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Foreword
This report provides a window into the eyes of Zimbabweans as they are subjected to one blue
print after another. Zimbabwe has crafted a number of blue prints since attaining
independence in 1980. The litany of policies were big on promises but resulted in little change
for the lives of Zimbabweans; instead the standard of living for the Zimbabwean has fallen. The
Policies also suffered on the implementation front with very little implementation taking place.
After the failure of the economic structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP), the Government of
Zimbabwe embarked on new reform programmes namely Zimbabwe Programme for
Economic and Social Transformation (ZIMPREST), the National Economic Reform Programme
(NERP) and Millennium Economic Recovery Programme (MERP). Just like their predecessor
ESAP, these three blue prints failed to achieve the goals upon which they were premised. After
the implementation of ZIMPREST and MERP, the economy did not show any signs of recovery
but further deteriorated. The economy was confronted by a dangerous mix of ballooning
domestic and external debt, crippling foreign exchange shortages and negative interest rates
and escalating inflation.
ZIMASSET is yet another blue print that was rolled out to citizens after the landslide victory of
the 2013 Harmonised elections. This report provides insight into the perspectives of citizens to
this blue print. The lack of enthusiasm as well as optimism shown by the citizens is not
surprising given the performance of previous policies. The lack of confidence in the success of
the policy is rational as shown by the policy inconsistencies and incoherence; citizens are left
with no choice but to be ambivalent on policy results. The context in which previous policies
failed has not been resolved to provide for success. In conclusion, the administrative, political,
economic and international context has not changed significantly to avert policy failure.
Barbra Nyangairi
Introduction
In July 2014, Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI) undertook a Knowledge, Attitude and
Perception (KAP) snap survey of the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic
Transformation (Zim Asset) policy, in Mashonaland West province. Zim Asset, a five-year plan
from October 2013 to December 2018, is the first post 2013 election economic blueprint
formulated by the government to achieve an empowered society and a growing economy.1
The KAP survey was conducted with 384 citizens from the Mashonaland West province using a
mixed method approach that combines quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection.
The snap survey sought to determine citizens understanding, attitudes and perceptions
towards the policy and to analyze the causes and implications of these towards the successful
execution and attainment of the Zim Asset policy objectives.
Public policies are as successful as the extent to which they are co-owned and executed by the
public and government. Citizens knowledge levels, attitudes and perceptions are a window to
determining the level of buy in to the policy, and ultimately its success. This study, which comes
one year after Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)s landslide victory
in the July 2013 harmonized elections and ten months into the implementation of Zim Asset,
does not only give the public a voice to express their opinions, beliefs and experiences on the
formulation and implementation of the Zim Asset, but is also critical for determining the public
pulse. This information is important for policy makers because they, alone, do not have the
capacity, knowledge and legitimacy to solve complex public policy problems.
The survey findings reveal that citizens are neither knowledgeable nor convinced of the policy
especially that it has been unleashed on a system supported by disintegrating public and
private institutions. The citizenry was not engaged in the policy formulation processes.
Zimbabweans are not being engaged in the implementation of the policy despite the rhetoric
by the government that the policy is extremely all-encompassing both at formulation and
implementation stages and is thriving on buy-in from citizens. Whilst the name Zim Asset might
have gained popularity on social media, there exists a dearth of information as to what Zim
Asset really is, how it is going to bring economic turnaround and the roles of the different
stakeholders. The lack of information and failures of preceding policies by the same ZANU PF
regime to breathe life to the ailing economy, have dented the image of the new policy and
created lack of expectation, optimism and enthusiasm over the new policy.
1
Government of Zimbabwe (2013) Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (Zim
Few share governments optimism expressed by the Vice President Joice Mujuru who said,
when we went to war, no one thought that we were going to win but against all odds, we
triumphed; by the same token, Zim Asset will succeed the way we did in the war of liberation.2
The achievability of Zim Asset seems insurmountable given the challenge that government has
to produce both immediate and long term solutions for economic recovery in an ever pressing
and politically fragile environment. The citizenry also notes with concern the gaps between the
Zim Asset policy intents and already evident actions of elite benefitting.
The Mashonaland West snap survey results, which is microcosmic of the bigger picture in
Zimbabwe, portrays a disconnect between the government and citizenry in policy making and
implementation and the possible failures of the policy emanating from lack of wide civic
engagement.
Problem Statement
A landslide victory by ZANU PF in the July
2013 harmonized elections resulted in the
partys full recapture of the state and a
mandate to govern the country for a fiveyear term. To guide national development
for these five years, government outlined
its economic vision in the Zim Asset
blueprint, largely drawing from the ZANU PF
election
manifesto
and
previous
development programmes. The policy was
formulated purportedly through a
consultative process involving political
leadership in the ruling ZANU PF party,
government, private sector and other
stakeholders.3 It seeks to achieve
sustainable development and social equity
[by
means
of]
indigenization,
empowerment and employment creation4
in the priority clusters of food security and
nutrition, social services and poverty
eradication, infrastructure and utilities and
value addition and beneficiation.
The clusters are interdependent and
mutually reinforcing although under each
cluster are measurable short term and long
term results to be realized. Zim Asset is
therefore a two-pronged approachthe
3
to
Ibid
Methodology
This study is based on a snap survey
conducted between July 21 and 26, 2014 in
13 districts of Mashonaland West province.
A sample of 384 citizens eighteen years or
older, was interviewed face-to-face using a
questionnaire with closed and open-ended
questions. In each district the sample size
was drawn using random sampling, based
8
To appropriately judge perceptions and attitudes, ZDI settled for respondents who at least had
some knowledge of Zim Asset. It is significant to note that for the Institute to reach the desired
sample size of 384 respondents a total of 856 potential interviewees were approached and 472
were sidelined because they were totally ignorant of the policy. The researchers settled for
those with some knowledge of Zim Asset.
Table 1: Mashonaland West Province Population (1 449 938, 11.2 % of National Population)
District
Total
%
Sample
Kariba Urban
26 742
1.84
Kariba rural
41420
2.85
11
Hurungwe
324 675
22.39
86
Karoi
18 757
1.29
Chinhoyi
79 368
5.47
21
Makonde
148 819
10.26
39
Zvimba
245 489
16.93
65
Norton
58 421
4.029
15
Chegutu rural
149 025
10.27
39
Mhondoro-Ngezi
104 061
7.17
28
Sanyati
113 220
7.80
30
Chegutu urban
49 832
3.43
13
Kadoma
90 109
6.21
25
Total
1 449 938
100
384
The sample was stratified first by district and secondly by rural and urban distinctions within
the districts. 62% of the total respondents were from the rural areas and 38% from urban areas,
closely reflecting the national picture where 38.6% of the population resides in urban areas.9
The study also aimed to achieve gender parity in distributing interviews; the target was
achieved with 49% males against 51% female respondents.
The interviewees were categorized into three main age groups: youth (18-30), middle age (3150) and old age (51+). 31% were aged 18-30, 54% 31-50 years and 15 % were 51 years plus.
Academic representation is as reflected in Figure 1 with majority of respondents (35%)
educated to secondary level status.
Figure 1: Respondents Academic Representation
10
%
24
20
19
10
8
7
7
3
2
grouped and analyzed in three broad
themes of knowledge, attitudes and
perceptions. Also the reporting of the
findings is interspersed with quotes from
the interviewees.
Citizens perceptions
to
be
different
from
previous
Citizen Attitudes
19 % can relate to Zim Asset.
21 % believe they have a role to play
in Zim Asset.
approach.
12
Other findings
i.
iii.
ii.
iv.
economic
turnaround
suggested
Zimbabwe
under
SADC
pessimism.
13
33
35
30
26
25
20
13
15
10
5
0
13
1
Civic
meeting
Radio
National
T.V
Print
Media
Friends &
relatives
Read the
document
Internet
Social
media
33
26
13
13
The national radio, with three in ten (33%) of the interviewed people, followed by the national
television with 26%, are the main sources of information on the Zim Asset policy. These sources
proved inadequate for the equipping of citizens on the policy because they are time limited and
predominantly one-way forms of communication. As one respondent said, I just cant
understand what this Zim Asset is. You hear on radio that a person gold panning- its Zim Asset,
another one selling imported clothes from Beira- its Zim Asset or one who has planted
14
vegetables in their backyard garden its Zim Asset. So, what is Zim Asset?10 Another
respondent criticized the call in programmes on national radio arguing that: We hear on radio
that we should call and ask, tell me where do I get the money to call if I cant get a dollar for
grinding mealie meal.11
13% of the total interviewees cited relatives, friends and another 13% cited jokes particularly
the popular Zim Asset skit by Richard Matimba that went viral in the first quarter of 2014 on
social media platform Whatsapp as well as on other platforms12 as their sources of information
on Zim Asset. For people to get important information about a national policy in form of jokes
is an indication of the absence of citizen recognition and approval of the policy. Humour can be
a means of protest, ridiculing of a regime and release of fear and tension especially in
authoritarian regimes where avenues for citizen voices are blocked.13
Perceptions
Political and civil society leaders have questioned the practicality of Zim Asset right from its
inception. Likewise, it also proved contentious in Mashonaland West province where only 13 %
perceive it to be reasonably practical. The generality of the respondents considered Zim Asset
to be too broad a policy with huge investment requirements for it to be workable.
10
11
12
Nehanda Radio (2014). Unotonzwa zvichinzi- Zim Asset Skit Nehanda Radio April 29, 2014. Accessed on
September 5, 2014. http://nehandaradio.com/2014/04/29/unotonzwa-zvichinzi-zimasset-skit/
13
Davies, Christie.2007. Humor and protest: Jokes under communism. International Review of Social
History 52 (2007): 291305. Gregor Benton. 1988. The Origin of the Political Joke. In Humor in Society:
Resistance and Control, edited by C. Powell and C. Patton, 85105. New York: St. Martins Press. Jennifer
Musangi. 2012. A Zimbabwean Joke Is No Laughing Matter: E-humour and Versions of Subversion. In
Crisis? What Crisis? Multiple Dimensions of the Zimbabwean Crisis, edited by Sarah Helen Chiumbu and
Muchaparara Musemwa, 161175. Cape Town: HSRC Press.
15
Zim Asset has four main intertwined pillars of concentration which are all battered down and
require serious investment to the tune of USD 27 billion for them to thrive. Given this lofty level
of investment required for Zim Asset to kick start, to many, the policy remains a very tall order
that will not succeed without substantial external funding.
Figure 3: Feasibility of Zim Asset
Question: Do you think Zim Asset is feasible?
13
41
23
24
Yes
No
Maybe
Don't Know
16
with
the
governments
16
Ibid
18
Ibid
15
17
Given the low expectations for Zim Asset both in the short term and long term, the study
sought to find what could be the options that can resuscitate the economy. Options for Zim
Asset were government reform, serious crackdown on corruption, intensive efforts to restore
good international relations and increase in agricultural production among others as
diagrammatized in Figure 4.
Other perceptions of the policy are that it is a top down policy created by the elite and imposed
on the citizens with 60% agreeing that no adequate consultations were made in the formulation
of Zim Asset and 38% against 16% stating that it is more of a ZANU PF thing than it is a
national agenda. As one respondent said; we only heard that there is now Zim Asset, we dont
know where it came from. We were never consulted; these politicians just do what they think
and claim the people said. Should we not be taking part in these things? The absence of
inclusivity in the formulation process of the national policy could have prompted this
perception, especially taking note that the policy was partially drawn from the ZANU PF
election manifesto and consultations were done with the minority elite.
Figure 4: Options to save Zimbabwe economy
Question: Do you think the following can be options to save Zimbabwes economy from further
crumbling?
NB: Responses reflect those who said Yes these can be options to revive the economy.
18
Attitudes
predominant
attitudes
are
effective
policies
should
be
all
of
know.
19
Conclusions
While the government is flaunting Zim Asset as the lifeline for Zimbabwe to hold on to and
emerge from the current economic meltdown, Mashonaland West has a different view. From
the study, Zim Asset was shot down from all angles. The study established that:
20
Recommendations
1. Government should actively engage civil society organizations in policy making with the
roles of raising civic awareness, community organization and mobilization towards
consultative, participatory policy making and implementation to close the existing
information gap.
2. Government should cultivate trust with the citizenry by creating free political space,
enabling conditions, structures and processes to enable meaningful participatory policy
making and implementation.
3. There should be more civic policy information sharing in the rural areas by stakeholders
4. Beyond Zim Asset, there is need for the Government to ensure citizenry engagement in
policy making and implementation so as to achieve accountability, transparency and
active citizenship.
21
The Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI) is a politically independent and not for profit public policy think-tank
based in Zimbabwe. Founded and registered as a trust in terms of the laws of Zimbabwe in November 2012 (Deed
of Trust Registration Number MA1223/2012), ZDI serves to generate and disseminate innovative ideas, cuttingedge research and policy analysis to advance democracy, development, good governance and human rights in
Zimbabwe. The Institute also aims to promote open, informed and evidence-based debate by bringing together
pro-democracy experts to platforms for debate. The idea is to offer new ideas to policy makers with a view to
entrenching democratic practices in Zimbabwe. The ZDI researches, publishes and conducts national policy
debates and conferences in democratization, good governance, public finance and economic governance, public
policy, human rights and transitional justice, media and democracy relations, electoral politics and international
affairs. ZDI was born out of a realization that there is an absence of credible policy and research analysis by
Zimbabwean organisations. A careful assessment of most publications on Zimbabwes political economy shows
that a majority of them are generated from outside Zimbabwe.
3.1. Vision
A democratic Zimbabwe in which citizens fully participate in all matters of governance, realize and assert social
economic and political rights.
3.2. Mission
To promote cutting-edge research and public policy analysis institute for sustainable democracy
To be the leading cutting-edge research and public policy analysis institute for sustainable democracy
3.3. Objectives
1.
To strengthen policy formulation and implementation through public policy debate in Zimbabwe.
2.
3.
To ensure that Zimbabwes development trajectory is shaped by locally generated information and
knowledge.
4.
To stimulate citizen participation by strengthening the capacity of state and non-state actors in
undertaking research and analysis of public policy.
5.
To ensure the direct participation of women and youths in public policy formulation and implementation.
22