rock carvings assigned to this era, which display thousands of
ships. To seafaring cultures like this one, the sea is a highway and not a divider.

6.4

Finnish Battle Axe culture

The Finnish Battle Axe culture was a mixed cattlebreeder and hunter-gatherer culture, and one of the few
in this horizon to provide rich nds from settlements.

6.5

Middle Dnieper
Balanovo cultures

and

Fatyanovo-

Main articles: Middle Dnieper culture, Fatyanovo


Balanovo culture, and Abashevo culture
The eastern outposts of the Corded Ware culture are
the Middle Dnieper culture and on the upper Volga, the
FatyanovoBalanovo culture. The Middle Dnieper culture has very scant remains, but occupies the easiest route
into Central and Northern Europe from the steppe. If the
association of Battle Axe cultures with Indo-European
languages is correct, then Fatyanovo would be a culture with an Indo-European superstratum over a Uralic
substratum, and may account for some of the linguistic borrowings identied in the Indo-Uralic thesis. However, according to Hkkinen, the UralicIndo-European
contacts only start in the Corded Ware period and the
Uralic expansion into the Upper Volga region postdates
it. Hkkinen accepts Fatyanovo-Balanovo as an early
Indo-European culture, but maintains that their substratum (identied with the Volosovo culture) was neither

Erteblle culture

8 Notes
[1] Gimbutas uses the term Old Europe to refer to indigenous, Pre-Indo-European Europeans during the Neolithic,
Chalcolithic and Copper ages, representing a clearly unbroken cultural tradition of nearly 3 millennia (c. 65003500 B.C.). Notably, the Narva culture, the Funnelbeaker
culture, the Linear Pottery culture, the Cardium pottery
culture, the Vina culture, the early Helladic culture, and
the Minoans, among others, are all part of her Old Europe.
[2] Marija Gimbutas: Three millennium long traditions were
truncated by two waves of semi-nomadic horse riding people from the east: the towns and villages disintegrated, the
magnicent painted pottery vanished; so did the shrines,
frescoes, sculptures, symbols and script. ... [This is evident in] the archaeological record not only by the abrupt
absences of the magnicent painted pottery and gurines
and the termination of sign use, but by the equally abrupt
appearance of thrusting weapons and horses inltrating
the Danubian Valley and other major grasslands of the
Balkans and Central Europe. Their arrival initiated a dramatic shift in the prehistory of Europe, a change in social
structure and in residence patterns, in art and in religion
and it was a decisive factor in the formation of Europes
last 5,000 years.
[3] Additionally, this "Old Europesocial structure is inferred
to have contrasted with the Indo-European culture, who
were mobile and non-egalitarian. This relates to the threecategory hierarchy reconstructed for Indo-Europeans earlier by Georges Dumzil: warrior priest rulers, warrior
nobility, and laborers/agriculturalists at the bottom. The
members of the Kurgan Culture were also warlike, were
either mobile or lived in smaller villages, and had an ideology that centered on the virile male. Their gods were
often heroic warriors of the shining and thunderous sky
rather than peaceful mother goddesses of birth and regeneration. In sum, when comparing and contrasting these
two groups through the eyes of Gimbutas, it can be said
that, the Old Europeans put no emphasis on dangerous

weapons whereas the Kurgans gloried the sharp blade


(Gimbutas 1997g: 241). What eventually occurred was
the drastic upheaval of Old Europe.

[8] Asya Pereltsvaig and Martin Lewis 2015. The IndoEuropean Controversy: Facts and Fallacies in Historical
Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

[4] Additionally, Old Europeans often dwelled in large


agglomerations, were sedentary-horticulturalist, had an
ideology which focused on the eternal aspects of birth,
death, and regeneration, symbolized by the feminine principle, a mother creatrix, buried their dead in communal
megalith graves and were generally peaceful.[17]

[9] Furholt, Martin (2004).


Entstehungsprozesse der
Schnurkeramik und das Konzept eines Einheitshorizontes (in German). 34 (4). Archologisches Korrespondenzblatt: 479498. ISSN 0342-734X. Archived from
the original on 19 July 2011.

[5] David Anthony (1995): Language shift can be understood best as a social strategy through which individuals and groups compete for positions of prestige, power,
and domestic security [...] What is important, then, is not
just dominance, but vertical social mobility and a linkage
between language and access to positions of prestige and
power [...] A relatively small immigrant elite population
can encourage widespread language shift among numerically dominant indigenes in a non-state or pre-state context if the elite employs a specic combination of encouragements and punishments. Ethnohistorical cases [...]
demonstrate that small elite groups have successfully imposed their languages in non-state situations.

[10] Wlodarczak, Piotr (2009). Radiocarbon and Dendrochronological Dates of the Corded Ware Culture. Radiocarbon. 51 (2): 737749. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
[11] Czebreszuk, Janusz (2004). Corded Ware from East to
West. In Crabtree, Pam; Bogucki, Peter. Ancient Europe, 8000 B.C. to A.D. 1000: An Encyclopedia of the
Barbarian World.
[12] Bloemers, JHF; van Dorp, T (1991), Pre- & protohistorie van de lage landen, onder redactie (in Dutch), De
Haan/Open Universiteit, ISBN 90-269-4448-9
[13] Gimbutas 1997.
[14] Gimbutas 1997, p. 240.
[15] Gimbutas 1997, p. 361.

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[3] Mallory 1997, pp. 127128
[4] Haak, W.; Lazaridis, I.; Patterson, N.; Rohland, N.;
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[6] Aleksandar Bulatovi; et al. (Spring/Summer 2014).
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[16] Gimbutas 1997, p. 316.


[17] Gimbutas 1997, p. 241.
[18] Gimbutas 1997, p. 241, 316.
[19] Pereltsvaig, Asya; Lewis, Martin W. (2015). The IndoEuropean Controversy. Cambridge University Press. pp.
4345.
[20] Anthony, David W. (2007). The Horse The Wheel And
Language. How Bronze-Age Riders From the Eurasian
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[21] Kroonen, Guus (2015), Pre-Indo-European speech carrying a Neolithic signature emanating from the Aegean (PDF)
[22] Karlene 1996.
[23] Jones-Bley, Karlene (1996). The Indo-Europeanization of
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p. 171.
[24] Zimmer 2015.
[25] Wilde, Sandra; Timpson, Adrian (2014). Direct evidence for positive selection of skin, hair, and eye pigmentation in Europeans during the last 5,000 y (PDF). PNAS.
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11
11.1

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses


Text

Corded Ware culture Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corded_Ware_culture?oldid=735938728 Contributors: Derek Ross, Robert


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11.2

Images

File:ALB_-_Neolithikum_Bootsaxt.jpg Source:
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Bootsaxt.jpg License: CC BY-SA 4.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Wolfgang Sauber
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File:Vanlig,_sen_skafthlsyxa,_Nordisk_familjebok.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4a/Vanlig%
2C_sen_skafth%C3%A5lsyxa%2C_Nordisk_familjebok.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Nordisk familjebok (1917), vol.26,
Till art. Stenlder. I. [1] Original artist: Nordisk familjebok

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