The Exploitative Representation of Women in Rap Music

Running head: THE EXPLOITATIVE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN RAP MUSIC
The Exploitative Representation of Women in Rap Music

Maria Toquero
500552559
SOC603 Section 011
Instructor Amrita Ahluwalia
Ryerson University
Monday, November 23, 2015.

Hip hop is a culture that emerged in the 1970s in rebellion to the mainstream music at the
time the white mans disco. Black and Latino folks started this rebellion by creating the four
forms or elements of hip hop DJing, MCing (or rapping), breakdancing, and graffiti. These
four elements are the core of what hip hop is, bringing its authenticity and reality from the streets
to the world. As time passed, MCing or rapping has become a prominent feature of hip hop
culture, creating what is now known as rap music. Rap music took an interesting turn in the mid1980s to 1990s as a new subgenre of rap had emerged gangsta rap. This new subgenre of rap
music has had a substantial impact on the industry. Gangsta rap has not only affected the rap
industry as it has transferred over to mainstream society, dictating and influencing how
individuals should behave. It has paved the way for artists to openly speak about explicit topics
such as crime, violence, drugs (dealing, use, and abuse), rebellion against authority specifically
law enforcement, gang involvement, and most notably misogyny. Misogyny is the hatred,
dislike, or mistrust of women, or prejudice against women (Misogyny, 2015). The topic of
misogyny has become a recurring topic for rappers to talk, or rap, about. Rappers almost always
display themes of misogyny by referring to women as bitches and hoes which dehumanizes
them. There are many implications with those two words, which is why black feminists and hip
hop feminists have critiqued the stance of hip hop and rap music in correlation to the position of
the woman. Women are often portrayed in hip hop videos and rap music videos as
hypersexualized beings, further objectifying them to the male gaze. This can be connected to
conflict theory and the culture industry thesis as there is a clear and definite divide between the
male and female players within the rap industry which is standardized. One can even say that
hip hop is a hegemonic piece of present day culture, reinforcing ideologies of masculinity and

femininity. I argue that the representation of women in rap music dehumanizes and objectify
them thus perpetuating ideologies of hypermasculinity and patriarchy.
Rap music belittles and dehumanizes women by calling them bitches and hoes. As
discussed in the hip hop documentary, Hip-hop: Beyond Beats & Rhymes, rap holds stereotypical
masculine standards which places men in a box that defines them as the players of this game
(Hurt, 2007). If men are players in this game of rap, that makes the women as their pawns to
which they use as minor (or major, depending on how they use them) accessories. Women are
disposable tools for men to use however they please especially by making them their bitch or
hoe. As discussed in Tricia Roses article There Are Bitches and Hoes, the implication of
calling women bitches and hoes goes back to this pimp ideology where women are exploited
by being called as such, implying that they are whores and prostitutes (Dines & Humez, 2015).
By being called a bitch, one is implying that this individual is an animal under the control of
an owner in this case, it would be the woman to the man. As previously mentioned, women
become mens pawns in the rap industry; by being an implied whore and prostitute, these women
are subjugated to being the pimps sex animals. These notions of a woman being a sex animal is
the pimps fundamental attitude, making the women service themselves for their owner (Dines &
Humez, 2015). It becomes dehumanizing as women become treated as an animal, only following
the order of their pimp. For example, the lyrics in 50 Cents 2003 hit P.I.M.P. he talks about
wooing this woman from the strip club to show her what it is like to be with a pimp:
Now shorty, she in the club, she dancing for dollars/
She feed them foolish fantasies, they pay her cause they want her/
I spit a little G, man, and my game got her/
A hour later have that ass up in the Ramada (Jackson, 2003)

Outside of the pimp context, women become submissive to mens demands, slaving
themselves over only their mans desires to please them. Power becomes relational as there is
power within the relationships between the individuals (Fitts, 2008). This displays the power
difference between the man and the woman in the rap industry men being classified as the
producers while women are the consumers (Gaunt, 2005). The power difference between the
man and the woman are placed into a hierarchy, having the man at the top of order and the
woman at the bottom. This notion of the man always being on top can be transferred to the act of
sex where the man is constantly in control. For example, this can be seen in T.I.s 2008 hit
Whatever You Like through the lyrics Yeah, I want yo body, I need yo body/Long as you got
me you wont need nobody (Hunter, 2011). He wants this womans body for his desires and
tells her that as long as she is his, she does not need anyone else. This displays the power
dynamic between the rapper and his desired lover by showing ownership over her. She becomes
yet another pawn in the game.
Being called a bitch and hoe becomes internalized thoughts in the minds of young
girls and women. The promotion of these labels shape the way that they think by telling them
that this is what they have to be in order for them to gain attention, limiting them to these roles
assigned to them (Dines & Humez, 2015). It goes further to say that some women think that
these labels are not that bad since they do not directly apply to them. This is where these labels
have become internalized and normalized. Women start to think that because they do not ensue in
such activities and behaviours, they are not categorized as a bitch or a hoe (Hurt, 2007).
What they fail to realize is that these rappers generalize the female population by calling all of
them bitches and hoes. If they are not a hoe then they are a bitch (which is edited out to
the word chick in clean versions of songs a generalizing term for females).

Feminism surfaces at the discussion of the bitch and hoe debate as there are many
implications of these terms as previously mentioned. Two types of feminism are looked at
when speaking on this topic hip hop feminism and [second-wave] black feminism. Hip hop
feminism critiques the misogyny of male rappers and exploitation of female artists while secondwave black feminism thinks that hip hop is fertile ground to plant seeds of feminist resistance
(Peoples, 2008). Hip hop feminism seeks to challenge the current language and themes of rap
music. For example, rapper Missy Elliott uses the term bitch as a term of empowerment as
seen in her 1999 hit, Shes A Bitch. Through her lyrics, she uses the word bitch to express
that she is a force to be reckoned with: Shes a bitch/When I do my thing/Got the place on fire,
burn it down to flame (Elliott, 1999). Other female artists in Missys category such as MC Lyte
and Queen Latifah add a twist to the debate as they add their perspectives on sexual topics
(without being portrayed as a hypersexual being) in their music (Hobson & Bartlow, 2008). In
the late 1980s, sex-positive feminism arose which made female sexuality more egalitarian
(Sharpley-Whiting, 2007). For example, there are artists like Lil Kim and Nicki Minaj that use
their sexuality as a tool of liberation and empowerment. These two artists give a different
meaning to sexuality as it is not used for the male gaze but for their own power. They portray the
idea that explicit sexuality does not mean exploitative sexuality (Dines & Humez, 2015). They
use their sexuality as a controlling tool to portray messages of self-empowerment and positive
sexuality to diminish the negative connotations of female sexuality.
As Dr. James Peterson said in Hip-hop: Beyond Beats & Rhymes, There are two
components of masculinity in hip hop culture: the verbal ability to and the ability to negotiate
violence. (Hurt, 2007). Manhood is seen as something that is essentially violent and aggressive.
The male body becomes the focus of masculinity (Nichols, 2014). Gender display becomes

widespread in music videos which reinforces notions of masculinity and femininity (Wallis,
2011). If the male body is the focus of masculinity, the female body becomes the sole focus of
femininity. The sexualization of women becomes the only representation of women in hip hop
culture (Hurt, 2007). The way in which women are portrayed in rap media displays them as
hypersexualized and objectified.
The clich saying, Sex sells is alive and well in hip hop culture especially in rap
music videos. The rise of rap music from Southern America most notably Atlanta (or, the
Dirty South) brought the collaboration of rap music and strip clubs. This collaboration brings
upon new gender and power relations between the men (more specifically rappers) and women
(strippers) in the industry. It also brings about the pornification of music videos as there are an
increasing number of music videos shot in strip clubs or shot with the elements of a strip club
(women baring skin, dancer poles, locker rooms, dollar bills, and provocative dancing) . For
example, Rae Sremmurds 2015 hit Throw Sum Mo display the poles, the money, and the
backside gyrating; Fat Joes 2006 hit Make It Rain does not have the poles but it does have the
throwing of money, and seductively dancing women that are dressed in almost nothing; and Lil
Jon & The East Side Boyz 2003 hit Get Low displays all that is essential in a strip club. The
pornification of the female performance in these videos are more than prevalent as they are
widely accepted and publicized in the media. Its main goal is to commodify the female body and
the sexuality it comes with (Miller-Young, 2008). This further states the objectification and
hypersexualization of the female body. The female body is what makes the industry money as the
men are paying for these services, whether it is the female features in their videos to the female
body on the poles in the clubs. The female body, or the explicit parts of the female body,
becomes the focus of attention the center of the male gaze. It becomes the object of desire,

changing the way that women perform for men. As seen in the music videos, men approve of
this feminine behaviour by throwing money at their bodies what they call making it rain
(Hunter, 2011). Again, the men are the players in this game and the women are their pawns. But
even women are becoming players in this game by participating as the players which further
supports the objectification of their own kind. There is a juxtaposition of femininity within this
context as female rappers are becoming invisible while female video dancers (or video vixens
or video hoes) are on the rise (Hunter, 2011). Female rappers have the option to either
succumb to the industry, becoming a sexualized product or to be invisible.
This fraction of the rap industry supports the culture industry thesis as there is the
standardization of the same type of music video. It portrays the quality of ever-sameness which
is a structure that holds everything in place (Gunster, 2000). By portraying the standards of what
masculinity and femininity are, they become internalized, thus displaying a sense of pseudoindividualization. Pseudo-individualization tells society that culture is already made for us. By
having the standards of masculinity and femininity already planted into societys brains, they are
conditioned to accept the portrayals of the male and female players in the rap music videos. This
continues to maintain status quo, where the males hold the position of power and the females
hold the position of submission. From the examples of the strip club music videos, one can see
that although they are from different times in the 21st century, the same message is delivered
through each video. With the culture industry thesis, the importance is not just of its repetition
but of the manner in which the product is perceived and consumed by the audience (Gunster,
2000). This culture of hip hop becomes easily commodified and capitalized through the use of
the female body and male power. Although feminist theories fight to challenge these ideologies
of the female body and patriarchy, the culture industry thesis does not cease to keep producing

the stereotypical rap music [video]. These ideologies are internalized to the point where women
and young girls think that the oppressive hypersexual behaviour displayed in these videos are
acceptable. They start believing that being called a bitch and/or a hoe is socially acceptable,
but it is morally not. This keeps women under the power of patriarchy as it limits them to the
submissive roles in society while the men are able to fight for their power.
Besides the culture industry thesis, rap music also reinforces the conflict theory as the
whole industry is characterized by the power differences between the males and females. The rap
industry can be understood in conflict or tension between competing groups (Schaefer &
Haaland, 2011). These competing groups are the players, or the [males] rappers, and the
submissive females. The rap industry works solely off the power differences as the males are in
full control of what is being produced. Patriarchy is a large element in rap music as it dictates
how things are supposed to be as previously mentioned, men are the producers and women are
the consumers. This further maintains the hierarchy within the rap industry as it keeps the men at
the top, capitalizing off of the women who are beneath them. It teaches young men and boys that
they have a role to fulfill which is the player or the money maker the one to make it rain. It
tells these males that this is what masculinity is about having the power and always being in
control, and displaying misogynistic values. On the other hand, it teaches young women and girls
that their role is to always remain in the male gaze. This further hegemonizes rap music into
todays society as individuals are willing to fill these roles and principles that either oppress or
uplift them. The rap industry follows a structure that allows for the capitalization of the female
body and hypermasculinity.
The main critique of the sources is that it mainly focuses on the power that patriarchy has
over women in the rap industry. It mainly focuses on the misogynistic aspects as opposed to

seeing the woman as freely experiencing sexuality or liberated. It does not consider the
narratives of the women that are used. Perhaps one can better understand the dynamic of the
woman when she is placed beside the man as opposed to having them oppose each other as
mentioned in Peoples article Under Construction: Identifying Foundations of Hip-Hop
Feminism and Exploring Bridges Between Black Second-Wave and Hip-Hop Feminisms (2008).
The literature also misses the impact of masculinity on femininity in a sense that in order for
women to gain power they must act like a man. It would be an interesting note as a number of
female rappers do not dress in a sexual manner. It would also be an interesting note to have tips
or advice on how to be a female in a male-dominated industry.
I argue that the representation of women in rap music dehumanizes and objectify them
thus perpetuating ideologies of hypermasculinity and patriarchy. The rap industry has the culture
industry thesis embedded in its nature as it has become easily commodified. The conflict theory
displays the division between the male and female players within the industry, further
standardizing what it means to be masculine and feminine. This also hegemonizes hip hop
culture into mainstream societys culture as it reinforces these divisions, allowing for patriarchy
to hold the standards of society. The misogynistic agenda of rap music directly impacts the
performance and display of women within the industry. Two types of feminisms have emerged,
trying to challenge the notions of misogyny and patriarchy as women are not subject to the male
gaze. Until the patriarchal agenda changes, women will continue to be exploited within the rap
industry. Women will continue to be the disposable bitch and hoe within the game and the
men will continue to be the number one players.

Works Cited
Dines, G., & Humez, J. (2015). Gender, race, and class in media: A critical reader (4th
ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications.
Fitts, M. (2008). "Drop it like it's hot": Culture industry laborers and their perspectives on
rap music video production. Meridians,8(1), 211-235. Retrieved from
http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/196933619?
accountid=13631
Gaunt, K. (2006). The games black girls play learning the ropes from Double-dutch to
Hip-hop. New York: New York University Press.
Gunster, S. (2000). Revisiting the culture industry thesis: Mass culture and the
commodity form. Cultural Critique, (45), 40-70. Retrieved from
accountid=13631
Hobson, J., & Bartlow, R. D. (2008). Introduction: Representin': Women, hip-hop, and
popular music. Meridians, 8(1), 1-14. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?
url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/196919278?accountid=13631
Hunter, M. (2011). Shake it, baby, shake it: Consumption and the new gender relation in
hip-hop. Sociological Perspectives,54(1), 15-36. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.1.15
Hurt, B. (Director). (2007). Hip-hop: Beyond beats & rhymes [Motion picture on DVD].
ITVS.
Miller-Young, M. (2008). Hip-hop honeys and da hustlaz: Black sexualities in the new
hip-hop pornography. Meridians, 8(1), 261-292. Retrieved from

accountid=13631
Misogyny [Def. 1]. (n.d.). In Dictionary.reference.com. Retrieved November 22, 2015,
from http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/misogyny?s=t.
Nichols, J. (2014). Crank that thang: Contextualizing black masculinities and hip-hop
dance in the south from 2000-2010.Western Journal of Black Studies, 38(2), 84-97. Retrieved
from http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/1612357601?
accountid=13631
Peoples, W. A. (2008). "Under construction": Identifying foundations of hip-hop
feminism and exploring bridges between black second-wave and hip-hop
Feminisms1. Meridians, 8(1), 19-52. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?
url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/196933686?accountid=13631
Schaefer, R., & Haaland, B. (2011). Sociology: a brief introduction. (4th ed.). United
States: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited.
Sharpley-Whiting, T. (2007). Pimps up, ho's down: Hip hop's hold on young Black
women. New York: New York University Press.
Wallis, C. (2011). Performing gender: A content analysis of gender display in music
videos. Sex Roles, 64(3-4), 160-172. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11199-010-9814-2

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Running head: THE EXPLOITATIVE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN RAP MUSIC