SUB-CASTE CONFLICT AND DALIT MOVEMENT IN ANDHRA

PRADESH
Dr. P. MUTHAIAH
Professor of Political Science
Cell No. 9849633180

Dalit Movement in Andhra Pradesh has been caught in web of inter-caste

cleavages created by Varnadharma and new inequalities created by reservation
benefits. The Madigas and Malas are two major sub-castes within Dalits in the
State. It is known caste has been chief determinant of social and economic life
chances of different social groups in India. It continued to play a similar role in
determining life chances of these Dalit sub-castes in sharing reservation
benefits. The Madigas have been deprived of their due share in reserved sphere
of education, employment and politics as the Malas have been cornering
reservation benefits disproportionate to their population. These new inequalities
among Dalit sub-caste strengthened Dalit hierarchycus in Andhra Pradesh. In
turn it developed Dandora Movement which triggered Tudum Debba Movement
of Gondu Tribes, Nangara Bheri Movement of Lambada Tribes, Doludebba
Movement of Yadavas, Pusala Keka Movement of Pusala caste in Andhra
Pradesh. There have been constant efforts by leaders of SCs, STs BCs and
minorities to convert these social movements into political movement of
Bahujans on lines of B.S.P of Uttar Pradesh. The objectives of this paper are to
examine Dalit hierarchy created on Brahminic notion of purity and pollution. It
also examines how traditional caste cleavages and new inequalities layed
foundation for emergence of Dandora Movement of Madigas in Andhra
Pradesh. It very briefly portrays trends of Dalit Movement during PreIndependent and post Independent India in Andhra Pradesh. It also deals with
ongoing trends of Dalit movement which is being carried on rejecting
accommodative politics of upper castes in Andhra Pradesh.1
3

DALIT HIERARCHYCUS IN ANDHRA PRADESH

According to traditional varna scheme there are four varnas (castes) i.e.,
the Brahmin, the Kshatriyas, the Vyshyas and the Sudras. But there is fifth caste
which was also called Chandala or Panchama or untouchables, that occurs in the
early Vedic literature, several of the names of the castes that were spoken of in
Smritis as antyajas.2

It is evident from P.V.Kane that the fifth varna, the

untouchables are called panchamas. They are also called Atisudras and unclean
Sudras.3 Dalit have inherited all the properties of caste system and successfully
created a Dalit hierarchycus among them under the chaturvarna hierarchy and
identical to it. This hierarchy is operating as a mechanism to divide them and
has deprived the lower caste Dalits the benefits of the reservations. There are
five-key bases on which Dalit hierarchy is erected. They are (i) Hierarchy (ii)
Endogamy (iii) Heriditary occupations (iv) Commensalities (v) Social and
Distance. New Inequalities in form of reservation benefits strengthened Dalit
hierarchy in 1980s. Let us examine how traditional cleavages of caste hierarchy
are operating in the Dalit hierarchycus.
HIERARCHY
Indian Society is divided into a number of castes and sub-castes vertically
and horizontally giving each caste a status in hierarchy. It is known that the four
Varnas, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vyshyas and Sudras are arranged in a descending
scale of social status.4 The arrangement of castes that are ranked high and low,
4

is also a system of values in which the idea of hierarchy occupies a pivotal

position 5 in Brahaminical gradations. This ranking or gradation has percolated
down to the Dalits with equal rigidity of the upper castes. It is a fact, that social
honour or esteem is attached to particular styles of life, and groups are ranked as
higher or low according to how or whether they pursue such life styles. 6 These
life styles of a caste and its place in the hierarchy is determined by its rituals
based on the observance of religious values and its occupations. 7 There is
considerable differentiation among the Dalits in styles of life and in traditional
occupations. As a result of it there emerged a Dalit hierarchy identical to
chaturvarna hierarchy. The Malas and the Madigas, the two major sub-castes
having satellite castes of their own have evolved themselves into two
hierarchies, Mala and Madiga being at the top of the ladders in the respective
sub-caste hierarchy based on the notion of superiority and inferiority. The
structure of Dalit hierarchy is as follows.
I.

II.

CHATURVARNA HIERARCHY
1.

BRAHMIN

2.

KSHATRIYA

3.

VYSYA

4.

SUDRA

DALIT HIERARCY
(A)

MALA HIERARCY

1.

MITHA AYYALWAR

2.

MALA

3.

MALAJANGAM/DASARI/PAMBALA
5

4.

MALA MASTI

5.

GURRAM MALA

(B)

MADIGA HIERARCHY

1.

SANGARI MADIGA

2.

MADIGA

3.

BINDLA/ERPULA/SINDU

4.

MASTI

5.

DAKKAL

It can be seen that the Mitha Ayyalwar is at the top of Dailt hierarchy
While Dakkal at the bottom. The superiority in Dalit hierarchy flows from
upward to downwards while inferiority from downward to upwards. In the Mala
hierarchy Mitha Ayyalwar is considered to be superior, standing at the top of the
ladder. Mala Jangam, Mala and Mala Dasaris come from the priestly class, and
function as spiritual advisors to Mala satellite castes. They are also called Mala
gurus. They consider Malas and Madigas inferior to them. 8

In the Mala

satellite castes Mala Jangam/Dasaris (in some cases) are at the top of Mala
hierarchy. Next to them are Malas, Pambala, Masti and Gurram Malas in the
descending order in the hierarchy. Syed Sirjul recorded that, Gurram Malas
are regarded as the lowest of all the Mala sub-castes. 9 It is considered to be a
degraded branch of Mala satellite castes.
Madiga rank next to Malas in the Dalit hierarchy. In the Madiga satellite
castes the superiority flows from the Madiga Guru, the Sangari to Dakkal and
inferiority from Dakkal to Sangari. In the hierarchy of Madiga Satellite castes,
the Sangaris position is the highest. 10 All satellite castes except Sangari are
6

inferior to Madigas in Madiga hierarchy. T.R. Singh states that in some

villages, however, the Bindla and Verpula not only claimed but also maintained
superiority over Madigas. It is seen in villages, the Madiga, Bindla, Mastu and
Dakkal are inferior to Sangari in a descending order. All the castes including the
Madigas, treat a Dakkal as untouchable. Here it is pertinent to mention that the
Brahmanic innovation of superiority, inferiority and untouchability has
percolated down to the Dakkal, the last man in homo hierarchycus, the
untouchable of the untouchables.
ENDOGAMY
The performance of marriage within a social group is know as Endogamy.
It is one of the basic features of caste system. Chaturvarna priestly classes
strictly adhered to this practice and have become a model for other castes
including the Dalit. It laid foundation for hierarchical caste system. S.V. Ketkar
states that the ascendancy of castes and their exclusiveness, their origin,
association with purity and impurity to various objects, originate in
endogamy.11.
Ketkar gives us the clue, the notion of purity and impurity, superiority as
a reason for the practice of endogamous marriages in Hindu social system.
Exogamy is an exception to this rule only in case of upper caste male marrying
lower caste female, which is known technically as hypergamy. This practice is
being adhered to by Dalits with equal rigidity in Andhra Pradesh

Every caste is an endogamous group among Dalit satellite castes. Every

Mala sub-caste is an endogamous group. For instance Mala Jangams / Dasaris
take girls from their own sub-caste. They also take girls in marriages from
other Mala castes, but do not give their own daughter in return. At the time of
admission into caste the girls arms and tongue are branded by a lighted Nim
(Melia Indica) twig. After this, these girls are not allowed to go to their
parents.12 So also Malas do not given their daughters to Madigas. In case
marriage takes place, the girl will be excommunicated from the caste.
Similarly, every sub-caste in Madiga satellite communities is an
endogamous group.

Ethnographic study states Sangari Madiga stands in

hypergamous relation to their disciples. Among the Madigas too, the marriage
is exogamous that is marriage will not be contracted among the same intiperu
(Surrname) 13 but it is done only among their own sub-caste members. T.R.Singh
found that Bindla, the priestly class of Madigas, the Sindu, the entertaining
caste, the Dakkalwar, the Geneologist of Madigas take girls for marriages from
their own sub-caste.
The Marriage restrictions among the endogamous castes are not
weakening as a result of educational development and urbanization. Ghan
Shyam Shah observed that with the education and urbanization, instances of
inter-caste marriages have increased, but they are marginal. 14 Among the Dalits
Endogamy is rigidly followed even among the educated. In one of the
outstanding studies it was conformed, majority of respondents preferred
endogamy to exogamy. Suma Chitnis found that Education does seem to have
8

liberated them from casteism either.15 In this context, it can be stated that the
Endogamy is intact in spite of urbanization and educational development among
the Dalit.
TRADITIONAL OCCUPATIONS OF DALIT CASTES
The traditional occupations of the castes have been the basis for caste
hierarchy. Every caste and sub-caste professed an occupation of its own. Most
of the traditional occupations are hereditary as they are inherited by individual
social groups by the incident of birth in a particular caste. The Hindu Dharma
Sastras have described in detail the duties and functions of different Varnas in
four fold division of castes. The caste division itself was based on the functions
allotted to each caste in society distinguished by recurrence to tribal wars. 16
These functions have become traditional occupations of each caste in course of
time.

The ritualistic pandits have given gradations to these occupations

depending upon nature of occupations and explained them in the notion of

purity and pollution or clean or unclean occupations.
TRADITIONAL OCCUPATIONS OF MALA SATELLITE CASTES
The Mala satellite castes are engaged relatively in clean occupations
which finds higher place in gradation of occupations compared to Madiga
satellite castes. Mala Jangam, Mala Dasari and Mithal Ayyalwar are the priestly
class of Mals. The Mala Jangam and Mala Dasaris officiate over the festivals of
Saivaite section of Malas and Mithal Ayyalwar officiate ceremonies of
Vaishnaviate Sect of Malas.17 The traditional occupation of the priestly class of
9

Malas is religious mendicancy and foretelling.18 Mala Jangam, go for begging,

besides engaging themselves as agriculture labourers during agriculture
seasons.19 Their traditional occupation is graded higher in traditional society.
Thurston has said that the chief occupation of Malas is weaving and
working as farm labourers and few cultivate their own lands, they have enough
lands. The Malas of western part of Telugu country are superior to other Dalit
castes, and they have their lands, in some cases are well to-do-cultivators.20
Traditionally they are very close to village activities. They also render village
services. The village services consist of sweeping, scavenging, carrying of
burdens and grave digging, the last having been their pre-requisite for long
ages.21 It is reported that the Mala Masti people are acrobats and earn their
livelihood by performing physical feats, mostly in the Mala localities. 22 (Notes
on the list of Scheduled Castes, A survey Report, of Department of Social
Welfare, 1966, p.44). The Gurram Malas, who are considered lowest of Malas
earn their living by begging from Mala caste. 23
TRADITIONAL OCCUPATION OF MADIGA SATELLITE CASTES
Madiga satellite castes were engaged in a more unclean occupations
compared to that of Mala traditional occupations. They have been placed at
lower level in the graded occupational structure. Sangari, the spiritual advisor to
Madigas perform religious functions. Their traditional occupation is preaching
to Madigas.

Bindlas are also priestly class of Madigas. 24

Their main

traditional occupation is to perform purudu (ceremony to remove uncleanness

10

for the home arising out of child birth), to invoke and appease the Goddeses like
Muthyalamma, Ellamma and Mahishamma. 25 A Bindla is free to accept charity
from any caste. He goes from door to door, singing songs of praise of Ellamma
(the Goddess of Epedemics), and accepting alms when they are offered to him.26
The Madigas traditional occupation is associated with the leather goods.
The main duty of Madiga is carrying the dead, tanning of hides, and
manufacturing rude leather articles, especially sandals, trappings for bullocks,
and large well-buckets, used for irrigation.27 They are also experts in playing
musical instruments locally known as Tappetalu or Dappu. They play them on
marriage and other religious occasions.

At the time of any announcement in

the villages, Madigas are asked to play Tappeta or Dappu 28 Crying in village
streets, which is popularly known as Dandora. In villages, each Madiga
household is attached to a fixed number of cultivating households.29

The

attachment to a household is called Tega and a Madiga who is attached to the

house is called Tega Madiga. Madigas used to earn their livelihood mainly from
their traditional occupation and the rest from agriculture labour.
Madiga Mastu, another satellite caste earn their living by displaying their
acrobatic feats, in Madiga colonies and receive their customary payments. 30
They visit different villages and exhibit acrobatic feats.
The Sindu, the entertaining caste of Madigas earn their living from
entertainment and prostitution among the Madigas. The traditional occupation
of Sindollu is to perform dances and play Veedibhagavatham (street play) in
11

Madiga Colonies. They believe that they have right to beg from Madigas. 31
They attend all Madiga ceremonies and entertain by singing and dancing. They
also maintain themselves by prostitution32 in Madiga colonies.
The Dakkals who are considered lowest in social hierarchy and
untouchable to Madigas give particulars relating to genealogy of different
families of Madigas, that is, they are bards of Madigas. Every Dakkal family
has a Jurisdictionover 10 to 20 villages where he has a right to collect amount in
the households earmarked for them. The practice of begging and telling the
genealogy of Madigas is till continuing with the Dakkals in villages.
COMMENSALITIES AMONG DALITS
Commensual practice is another indicator in Hindu ritualistic gradations.
Andre Beteille stated, the common meal express symbolically both unity of
those who eat together and the cleavages between who required to eat
separately. Ritual separation, having been elaborated to a high degree in Hindu
society; serves to maintain the cleavage within the caste system. Generally two
castes will not inter dine unless the structural distance between them is small.
Some castes are more exclusive in the commensual restrictions than others. 33
These restrictions are equally practiced both by Savarna Hindus and Dalits.
There are certain rules that restrict the taking of food, water, and access to
the temples among Dalits. The Malas, the higher caste Dalits do no take food or
water from the Madigas, the lower caste Dalit in village India. Mala Jangam,
Mala Dasari and Mithal Ayyalwar do not eat or drink from Malas, Madigas and
12

Dakkal. Similarly other castes do not take cooked food or water from these
castes.34 Malas and Madigas have separate wells and temples.

35

Malas do not

take food or water from Mastu, Gurram Malas and Madigas. But all these
castes take food and water from the priestly class of Malas. The Sangari, the
gurus to Madigas, strictly refrain from eating food touched or cooked by
Madigas or other satellite castes.36 Bindla though he enjoys higher social status
in Madiga satellite castes, the higher castes do not take either cooked food or
water from Bindlas. Being worshippers of Shakti (the power) they do not take
food or water from the hands of their satellite castes, since they consider
themselves as sacred.37 But T.R.Singh in his study found that Bindlas accept
food and water from Madigas and Madigas vice-versa. 38 Sindu, the entertaining
caste of Madigas do not take food or water from Dakkals. But their food or
water is acceptable for Madigas.39 Dakkals who occupied a lowest social status
in social hierarchy accept food and water from all castes, except Vishwa
Brahaman. The food or water of Dakkals is not acceptable to any other caste.
Dakkals have to take food or water standing out side Madiga houses. Thus the
higher caste Dalits do not drink or dine in common. These commensalities
indicate the foundation of Panchama hierarchy and caste cleavages with in
Dalits in A.P.
SOCIAL DISTANCE
Notion of purity and pollution is one of the important determinants of
physical distance between castes. It is also the indicator of their social distance
and their place in cultural development and in social hierarchy. It is witnessed in
13

the habitation of castes, in the location of village, which is the center of Social,
economic and political development. Andre Beteille had aptly observed that
physical structure of village is, in some measure, a reflection of its social
structure. The distribution of population is not haphazard or random, but evinces
a more or less conscious plan. It brings out in a great manner some of the basic
unities and cleavages in social structure of the village. People who are close to
each other in social system tend to live side by side; people whose social
positions are widely different live apart, other things being equal, physical
distance can be seen as social distance. 40
It is empirically proved that the houses, the living quarters of Dalits and
other castes are not together, as they were planned to the tune of social
hierarchical values. The living Quarters of depressed classes (Dalits) in all
villages have to be at respectable distance from main caste people 41 at southern
side of villages. Among the depressed classes Malas live next to Sudras. 42 Mala
and Madigas live in separate hamlets. 43 Generally the habitations of Madigas
and its satellite castes are away from the outskirts of the villages, located at
distance about 0.4 km. from

the cluster houses of Washermen (Sudras). 44

Usually the dwellings of Madigas are in outskirts of villages, where the dirt of
the village are lodged in heaps.45 Dakkal, the last one in the social hierarchy
live away from the Madiga living quarters. Dakkals are not allowed to enter the
living Quarters of Madigas, but they pitch their huts of bamboo mats at a
distance from Madiga houses. 46

14

This physical distance of Dalits from upper caste and Sudras and between
their satellite castes is the best indicator of social and cultural distance among
the different castes in village India. The social distance, which is rooted in
notion of purity and pollution is a mechanism deprive Dalits of their
opportunities in various fields. In the descending order the Dalits are deprived
of opportunities as many times as there are social layers. In other words the last
man, Dakkal is deprived of the culture by its upper castes, that is, the Brahmins,
the Kshtriyas, the Vysyas, the Sudras, the Malas and the Madigas.
NEW INEQUALITIES WITHIN SCHEDULED CASTES
There are 59 Dalit castes in Andhra Pradesh. From this list the Madigas
and Malas are two major sub-castes designated in various names competing for
reservation benefits. Through reservations the Malas acquired the ruling class
characteristics of modern education and modern occupation in Andhra Pradesh.
Coordinate Committee of Arundhatheeya and allied Sanghas cited these new
inequalities among major groups that strengthened Panchama hierarchy by
1980s itself.
There are four major groups i.e., Adi-Andhra, Adi-Dravida, Mala,
Madiga, and Dakkal. Besides them there are other category of SCs who are said
to have migrated from other parts of the country. The population of these groups
according to 1981 census is as follows. The Adi-Andhra (8.84%) Adi-Dravida
95,156 (1.19%) Mala 31,51,378 (39.50%), Madiga 37,31,036 (46.87%) Dakkal
1,528 (0.90%) and others 1,51,674 (1.90%) in addition to these SCs there are
15

1,27,375 (0.67%) unspecified population not included in any one of these subcastes. There developed new inequalities within these sub-castes as they could
not appropriate reservation benefits proportionate to their population in reserved
spheres of education, employment and politics These new inequalities
strengthened divisions within Dalits by a strong feeling of deprivation of
opportunities by Malas provided by reservation policy. By 1980s itself the
Madigas felt that lot of injustice is done to Madigas in the state in distribution of
reservation benefits47 The new inequalities developed within Dalits in Andhra
Pradesh can seen from respective tables.
The educational facilities provided by Indian constitution are not equally
utilised by Dalit sub-castes as a consequence of internal cultural difference
within them. Poverty of parents, exposure to social reform and Christian
missionary activities48 helped Malas in cornering reservation benefits more than
Madigas. According to census of India 1981 about 16.55% of literacy rate
recorded within Dalits but there was unequal progress of literacy among Dalit
Sub-castes. The Major Sub-caste, the Madiga recorded only 9.86 percent of
literacy rate being more than 90 per cent of its population remained illiterates.
The highest literacy rate (28%) was recorded by the Adi-Andhras, which
account for just 8.98 percent of Dalits. The literacy of Malas, the Adi-Dravida,
Dakkal and others is 21.75%, 20.44%, 10,28% and 17.18% respectively. At
matriculation the Malas stood first (53.15 per cent), the Madigas second
(28.012%), the Adi-Andhra third (15.58%), the Adi-Dravida fourth (1.33%) the
last (c.002%) is the Dakkals in the lader of Education. Similar pattern of
16

educational inequalities are found within Dalit at college levels and in

professional degrees (See table No.1).
Indian bureaucracy was characterized by the dominance of one or two
castes. The same picture emerged within Dalits in the reserved sphere of
employment. It is to be noted special treatment benefits have often tended to be
appropriated by the more educated, articulated and organised in Scheduled
Communities.49 It was the Malas who were more educated, articulated and
organised in state and appropriated lions share of employment opportunities. It
is evidenced from Table No. 2 that Malas had a dominant position at all levels
of Government Jobs cornering more than 75 percent of Jobs. The Madigas
secured less than 25 per cent of jobs creating an unequal representation of all
Dalit sub-castes within reserved sphere of public employment creating new
inequality in availing reservation benefits by different Dalit castes in Andhra
Pradesh.
There is summation of caste, class and power in India. It implies, that
ones caste position in Chaturvarna hierarchy determines and subsumes ones
socio-economic and political position. It means that those who have high caste
position will also have higher position in socio-economic and political spheres. 50
In other words, the higher the caste status the higher the class and political
power in India. It is also true in case of Dalits in Andhra pradesh. The Malas
have higher status than Madigas in Dalit hierarchy. Identical to their higher
status the Malas have higher status in reserved spheres of education,
employment and politics. Table No. 3 also indicates the position of Madiga and
17

Mala sub-castes in reserved seat at different levels of politics within Dalits. The
Malas cornered 64.28 per cent of political positions at all levels of political
institutions, while the Madigas secured less than 36.16 per cent of political
positions at an average. It is very significant to note that the Malas continued
their dominance in the fields of politics from the days of Independence and
emerged as Dominant Dalit caste in A.P. It is eviden from data that these new
inequalities strengthened Dalit hierarchy in Andhra Pradesh. By 1980s the
Madigas realised their backwardness in appropriating reservation benefits and
demanded for categorisation of 59 Dalit castes into four groups for equitable
distribution of reservation benefit among different Dalit sub-caste groups in
Andhra Pradesh
CASTE ASSOCIATIONS AND DALIT MOVEMENT IN ANDHRA
PRADESH
Caste associations of Dalits came into existence in different parts of the
State for their emancipation from caste oppression. They have been working
from the early years of 20th century to the present day. Most of the associations
had declared socio-economic and political emancipation of the depressed
classes

51

as their broad objectives. Before Independence there were

independent Dalit movements in Andhra, the part of erstwhile Madras

presidency and in the erstwhile Hyderabad state. In the post-Independence
period there are some sings of united Dalit movement in the Andhra Pradesh.
But these movements are divided by new socio, economic and political
opportunities generated by reservations, caste hierarchical cleavages and
18

leadership ambitions. Consequently, the associations are performing ceremonial

function of anniversaries of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar and Babu Jagjeevan Ram
without seriously fighting for the protection and promotion of the rights of the
Dalits for long. Only, after 1980s Dalits began their struggle for their human
rights after Karamchandu misacre of Dalits in A.P.
CASTE ASSOCIATONS IN ANDHRA
In Andhra a number of educated Dalits worked in different organizations
to educate the depressed classes and pressurized the Madras government to take
up measures for their emancipation. Sri Vemula Kurmayya of Krishna District,
Kusuma Dharmanna the Editor of Jayabheri, Nandanala Hari, one of the
founder of Andhra Pradesh Scheduled castes welfare Association were the
dauntless fighters for the rights of Dalits in Andhra area. A conference of
Dalits, known as Andhra Panchama Mahajana Sabha was organized in
September, 1917, at Vijayawada, Chundru Venkaiah, a Dalit leader was the
chairman of the Reception committee. It was presided over by Bhagya Reddy
Varma, a Dalit leader from Hyderabad. Some of the resolutions passed in the
conference were; (1) Dalits should be called Adi-Andhras (2) government and
people should takeup steps for removal of untouchability and encourage
education (3) special representation should be given to them in legislature. 52 In
this conference, First Panchama Andhra Mahajana Sabha was renamed as
First Adi-Andhra Mahajana Sabha at the instance of Bhagya Reddy Varma. 53
In all conferences of the Adi-Andhra Mahasabha these demands were reiterated
by the Dalit leaders.
19

The Sabha had achieved a number of demands, the political

representation being the major achievement. In response to the demands of AdiAndhra Conferences the Madras government nominated Sri N.Devendrudu,
Chundru Venkayya and Gangadhar Sharma who were Andhra leaders to the
Legislative Council. In Madras Legislative Assembly there were about 11 Dalit
M.L.As representing Andhra Districts.54 In 1920 Arundhathiya Mahasabha was
established by L.C. Guru Swamy and worked for emancipation of Madia Dalits
in Andhra region.55
CASTE ASSOCIATIONS IN TELANGANA
Dalit movement was carried on by a number of caste associations led by a
galaxy of Dalit leaders in Telangana. Notable among them were Bhagya Reddy
Varma, Ariga Ramaswamy and B.S.Venkta Rao, known as the Great Trinity
of Dalit Struggle for emancipation in the erstwhile Hyderabad State.
A number of caste associations worked for Dalit emancipation under the
leadership of different leaders. Jagan Mitramandali was established in 1906 by
M.V.Bhagya Reddy Varma.56

This Mandali was renamed as Manya Sangham

in 1911 and in a conference held in 1911 it was again renamed as Adi-Hindu

Social Service League. 57

The league under the leadership of Bhagya Reddy

Varma took up various programmes, for upliftment of Adi-Hindus. The league

worked for the abolition of Devadasi. Bhagya Reddy Varmas service in the
field of education was memorable. He established schools for the girls of
untouchables in the localities of these people.

About 34 schools were

20

established under the leadership of B.R.Varma

58

to promote educational

facilities of Adi-Hindus collecting contributions from philanthrophists. 59

B.R.Varma conducted a series of conferences advocating the cause of
untouchables for an honourable place in the Hindu Society.60

One of the

laudable services of Bhagya Reddy to the community was the prevention of the
dedication of Devadasis who led a disgraceful life of prostitution and formed an
organization under the name Adi-Hindu Murali Nivarna Mandali to stop this
evil practice. 61
Unfortunately B.R.Varma became the victim of traditional cleavages of
sub-castes among the Dalit castes, Bhgya Reddy being a Mala turned to be a
partisan leader of Mala sub-caste. It was proved in two instances; one, on the
issue of ownership of Adi-Hindu Bhavan. For a number of years the Adi-Hindu
Bhavan was a bone of contention between the Malas and Madigas. The Verma
calimed it exclusively for Mala community while the Madigas demanded for the
general use of all the sub-castes of the Dalits. Bhgya Reddy sided with Malas,
under the plea that not a single Madiga contributed to the building fund, and
changed the name into Mahanti (Mala) Adi-Hindu Bhavan.62
The other instance was the case of inter-caste marriage between an
adopted Madiga boy and a rescued Mala girl from the evil practice of Devadasi.
Three days prior to marriage, M.L.Audiah received a directive from Bhagya
Reddy in the capacity of Secretary of Adi-Hindu social service league to stop
the marriage taking place in premises of temple as the bridegroom belong to
Madiga caste, and such matrimonial alliance with Malas was prohibited in the
21

custom of Mala.63

Bhagya Reddy Verma called Sadar Panchayat and

excommunicated all the participants of marriage including Ariga Ramaswamy.64

ARUNDATEEYA MAHASABHA
Partisan attitude of Bhagya Reddy Varma and his followers had laid
foundation for the birth of Arundateeya Mahasabha for the welfare of Madiga
sub-castes. Arigay Ramaswamy who was excommunicated by B.R.Varma in
the case of marriage between the rescued Mala girl and Madiga boy, without
taking hasty step approached Bhagya Reddy Varma and sincerely pleaded for
the cause of Madigas to give them a place of equality with the Malas. But
Bhagya Reddy Varma ridiculed his ideas. Ramaswamy warned him of evil
consequences of his short sighted policy. Bhagya Reddy bluntly told him to
have his own way and he was least bothered about it. As a result P.R.Venkat
Swamy, Ariga Ramaswamy in collaboration with Garika Mallesh Rao and
B.S.Venkat Rao arranged a meeting of Madigas and established a separate
orginisation for Madigas under the name Arundateeya Mahasabha on 1st June,
1931, with Suravaram Pratapa Reddy, and Krishna Sharma as president and
Vice-President respectively. Except these two, the rest of the office bearers were
all Arundatiyas.65 The traditional cleavages, thus laid foundation for the birth of
Arundateeya Mahasabha, splitting two major sub-caste into two organizations in
Telangana region of Erstwhile Hyderabad state.

22

HYDERABAD STATE DEPRESSED CLASSES ASSOCIATION

The establishment of Hyderabad State Depressed classes Association
marked another split in Dalit movement in Hyderabad on the political ambition
of the leaders. Ariga Ramaswamy and Konda Venkata Swamy carried on the
activities of Adi-Hindu Jatiyonnati Maha Sabha for the upliftment of
untouchables from 1922 of its origin.

M.L.Audaiah, B.S.Venkat Rao and

Arigay Ramaswamy were elected as President, Vice-President and General

Secretary of the Sabha.

Latter on this Sabha was renamed as Adi-Hindu

Mahasabha. These activists worked together for the welfare of the scheduled
castes for a long time.
Ariga Ramaswamy was nominated to Hyderabad Municipal Council
before Independance. This was the first boon that government conferred on the
leader of Dalit community.66 As a sequel to this nomination, the deep intimacy
that existed between Arigay Ramaswamy and B.S.Venkat Rao in the activities
of the Sabha could no longer be seen. In course of time B.S.Venkat Rao formed
a new organization known as Youth League of Ambedkarites and suspended
the activities of Adi-Hindu Mahasabha 67 in 1936 and established his leadership.
In 1938 Youth League of Ambedkarites was dissolved and new organization
Hyderabad Depressed Classes Association was formed under the Presidentship
of B.S.Venkat Rao.68 His opposition to Arigays Pro-Hindu attitude coupled
with his loss of nomination to Hyderabad Municipal Council in favour of
Arigay have led to the formation of Hyderabad State Depressed Classes
23

Association in 1938.

J.H.Subhaih who failed to get a Tahsildar post was

nominated as Secretary of the Depressed Classes Association. 69

J.H.Subbaiah, General Secretary of Depressed classes Association wanted
to prove his importance as a leader in the organization. Relations between him
and B.S.Venkat Rao were spoiled.

It led to slapping of Venkat Rao by

J.H.Subbaiah. Consequently it resulted in the split of the ranks70 and formation

of a central organization under denomination of Hyderabad State Adi-Hindu
Mahasabha in 1941.71

J.H. Subbaiah and P.R.Venkataswamy were elected

respectively as President and General Secretary of the organization in 1944.

Latter on it was renamed as Hyderabad State (Adi-Hindu) scheduled castes
Federation and carried on its activities on the advice of B.R.Ambedkar.72
INDEPENDENT SCHEDULED CASTES FEDERATION
The caste associations of Dalits were divided into four major factions by
end of 1940s. They were Adi-Hindu Social service league under M.B.Gautham,
after death of his father B.R.Varma, Arundateeya Mahasabha under the
guidance of Arigay Ramaswamy, Hyderabad Depressed Classes Association
under leadership B.S.Venkat Rao, and Hyderabad state (Adi-Hindu) Scheduled
Castes Federation under the leadership of J.H.Subbaiah. Ariga Ramaswamy
who could not play active role in the movement started an organization known
as Independent scheduled castes Federation with broad objective to strive for
the unity of Dalit organizations.73 Thus the Dalit movement in Telangana was

24

divided due to traditional caste cleavages of sub-caste, and leadership ambitions

of Dalit leaders.
DALIT MAHASABHA AND THE INDEPENDENT DALIT MOVEMENT
IN ANDHRA PRADESH
Dalit Mahasabha was established in 1985 to fight against culprits who
were responsible for misacre of Dalits at Karamchedu village. It marked
beginning of Independent Dalit Movement in Andhra Pradesh. Protective
measures implemented after the formation of Andhra Pradesh have generated
the idea of egalitarianism in the socio-economic and political frontiers. The
Dalits have started raising their heads and asserting their dignity, became
intolerable to the upper castes. They are demanding land, economic betterment,
education, employment and above all social and economic equality. The self
assertion of Dalits, however unpalatable to the upper castes and resorted to
atrocities on Dalits.74

In Andhra Pradesh, the killing of Kotesu in Kanchika

Charla in Krishna District two decades ago is usually regarded as the beginning
of this phenomenon.75 But there was a vacume of leadership in the post
independence period for a long time to expose such incidents.
The Karamchedu carnage that took place in 1985 during the rule of
Telugu Desham Party laid the seeds of an independent Dalit movement in the
form of Dalit Mahasabha free from the influence of ruling political parties. Sri
Kathi Padma Rao, and Sri Bojja Tarakam were the architects of the Sabha. The
Dalit Mahasabha declared in its manifesto that the congress and communist
25

parties to be bourgeois parties and they worked in their class interest neglecting
the poor people.76 The Sabha resolved to strive for the anhilation of caste and
class. It wanted to synthesize Marxism with Ambedkarism as their ideology for
the realization of their objective. 77 The Dalit Mahasabha felt that it is necessary
to combine Marxism and Ambedkarism for the social revolution in India78.
DALIT VOLUNTARY FORCE
The Chunduru carnage in which 8 Dalits were killed by upper castes gave
birth to Dalit voluntary force at the initiative of the former Naxalite leader,
K.G.Satyamurthy. His entry into politics gave a new impetus to the Dalit
movement in Andhra Pradesh. He advocated for the synthesis of Ambedkarism
with Marxism to give a death blow to Brahminist communism. 79

Thus he

brought Ambedkarits closer to the Marxists and vice-versa and gave a new
impetus to the Dalit movement. After the Chunduru Carnage he organized a
Dalit voluntary force.

The objectives of the force were; 1). to organize

movement for annihilation of caste, 2). to organize depressed castes in every

village, and 3). to organize depressed castes to protect them from the atrocities
of upper castes and prepare them for social revolution. 80 But this force could not
be developed as mass organisation as its leaders joined in Bahujan Samaj Party.
DANDORA MOVEMENT
The Madigas have been fighting for equal identify and equal share in
reservation benefits from 1980s itself. Arundhateeya Mahasabha was first Dalit
Sub-Caste Association in A.P. fighting for a respectable identity propagating the
26

love story of Arundhathi and Maharshi Vashistha projecting a high image of

Madigas. The Madigas believe that the genesis of Arundhathi reveals the
genesis of the Madigas that they were first born on planet the earth. After the
independence, the Bandusevamandali carried on the activities of the Mahasabha
as a cultural organisation of Madigas in A.P. Latter on A.P. Madiga Sangham
inaugurated a struggle phase of Madiga Movement for equal share in
reservation benefits in 19980s. Following the programme of Madiga Sangham,
Dakshina Bharatha Adijambava /Arundhatheeya Samakhya continued struggle
for equal share in reservation benefits in 1990s. Later on, Madiga Reservation
Porata Samithi emerged as a fighting organisation for equal identity and
reservation benefits in A.P.
Arundhateeya Mahasabha, which was established in 1920 in Andhra
region of erstwhile Madras presidency and the same in 1931 in Hyderabad State
continued its activities for a considerable period. A Telugu Madiga L.C Guru
Swamy propagated the genesis of Arundhathi and the Aborigine King
Jambavantha identifying the Madagas genesis with Arundhathi as their caste
daughter and Jambavantha as their grand father.81

The Arundhateeya

Mahasabha of the Hyderabad followed the programme of L.C Guru Swamy in

giving proud account of the Madigas on the basis of their genesis relating their
kinship with Arundhathi jambavantha. These wings of Arundhateeya
Mahasabha emerged with rise of personal associations and personality classes
among Dalit leaders, prior to the Independence itself.

27

Arundhateeya Banduseva Mandali, a cultural organisation of Madigas

was established in 1981 under Presidentship of Dr. Kishna Lal. The members of
this Mandali were opposed to use their caste name as prefix to this organization
and name it as Madiga Sevamandali as the word Madiga gives a meaning
people bellow us and the very word is abusive and stigma attached to the word.
The Bandhu Sevamandali organised Dasara Milap every year and developed
kinship relations among the Madigas in AP particularly in twin cities. 82 For the
first time the Mandali published a book let with title The Status of
Arundhateeyas

with

detailed

Statistics

indicating

disproportionate

representation of Malas, showing new equality between Malas and Madigas

and demanding categorization of SCs into A.B.C.D groups for equal distribution
of reservation benefits among SCs.83 The Mandali used the methods of prayer
and petitions to Ventilate their demands and gave representation to successive
Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh demanding proportional representation to
Madiga Satelite castes in the reserved field of education, employment and
politics.
Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (M.R.P) entered into struggle phase,
demanding equal identity and equal share in reservation benefits in 1994. This
organisation was established by 20 youth at a Katcha House in a small village
by name Eadumudi in Prakasham District of Andhra Pradesh under the
leadership of Krishna Madiga on 7th July 1994.84 The M.R.Ps is popularly know
as Dandora by traditional duty of Madigas in administration as messenger. The
Madigas cry in village streets beating drums to broadcast message of village
28

administration. The MRPs took oath in making the caste or the word Madiga
respectable suffixing caste to their names like Sharma, Rao, Reddy and
Chaudary, which was treated abusive and polluting in structured caste system.
The M.R.P.S used four identities Arundhathi, Jambavantha, the Madiga and
Dandora (Drum) to mobilise people and capture themselves a respectable, equal
identity for Madags through the struggle.
The Madigas had given etymological meaning to term, the Madiga to
make it acceptable and respectable like Sharma, Reddy Rao and Choudary. As
they interpreted, the Madiga means Maha (very) + Adi (from beginning) + ga
(moving). That means the Madigas are the original inhabitents of India moving
and living on the earth from the very beginning.85 The Madigas proudly say that
thatha (Grand father) Jambavantha was the first aborigine king who was born
much before the earth takes its birth. The Madigas declared that there is nothing
to be ashamed of using their caste to their names as suffix. The Dandora
movement gave a sense of pride to Madigas to introduce themselves as Krishna
Madiga. They are successful in forcing the society to accept Madigas as
respectable by propagating aborigine history of Madiga community around
Aurndhathi and Jambavantha through Dandora Movement.
The identities the M.R.Ps used in the movement worked as an ideology in
mobilising Madiga mass in lakh and exhibited its popular strength in forcing the
Government of Andhra Pradesh in conceding their demand to categorize 59
scheduled castes into A.B.C.D. groups for proportionate and equal distribution
of reservation benefits. The Dandora Movement organized various programmes
29

demanding categorization of scheduled castes in the last 12 years. It organised

pioneering programmes in history of social movements in Andhra Pradesh. The
M.R.Ps mobilised about 5 lakhs of Madigas for its first programme known as
Chalo Nizam College and it is successful in crystallizing public opinion is
favour of categorization on March 2nd 1996. Surprising the residents of twin
cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad, the state capital was flodded with
Madigas on this historic day. In its second remarkable programme which was
organised in September 2nd 1997, with a slogan Chalo Assembly of Madigas.
The M.R.Ps was successful in forcing Government of A.P in accepting the
Government to appoint an Inquiry Commission to go into differential
exploitation of reservation benefits by Madiga and Mala sub-castes and to
recommend for the need to sub-categorize scheduled castes into groups. Third,
the M.R.Ps organised a noval programme and memorable in the struggle of both
Madigas and Dalit movement in A.P., probably the first of its kind in history of
Indian social movements which was known as Mahapada Yathra of Madigas.
The convenor of Dandora movement walked for 1052 killometres within 52
days covering thousands of villages within Andhra Pradesh. 86 The Madigas
received their leader with great pride expressing their happiness saying that they
are lucky to get a saviour of their caste. On 6th June 1997 Krishna Madiga
reached the state capital with about 8 lakhs of Madigas indicating the mass
support to the cause of sub-categorization. Witnessing support for the demand,
government of Andhra Pradesh under leadership of N. Chandrababu Naidu

30

issued G.O. categorizing SCs into ABCD groups following recommendations of

Justice Ramchander Raju Commission of Inquiry.
MALA MAHANADU MOVEMENT
The Malas one of the major sub-castes of Dalits in A.P. which has been
cornering reservation benefits disproportionate to its population launched
counter movement opposing the Madigas, demand for sub-categorization
through different forms of protest advancing the arguments of antogonists of
reservation policy in India. The convenor of Mala Mahanadu P.V.Rao is an
officer in Department of Information led Mala Mahanadu drawing support
mostly from employees belonging to Mala Community. Mala Mahanadu that
spear headed anticategorisation movement organised various programmes to
press the government to withdraw G.O. Categorizing scheduled castes into
groups.
The Mala Mahanadu organised massive rally at Amalapuram of East
Godavari District in Andhra Pradesh protesting against categorization on 17-061997. About 10 thousands of Malas gathered and burnt the effigies of Chief
Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu and the then Education Minister Late G.M.C.
Bala Yogi. Then they

pledged that the The Malas will see the End of

Chandrababu Naidu rule in A.P.87 The Malas organized lay siege to secretariat
programme on 11-7-1997 in which two Malas died and 19 were injured when
police lathi charged thousands of villagers participated in the programme. 88 The
Chief convenor of Mala Mahanadu, P.V. Rao stated that lathi charging act of
31

police clearly indicates the attitude of Chief Miniser, N. Chandrababu Naidu

towards Malas89 said that the lathi charging of Mala activists and participants
in lay siege of secretariat was sufficient evidence to say that T.D.P Government
was very decisive to suppress the Mala Mahanadu Movement as it goes against
political strategy of Telugu Desham Party.
The Mala Mahanadu has taken the support of constitutional machinery by
Challenging categorization in Honourable High Court of A.P to protect its lions
share in reservation benefits through the list of scheduled castes provided by
President of India. The Malas argued that the State Government has no power to
categorize schedule castes into groups and it is unconstitutional because the
scheduling of scheduled castes is there in central list as per the scheme of
division of powers between central and state governments in our Federal
arrangement. The Malas repeatedly referred to the article 341 in defense of their
arguments. Article 341(1) says the President with respect to any state or Union
Territory and where as a state, after consultation with the Governor there of by
public notification, specify the castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups with
in castes, races or Tribes which shall purpose of this constitution be deemed to
be scheduled castes in relation to State or Union Territory as the case may be
Article 341(2) says the parliament may, by law include in or exclude from the
list of scheduled castes and Tribes specified in a notification issued under clause
341 (1) any caste, race or tribe or part of or group with in any caste, race or
tribe, but save as above said notification issued under said clause shall not be
varied by any subsequent notification.
32

On this ground the Malas challenged Gos in the Supreme Court of India.
The apex pronounced its Judgement stating that State Government has no power
to sub-categorize Scheduled castes into groups to implement reservations in the
field of education and employment in exercise of its power under Article 15(4)
and 16(4) of Indian constitution as public employment and education. Now the
Madigas are struggling to get a law passed by the Parliament of India subcategorizing Scheduled Castes into groups amidst series of protects by Mala
Mahanadu.
ACCOMMODATIVE POLITICS AND DALIT MOVEMENT IN A.P.
The process of accommodating Dalit Elite into ruling parties was started
before the Independence through reservation policy. But there has been
conscious effort by Dr. B.R.Ambedkar to preserve the independent character of
Dalit politics by refusing to join ruling parties. It was made possible by Dalit
Associations contesting

in First General Elections held in 1952 following

guidelines of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar. United scheduled caste Federation (U.S.C.F.)

made alliance with socialists under the instructions of party high command,
Scheduled Castes Federation (S.C.F) of J.Subbaiah instead of making alliance
with socialists made alliance with Progressive Democratic Front (P.D.F) in
Telangana region of A.P. However USCF did not secure a seat, but SCF could
get 5 seat in Assembly and one seat in Parliament. 90 In Andhra SFC made
alliance with Praja Party, CPI, and secured 3 seats in the Assembly. 91 After the
Independence. Dr.Ambedkar planned to form political Party at National level.
In fact his intention to form Republican Party of India expressed at the same
33

time of Ambedkars conversion to Budhism at Nagpur on October, 14-15, 1956.

Both efforts were aimed at taking Scheduled Castes out of untouchability and
inducting them into larger groups; one religious the other political. 92 Inspired
by spirit of Ambedkar, the two regional units of Scheduled castes Federation.
The Andhra unit which was under the Presidentship of Bali Vadapally,
Telangana unit under the Presidentship of B.Jagannatham were united and
renamed as Republican Party of India in A.P in 1958. Balivadapally and
J.Eshwari Bai were elected as President and General Secretary of R.P.I
respectively.93
In spite of best efforts of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar, the ruling congress in A.P,
successfully practiced accommodative politics by recruiting emerging Dalit elite
into congress party. Sri B.H. Tirupathi, a Dalit leader hailing from Andhra
region and Sri Ramanantham a Dalit leader a close associate of B.S.Venkat Rao
hailing from Telangan region stated that after acceptance of political
reservations Dalit leadership concentrated on getting seats and this weakend the
Dalit Movement as the talented Dalit leaders were accommodated into ruling
parties.94

It is very significant to note the ruling congress party had

accommodated majority of Dalit leaders in First General Elections to State

Legislature. All the 33 Congress MLAs who won first Assembly Elections were
Dalit activits accommodated into congress party who worked in different, Dalit
Associations.95
After a spell of three decades in Independent India, Dalit Mahasabha
under the leadership of Bojja Tarakam and Kathi Padma Rao, inaugurated the
34

era of active, Non-accommodative and independent Dalit politics in A.P. PostKaramchandu leadership refused to join ruling parties under leadership of upper
castes. Dalit Mahasabha declared through its manifesto stating that all political
parties led by upper castes have been working in the interests of land lords and
preserving Bourgeois culture. It also stated that congress party had become a
hurdle for development independent Dalit leaders, made Dalits as servants of
higher caste political parties.96 The Sabha continued its struggle against upper
castes dominance and became a mass organisation in Andhra Pradesh refusing
accommodative politics.
Meanwhile, Bahujan Samaj Party entered in Andhra Pradesh in the
political context of anti and pro-Mandal reservations in the state. Leaders
belonging to Dalit and Backward classes who had struggle history of fighting
against upper caste dominance and accommodative politics invited Kansiram to
form B.S.P. unit in A.P. in 1989. Prominent among them were Bojja Tarakam,
the president of Dalit Mahasabha, B.S.A Swamy, a leader of Backward castes
Association, Dr. P. Sunderaiah, a leader of Yadava Employees union in AP.
Kansiram toured the state in 1989 and declared A.P unit of B.S.P on 4 th June
1989 after having been convinced that there were large numbers of politically
conscious people in the state. 97 Bojja Rarakam, President, Kathi Padama Rao,
General Secretary of Dalit Mahasabha continued the Ambedkars tradition of
anti-upper caste and independent politics by Joining B.S.P in AP. But, within a
short period, they left B.S.P criticizing individual decisions of party supreme,
Kansiram and became passive leaders in Bahujan politics.
35

The MRPS Convenor M.krishna Madiga planned to convert sub-caste

social movement into political movement by brining together various
organisations of SCs, STs, BCs and Minorities on the lines of BSP and to
continue Ambedkars tradition of independent politics free from accommodative
politics of upper castes. He made an effort to bring together leaders of 14 subcaste organisaions belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
Backward Castes under an umbrella and formed political party in the name
MAHAJAN FRONT.98 It was known that Krisna Madiga was accepted as
President of Front by BCs leaders unwillingly pleading that No.1 position of
Front should go to BCs, because BCs are majority community in the State. 99
The Front contested in 134 Assembly Constituencies in Elections held in 1999
and secured 1.5 percent of voter in State. Immediately after elections Krishna
Madiga resigned from Front and formed Mahajana Sangharshana Samithi and
uniting SCs, STs, BCs and Minorities under his leadership and continuing his
efforts on the lines of electoral strategy of Kanisram. After his resignation
Mahajan Front was renamed as Mahajan Party with the same strategy under
leadership of U. Sambasiva Rao.100
Congress party has been pro-Mala sub-caste from the days of
independence allotting more seats to Malas. Making use of unhappyness of
Madigas on this aspect TDP resolved to support Madigas allotting more seats to
Madigas in 1983 elections held to State Assembly and emerged successful and
consolidations its vote bank. For the same purpose of wooing Madiga voters
and to consolidate its vote bank TDP Government sub-categorised SCs into
36

ABCD groups conceding the demand of MRPS. Mala Mahanadu and MRPS
supported Congress and TDP respectively during Parliament Elections held in
1996. After anti and pro-categorization movement both Congress and TDP
made efforts to accommodate leaders of MRPS, but they failed as the leaders
refused to join the ruling parties.
Now, the M.S.S., under leadership of M. Krishna Madiga, organizing
SCs, STs, BCs and Minorities fighting against injustice done to these sections in
various fields. Reservation in private sector has been its major demand to unite
these groups and fight against upper caste political Hegemony in state. The
leader stated that defeating T.D.P., B.J.P and Congress and establishing Bahujan
rule is the state is ultimate of goal of M.S.S. He hopes that it will be made
possible by increasing its votes and strengthening its votes Bank, Contesting in
successive election. Further, M.S.S is planning to contest in forth coming early
election to state Assembly in AP and increase its vote bank from 1.5% to 2.5%
from total electorate in A.P.101
CONCLUSSION
The caste structural values of purity and pollution, superiority and
inferiority percolated down to untouchables and erected a Dalit hierarchy under
Chaturvarna hierarchy. There emerged two hierarchies within Dalits. One, Mala
hierarchy, Mithal Ayyalwar at the top of the ladder and Gurram Mala at the
bottom of the lader. The other is the Madiga hierarchy under Mala hierarchy, the
Sangari Madiga being at the top of it and Dakkal at its bottom. Superiority of
37

the upper caste Dalit flows from top to bottom while the inferiority of lower
caste Dalits from bottom to top. All the Dalit sub-castes treat Dakkal Madiga an
untouchable in Andhra Pradesh. In Dalit hierarchy commensual restrictions are
strictly practiced by all Dalits sub-castes.
Gradation of traditional occupation is very much present in traditional
occupations of Dalits. The Malas, profess clean traditional occupation compared
to Madigas. The Malas engaged in weaving and cultivation. While the Madigas
are engaged in unclean occupations like tanning of hides, manufacturing leather
goods and chappals. In view of Sarvarnas both Madigas and Malas profess
inferior occupation but Malas treat Madigas inferior and untouchable on the
bases of Madigas occupation. The priestly hood among Mithal Ayyalwar and
Sangari Madiagas considered superior to the occupations of Mala and Madigas
traditional occupations. Chaturvarna system does not believe social virtue of
dignity of labour, treat the working class inferior to them. The same value
system is imitated by upper caste Dalits and treat lower caste Dalits inferior to
them and developed Dalit hierarchy.
Social distance between Savarna and Dalits, between upper caste Dalits
and lower castes Dalits is seen in physical distance in geographical location of
residential quarters in villages. Physical separation of each sub-caste residential
quarter in villages is a well planned Brahminic strategy to maintain social
distance between castes basing on the notion of purity and pollution. In Andhra
Pradesh the living quarters of Dalits are built away from living quarters of upper
castes and Sudras. So also the living quarters of Malas, Madigas and Dakkals
38

are built away from one another in villages. Physical distance between the
residential quarters of different castes in village is a real indicator of division of
Savarna castes and Dalits. It also indicates place of each Dalit caste in cultural
and social hierarchy within castes in general and within Dalits in particular.
Dalit Movement emerged against caste system in Andhra Pradesh during
1930s but got divided on sub-caste lines due to inter-caste cleavages and
personal ambitions of leaders in Andhra Pradesh in 1930s itself. Adi-Hindu
Social Services League, Arundhathiya Mahasabha worked as sub-caste
organisations of Malas and Madigas respectively on the basis of sub-caste
identity and carried on their activities in the interest of sub-castes. Initially,
reservation benefits in legislative bodies created a competition among Dalit
leaders and in turn it resulted in emergence of Hyderabad. Depressed Classes
Association under the leadership of B.S.Venkat Rao after the noination of Auga
Rama Swamy to Hyderabad Municipal Council before the Independence. This
was the first split in Dalit Movement on personal ambition of Dalit Leaders in
A.P due to reservation benefits provided by the ruling class. Todays Dandora
Movement of Madigas and Mala Mahanadu Movement of Malas have been
developed on the Movement in A.P. foundations of sub-caste cleavages rooted
in Dalit hierarchy and new inequalities created by reservation benefits between
Madigas and Malas in fields of education, employment and politics.
As a result of reservations marginal section of poor Dalit emerged as
class by acquiring modern eduction and modern jobs by 1980s. The rise of new
class is clearly visible in the field of education, employment and polics within
39

Dalits. Malas have emerged as dominant Dalit caste over the Madigas by
acquiring modern education, modern occupation and disproportionate political
share in Andhra Pradesh. These new inequalities strengthened Dalit hierarchy in
AP by 1980s. The newly emerged class is sufficient to corner all the reservation
benefits provided by the central and state governments. The antagonism against
newly emerged Dalit class is found among Dalit activists in post-Dalit
Mahasabha Movement in Andhra Pradesh.
The Indian politics is characterized by summation of caste, class and
power i.e, the higher the caste and class the higher the political power. In the
post-independence period the Brahmins, Reddis, Kammas and Velmas
continued to dominant political power in A.P. Even in the reserved sphere of
political power, the higher caste Dalits, the Malas continued to share political
power disproportion to their population. The summation of caste, class and
political power continued to be there even with in the Dalits.
Collective Dalit movement of Dalits emerged before the independence
proved to be inadequate in addressing particular problems of Dalit Sub-castes.
The Arundhateeya Mahasabha of pre-independence period and Dandora
Movement of post-independence periods are illustrative movement of subcastes in Andhra Pradesh emerged on single identity of Dalit Sub-Caste. It is a
movement continued for a long time for reservation within the reservations in
the form categorization scheduled castes into groups for proportional and equal
distribution of reservation benefits within SCs and proved to be a pioneering
Dalit sub-caste movement in A.P.
40

Following the guidelines of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, SFC and USFC made

alliances with like minded political parties inaugarating an Independent Dalit
politics rejecting accommodative politics of ruling parties in early years of
Independence. The same political tradition was carried on by leaders of Dalit
Mahasabha. Now, the leaders of MRPS, making efforts to convert social
movements into political movement by bringing together SCs, STs, BCs and
Minorities on the lines of BSP in Andhra Pradesh for the realization of
Dr.B.R.Ambedkars ideas of Independent and Non-accommodative Dalit Politics
in A.P.
Table No. 1 Showing New Inequality Educational Among SCs in Andhra
Pradesh
Sl.
No
.

Castes

Total Illitera Litera SSC Gradu

Populati tes
tes
Metri ates
on
c
other
than
Techni
cal
1. Adi703633 5065 1970 1676
2338
Andra
(8.98%
61
72
3
(16.21
)
(72% (28% (15.58
%)
)
)
%)
2. Adi95156 7570 1945 14.29
138
Dravida (1.22%
4
2
(1.33 (0.96%
)
(79.56 (20.44
%)
)
%)
%)
3. Mala
315137 24659 6854 5719
8113
8
09
69
4
(56.28
(40.22 (78.25 (21.75 (53.15
%)
%)
%)
%)
%)
4. Madiga 373103 33631 3679 30147 3614
9
07
32 (28.02 (25.07
(47.62 (90.14 (9.86 %)
%)
%)
%)
%)

Engineer Medici
ing
ne

101
83
(17.11%) (14.26
%)
8
(1.36)

0
(0)

371
357
(62.88%) (61.34
%)
101
128
(17.11%) (21.99
%)
41

5. Dakkal
6. Others

Total

1528
(0.19%
)
151675
(1.94%
)

1371
(89.72
%)
12572
7
(82.82
%)
783440 65382
9
79
(100%) (83.45
%)

157
3
1
(10.28 (0.002 (0.006
%)
%)
%)
2604 2045
211
8
(1.90 (1.46%
(17.18
%)
)
%)
12961 1075 14415
30
79
(100%)
(16.55 (100
%)
%)

0
(0)

0
(0)

9
(1.53%)

14
(2.40
%)

590
(100%)

582
(100%
)

Source : (1) Census of India 1981, (2) Figures in Parenthesis are percentages
in respective category of Educational level.

Table No. 2 New Inequality in Employment among SCs in Andhra Pradesh

Sl.
Sub-Caste
No.
Groups
1. I.A.S
2.

I.P.S

3.

Allied
Central
Services
High
Court
Advocates
Public
sector
Gazitted officers
and Non-Gazitted
Officers
Total

4.
5.

Madiga Allied
Caste
14
(20%)
3
(23.07%)
5
(20%)
5
(20%)
20,884
(24.99%)

Mala Allied
Castes
56
(80%)
10
(76.92%)
20
(80%)
20
(80%)
62,655
(75%)

Total
70
(100)
13
(100%)
25
(100%)
25
(100%)
83,539
(100%)

20,962
(25.00956%)

62,756
(75.0024%)

83,672
(100%)

Source : Report on status of Arundhatheeyas, Page No. 9 and 10.

Table No. 3 New Inequality in Politics among SCs in Andhra Pradesh

Sl. Levels of political
No.
Institutions
1.

MPP Presidents

Madiga Allied
Caste

Mala Allied
Castes

Total

57
(35.84%)

102
(64.15%)

159
(100%)
42

2.

ZPP Chairmen

3.
4.

Municipal
Chairmen
MPS

5.

MLAs
Total

1
(33.3%)
6
(37.5%)
1
(14.28%)
16
(41.02%)
81
(36.16%)

2
(66.6%)
10
(62.5%)
6
(85.71%)
24
(61.53%)
144
(64.28%)

3
(100%)
16
(100%)
7
(100%)
39
(100%)
224
(100%)

Source: Report on Status of Arundhatheeyas Page No. 9.

43

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1.

Primary data pertaining to ongoing trends of Dalit Movement collected

from interviews with Dalit activities as part of U.G.C. Research Project.

2.

Kane P.V., History of Dharmasastras, vol.-II, Part-I, Bandarker

Research Institute, 1974, p.165.

3.

This paper treats only scheduled castes as Dalits used Dalits and
scheduled castes as synonyms.

4.

Kane P.V., op.cit, p.51.

5.

Dumont L., Homo Hierarchycus, Paris, 1966, p.35.

6.

Beteille Andre, Caste, Class and Power, Berkly, Loss Angels, London,
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7.

GhanShyam Shah, Caste in contemporary India, in I.P. Desai (Ed.)

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8.

Census of India, 1961, Vo-II, Part V-B, (10) Enthnographic notes, A.P.
Manager Publication, 1963, pp. 15 & 25.

9.

Syed Sirajul Hassan, The Castes and Tribes of H.E.H, The Nizams
Dominiion, Asian Educational Services, 1989, p.430.

10.

Singh T.R., The Madiga, Ethnographic and Folk culture Society, U.P.,
1969, p.32.

11.

Ketker S.V., The History of Caste in India, Vol. I, Messers. Taylor &
Carpenter, Book Sellers and Publishers 1921, p.18.

12.

Sysd Sirajul Hassan, op.cit, p.431.

13.

Census of India 1961, Vol.II, Part V-B-[12], Ethnographic Notes, AP

Manager Publications, 1963, p.23.

14.

GhanShyam Shah, op.cit, p.5.

15.

Suma Chitnis, A long way to go, Allied Publishers, pp. 198 & 103.

16.

Namboodripad E.M.S., Caste, Class and Politics in Modern Political

Development, Social Scientist, Vol.640, November 1997, p.6.

17.

Census of India, 1961, Part-V-B(10), Ethnographic notes, A.P. Managar

Publications, 1963, p.7.

18.

Census of India, 1961, op.cit, p.19.

19.

Census of India 1961, Ibid, p.42.

44

20.

Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. IV, K to M, Cosmo

Publications, 1975, p.309.

21.

Thurston, Ibid, p.349.

22.

Notes on the list of Scheduled Castes, A survey Report, of Department

of Social Welfare, 1966, p.44.

23.

Syed Sirajul Hasan, op.cit, p.430.

24.

Singh T.R., The Madiga op.cit.p.33.

25.

Chintala Yadaiah, Janapada Vignanamulo Bavaneelu

Okapariseelana, Padmavathi Printers Hyderabad, 1990, p.26.

26.

Singh T.R., The Madiga, Op.cit, p.34.

27.

Thurston, op.cit, p.309.

28.

Census of India, 1961, Vol.II, Part V-B(12)

29.

Census of India, 1961, ibid, p.15.

30.

Singh T.R., op.cit., p.35.

31.

Census of India, 1961, op.cit.p.31.

32.

Syed Sirajul-Hassan, Op.cit., p.412.

33.

Beteille Andre, op.cit, p.56.

34.

Census of India 1961, op.cit., pp. 1,14,25 and 47.

35.

Thurston op.cit, p.330.

36.

Singh T.R., op.cit, p.36.

37.

Census of India, 1961, op.cit, p.67.

38.

Singh T.R., op.cit, p.36.

39.

Census of India. 1961, op.cit, p.36.

40.

Beteille Andre, op.cit, p.19.

41.

Census of India, 1941.

42.

Thurstorn, op.cit, p.348.

43.

Uma Ramaswamy, Protection and inequality among Backward groups,

E.P.W., Vol.XXI, March 1986, p.400.

44.

Census of India. 1961, op.cit, p.3.

45.

Census of India. 1961, op.cit, p.12.

45

46.

Syed Sirajul Hasan, op.cit, p.413.

47.

Status of Arundhatheeyas in Andhra Pradesh, p.11.

48.

Uma Ramaswamy, Education and Inequality Economic and political

weekly, vol. XX, No. 36, September 7, 1985, p.1523

49.

Sisir Bhattacharya, Social Darwinsim in Indias Welfare State, M.V.

Rangaiah foundation, 1984, p.235.

50.

Anil Bhat, caste, class and politics : An empirical profile of social

stratification in India, Political Science Review Vol. 13 No. 1-4, January
to December, 1974, pp. 385,386.

51.

Abbasayulu Y.B. & Tirupathi Rao T., Harijan Movement in B.A.V.

Sharma and K.M. Redd (Ed) Reservation Policy in India, Light and
Life Publishers, Hyderabad, 1982, p.249.

52.

Sudershan Reddy G., Castes Associations and Social change in Andhra,

1900-1925, unpublished M.Phil Dissertation in History, Osmania
University, Hyderabad, 1986, p.172.

53.

Abbasayulu Y.B., and Tirupathi Rao T., op.cit, p.254.

54.

Abbasayulu Y.B., and Tirupathi Rao T., Ibid , pp.258-259.

55.

Appala Swamy, P.J. Arundhathi, S.R. Printing, Vishakah, 1956, p.1.

56.

Goutham M.B., Dalita Jathula Samudharinchina Mahaneeyulu Bhagya

Reddy Varma, Harijan Samkshema Samacharam, Department of Social
Welfare, Sanchika-2, 1977, p.1.

57.

Pamu Rama Murthy, HARIJANODAYAM: A Brief History of Harijan

Movement, Masterman Mudrasala Kakinada, NY, p.51.

58.

Gautham M.B., op.cit, p.2). In 1925 Varma constructed The Adi-Hindu

Hostel Building in Hyderabad (Now at Chaderghat.

59.

Venkata Swamy P.R., Our struggle for emancipation, Vol. I, Universal

Art Printers, Secunderabad, 1955, p.41.

60.

Venkat Swamy P.R., ibid, p.12.

61.

Venkat Swamy P.R., ibid, p.30.

62.

Venkat Swamy P.R., ibid, p.43.

63.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.33.

64.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.34.

65.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, pp. 60 & 61.

66.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.72.

46

67.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.85.

68.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.114.

69.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.151.

70.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.193.

71.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.219.

72.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.248.

73.

Venkat Swamy P.R., Ibid, p.313.

74.

The Chunduru Carnage, An A.P.C.L.C. Publication, 1991, p.2.

75.

Chunduru Carnage, Ibid,p.2.

76.

A.P. Dalit Mahasabha, Manifesto, Navodaya Art Printers, p.10, ND.

77.

A.P. Dalit Mahasabha, Ibid.

78.

Ibid, p.11.

79.

Satya Murthy K.G., Edureeta, September 1991, p.19.

80.

Satya Murthy K.G., Ibid, p.20.

81.

Appala Swamy.P.J, Arundhathi, (Telugu 1956, p.2).

82.

Interview with Kishan Lall Founder President of Mandali.

83.

Status of Arundhateeyas in A.P and need for Review of Reservations,

Bandu Seva Mandali, 1982, p.10.

84.

Kumar, M.P., Dandora Bulletin, 2nd March, 1996, p.4.

85.

Chintada Gouri Varaprasad, Madgalu Melkonnaru (Telugu) 1996, p.1.).

86.

Dalit Classification in A.P. Front Line, July 11, 1997, p.43.

87.

The Hindu, 17th June, 1997, p.12.

88.

Andhra Pradesh Times, 12th July, 1997, p.1.

89.

Yerram Setti Giraja pathi, Mala madigala Ragadalo Babuprabhuthvam

Utprerakam, Bobbilipuli, 29th August 1997, p.21.

90.

G. Yadagiri, party system and political process:

91.

Ibid, G. Yadagiri, Republican party of India in A.P., p.156.

92.

Rajni Kothari, caste in Indian Politics, orient Longman, Limited, New Delhi,
1973, p.58.

93.

G. Yadagiri, op.cit. p.101.

47

94.

Interview with B.H.Tirupathi and Ramanatham.

95.

Interview with P.J. Anand, Founder and Editor, Dalit Jyothi.

96.

A.P. Dalit Mahasabha manifesto,p.10.

97.

Venkataiah, N. Andhra Pradeshlo Bahujana Samaj Party, Geeta

Publiction, Secunderabad, 1989, pp.6263.

98.

Interview with M. Krishna Madiga, a Dalit and U.Sambasiva Rao,

99.

Interview with Sree Ramalu, Convenor, MRPS cultural unit).

100. Interview with, U.Sambasiva Rao, Convenor of M.J.P.

101. Interview with Krishna Madiga, Convenor of MSS.

48