Professional Documents
Culture Documents
of
Alleged
Cases
of
Torture
in
the
Madras
The change from Company Raj to British Raj saw the promulgation
of a host of laws, including the Police Act, the Criminal Procedure
Code, the Evidence Act, and various State Police Regulations
which sought to give a human rights orientation to policing by
constraining their powers of arrest and use of force and by
limiting the uses to which their records could be put to
substantiate charges before a court of law, However the laws
remained in the books and could not materially affect the
practice, except in terms of presentation styles, as was concluded
by the Police Commission of 1902. Freedom from colonial rule did
not mean freedom from police atrocities, which continued
unabated, constraining Justice Mulla to call the Indian Police a
lawless group whose record of crime for surpasses that of any
other group in the country. The National Police Commission
Commission
and
Committees,
and
their
half-hearted
evidence,
extort
confession,
and
make
illegal
detentions.
In the absence of quick convictions by the courts, police
arrest, interrogation and pre-trial detention (by refusal of bail) is
seen as the only punishment that culprits would get, and the due
process, regarding sufficient prima-facie evidence before arrest,
right to remain silent and consult an advocate, and bail as rule,
jail exception is given a go by. This results in grave miscarriages
of justice, only some of which are acknowledged later when
suspects are finally acquitted for lack of evidence, but only after
they have spent months or years together in prison as undertrials.
Advanced democratic countries like the US and the UK got
rid of routine use of third degree when the courts started rejecting
evidence which howsoever compelling was obtained by unlawful
means. The so-called exclusionary principle laid down by US
Supreme Court allowed judges to throw out cases whenever it
appeared that the suspect accused was subject to third degree or
was not afforded the protections prescribed by the law and the
constitution.
In the US, Wickersham Commission (1930s) had found
rampant use of third degree to extort confession despite the Fifth
Amendment of the US Constitution (1791) which forbade selfincrimination. The Miranda Ruling (1966) tried to extend the right
to remain silent during police interrogation by mandatory
information to suspect on this right, but by allowing for suspects
waiver of this right at the same time the courts allowed the police
to persuade the suspect to talk, and it has been argued that
Miranda Ruling has not really done much to safeguard a citizens
right to remain silent. However the Fifth Amendment and the
Miranda Ruling did allow this court to throw out confessions which
were blatantly extorted, especially through physical third degree,
and this led to the end of routine use of physical torture by police.
The United Kingdom, with its common law system based on
proof of guilt began with the requirement of sufficient evidence to
be assessed by a magistrate before police coercive powers could
be used through warrants of arrest or search, but in practice the
police would detain suspects without formal arrest, when they
were supposed to be helping police with their enquiries. The
Police and Criminal Evidence (PACE) Act promulgated in the
1980s sought to regularize and control this and similar other de
facto police tactics. The restrictions included requirements to tell
suspects why they are being arrested or searched, and to record
the transaction, but these only altered the way officers accounted
for the action taken by them, and not the way they actually acted.
Thus while PACE allowed detention only if charge-sheet was to be
laid, or where it was necessary to secure extra evidence, in
practice detention is hardly ever refused, and is continued for a
long as the investigating officers wish. Another, and more
important, control over police was the requirement of providing
free legal advice to all suspects who demand it, but again the only
proof that the suspect was told about his rights in this regard is
the custody record prepared by the police themselves, and police
lying about it is often a possibility. Moreover, the free legal service
being provided often takes a non-adversarial stance towards the
police, and routinely allow police to browbeat the suspect while
interrogating him. The right of silence of the suspect is another
important feature of PACE, but it has been found that few
suspects exercise it, and it too has been diluted by Criminal
Justice and Public Order Act 1994 by allowing courts to draw an
adverse inference if defense relies on a fact which was not
disclosed to the police at the time of interrogation. Interrogation
has been safeguarded for suspects by stipulating provision of
proper heating, ventilation, breaks, access to solicitors and others
etc., but on the other hand the police are allowed to persist with
interrogation even when the suspect invokes his right of silence.
The reality is that detention is experienced as coercive, the police
station environment is deliberately denuded of psychological
supports, and spending the night in the cell is a sufficient fear to
induce suspects to speak in the hope of release, and make
incriminating statements by answering leading questions put by
the police. Still, extreme methods like torture and violence are
now rare since the interrogations are tape recorded.
In India, the criminal justice system has not yet been able to
make a dent on police malpractices like third degree, fabrication
of evidence, preparation of false records and brutality generally.
It is not due to any dearth of laws and rules on the subject. In
fact, even during colonial times, Indian laws had been quite ahead
of their times in respect of constraining police coercive powers.
Thus, confession before a police officer, even if voluntary, was
inadmissible. Even statements of witnesses recorded by the police
were not relied upon during trial except in a limited manner, and
that too in favor of the accused. Provisions for asking an arrested
person if he was ill-treated by police, and his immediate medical
examination if he affirmed it, had been made. Torture or promise
of reward for inducing confession was made an offence. After
independence, the Indian Constitution included a number of
safeguards in the chapter on fundamental rights; e.g. the rights of
arrested person to consult and be defended by a lawyer of his
choice, and to be put up before a court promptly.
Article 20 gives an accused protection against testimonial
compulsion, which extends to police interrogation and thus
enshrines the right of silence. The Supreme Court of India has
also from time to time prescribed guidelines regarding arrest
(Joginder Kumar case-1994, D K Basus case-1997) to ensure that
it is exercised reasonably, the dignity of the arrested person
protected, use of force to overcome resistance minimized, use of
2006
be
established
only
because
the
National
The NIA
to have been
had been denied bail and had to spend more than 5 years
languishing in prisons.
Similarly, the Special Task Force of UP Police had arrested
two persons outside the Barabanki Railway Station in December,
2007 and claimed to have seized explosives from them and
obtained their confessions of involvement in Gorakhpur serial
blast of May, 2007. Public protest over these arrests led to setting
up of a judicial commission which found the arrest, recovery and
confessions to be false and fabricated, and yet the two remain in
jail ever since (one of them died in May, 2013 while being taken
to jail). The State Governments efforts to withdraw the false cases
against them have been stayed by the High Court.
The Delhi Police arrest of Liyaqat Ali shah from Indo Nepal
border on charge of planning a suicide attack in Delhi, and the
ammunition recovered later at his instance could be questioned
only because the Jammu & Kashmir Police was already awaiting
his surrender, and could insist on a change in investigation which
was handed over to the NIA, and Shah could be released on bail
as the NIA did not oppose it.
The miscarriage of justice, in the sense of unjustified arrest
and incarceration of suspects, could came to light in these cases
because of a chance happening or a public protest, or protest by
another police agency; the criminal justice system itself had been
unable to detect them for early intervention. A similar incapacity
to monitor police use of coercive powers is seen in run of the mill
criminal cases, especially the unknown offender cases like
in
cases in which
manifest
towards
pre-trial
incarceration
is
reflected
in
acquitting
all
the
12
accused,:
..The
accused
if
needed),
and
the
availability
of
prima-facie
misuse of police powers in making unreasonable arrests, workingout cases through extorted confessions, and illegal detentions will
be exposed at a much earlier stage, and the resulting release of
arrested persons would discourage the police from adopting these
unlawful tactics; at the moment the police know that the arrested
person will remain behind bars for a sufficiently long time before
the paucity of evidence is found out by the courts. The
Principle,
evidence
obtained
through
unlawful
means, the police in India shall have to reform their methods once
they find that their outputs are shown up as tainted, and rejected
by the system. On the other hand, a misperception about the role
of criminal justice system as punishing criminals rather than
producing justice will make the courts tolerate or even participate
in the injustices initiated by police, turning them into capricious
entities which are often punitive, but sometimes rights-respecting,
usually after the lapse of a long period of harassment and
incarceration of citizens. Such an approach sends a signal to the
citizens that the police can inflict punishment themselves merely
by arresting the accused person and subjecting him to torture,
and putting up a contrived narrative before the courts which will
accept their version at least for denying him bail and keeping him
behind bars for long. This is the reason behind the clamour for
immediate arrest merely because an allegation has been made.By
treating remand proceedings as an important stage for deciding
who will lose his liberty, for how long, and on whether police
arrest, search, seizure and interrogation have been lawful, the
criminal justice system can push the police into a more fair and
just agency of social control.
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