In Karl Marx view the development of class conflict, the struggle between

classes was initially confined to individual factories. Eventually, given the

maturing of capitalism, the growing disparity between life conditions of
bourgeoisie and proletariat, and the increasing homogenization within each
class, individual struggles become generalized to coalitions across factories.
Increasingly class conflict is manifested at the societal level. Class
consciousness is increased, common interests and policies are organized,
and the use of and struggle for political power occurs. Classes become
political forces. According to karl marx the struggle between classes led to
the rise of political forces which he state that the classes became political
forces. the class struggle is transformed into a proletarian revolution.
In the case of Zimbabwe, the struggle is seen whereby the rich continue to increase their net worth,
while the middle class and poor continue to be squeezed down. While the difficulties in the
Zimbabwean economy over the past decade or so have seen some become wealthy over short
periods of time by exploiting the inefficiencies and anomalies of the economy, the poor continue to
have stagnant or declining real incomes.The population is largely educated, but the environment
continues to be skewed in the favour of the rich and those in authority, and provides very few
opportunities for the poor to rise to the limits of their talents and create wealth.Industry continues to
struggle to create formal employment. While most people have now taken up microentrepreneurship for survival, the middle class is being squeezed thin.
To add on ,the class struggle continues in the African states as it is highlighted that The demographic and health of
Congo, a country with medium human development, highlighting the poor state of health of the population. This is the
life expectancy, infant mortality, infant and child mortality, maternal mortality, child malnutrition prevalence and
mortality rates associated with malaria and so on. All of which are indicative of the level of well-being of the
population.. It also notes that the poor are more strongly affected than the rich by health problems. The
precariousness of their situation, lack of monetary resources do not allow them to access sustainable health care and
other amenities that can enable them to protect themselves from the disease. Indicators disaggregated by
socioeconomic groups apprehended through the quintiles of economic well-being highlight the relationship between
poverty and health status of individuals.

A class defines groupings of individuals with shared life situations, thus

interests.Classes are naturally antagonistic by virtue of their interests.
Imminent within modern society is the growth of two antagonistic classes
and their struggle, which eventually absorbs all social relations. Political
organization and Power is an instrumentality of class struggle, and reigning
ideas are its reflection. Structural change is a consequence of the class
struggle. The bosses have the laws on their side, the state , the politicians, and the media,
are able to contain struggle so that it doesn't disrupt society for the most part. Open and
violent struggles are commonplace in much of African states; strikes, lockouts, and beatings
of workers in states like, South Africa,DRC to mention a few and violent peasant conflicts in
places like Mozambique and Nigeria.

Marx's emphasis on class conflict as constituting the dynamics of social

change, his awareness that change was not random but the outcome of a
conflict of interests, and his view of social relations as based on power were
contributions of the first magnitude.. Capitalist ownership and control of
production have been separated. Most important, the severest manifestation
of conflict between workers and capitalist--the strike--has been
institutionalized through collective bargaining legislation and the legalization
of strikes
Capitalism is the economic system in which the bourgeoisie owns the means of
production and the proletariat must sell its labour time to the capitalist in order to
survive. The proletariat is the centre of Marx theory that would bring about the
concerted radical social change in the society by mass agitation that rises through
self consciousness that would later manifest into class consciousness. This class
consciousness, so continued Marx line of reasoning, has certain objective conditions
it has to undergo before it can achieve its aim. One of such is that the proletariat
has to act at the appropriate times and in the appropriate ways. This means that
the conditions created by the productive forces and social relations of production
must be exploited by the proletariats. Marxism is a social process.
Many African states tried to redistribute wealth through property
redistribution,regulatin or taxation.in mostcases these policies are programmed to
favour the upper class, while in othercases they areintended to reduce inequality
between the upper and lower classes. While this manifestation has largely been engineered

in the developed Africa through tax regimes designed to attract the wealthy resulting in tax havens
for the rich, it has not been so for the less-developed and emerging countries where this has arisen
largely from perpetuation of historical imbalances.In some instances, those in power have abused
their positions to accumulate wealth for themselves, widening the income gap.While it is human
nature for people to be envious of those that have more than them, increasing inequality is
potentially dangerous for any economy over the long-term as it kills capitalism by drowning the
middle class and destabilises the social cohesion within a society.

The demographic and health of Congo, a country with medium human development, highlighting the poor state of
health of the population. This is the life expectancy, infant mortality, infant and child mortality, maternal mortality, child
malnutrition prevalence and mortality rates associated with malaria and so on. All of which are indicative of the level
of well-being of the population.. It also notes that the poor are more strongly affected than the rich (not poor) by health
problems. The precariousness of their situation, lack of monetary resources do not allow them to access sustainable
health care and other amenities that can enable them to protect themselves from the disease. Indicators
disaggregated by socioeconomic groups apprehended through the quintiles of economic well-being highlight the
relationship between poverty and health status of individuals. Mortality was lower in the richest groups. It seems that
the state of destitution in which are the poorest does not allow them to have preventive behavior at a level as high as
that of individual ls belonging to the most wealthy and educated with relatively high.

In Nigeria, the state is a key factor in the political economy; it determines the direction of
production, distribution and allocation of resources. The fragile production base and the resultant
social forces of production have not been able to support any socio-political transformation that
would engineer collective mass action of an active society. And the state has been a factor that
not only helping in preserving the private bourgeois structures by this act but perhaps also help in
modifying them. This indicates that the social contract with the Nigerian state has failed because,
it works and entrench the interest of elite class. As Marx pointed out, the state is but the
management of the common affairs of the bourgeoisie. As state institutions are parts of the
super-structure determined by the interests of the dominant class. The state then becomes an
instrument of the ruling class as defined in terms of control over the means of production
The State: According to Marx, the state is but a committee for the managing the affairs of whole
bourgeoisie, the form in which the individuals of a ruling class asserts their common interest
(Engels, 1919). The state is used by the dominant class as an instrument to dominate the other
class. This dominance is expressed through laws and policies that are made by the state which
represent the interest of the dominant group. The dominant class uses instruments of power like
executive instruments, legislature and the judiciary to maintain this setup. This dominance by
capital (bourgeoisie), does not necessarily mean that the bourgeois exercise direct power via the

state apparatus. Domination is secure at the level of the social organization of production which
defines basic rules governing also what the state can do or not do. Governments in capitalist state
may in fact be in the hands of other classes or group, including workers, bureaucrats and petty
accumulation of the system. Such groups can be seen as only allowed to participate in
government, as long as they respect the rules of the games as laid down by the dominant class,
as relations of power at the level of production. This exploitation of one class by another as Marx
argued arises as a result of the emergence of the state. Political power is therefore the organized
power of one class for oppressing another. Within the Marxian paradigm, the state is essentially a
class issue, to continue strengthening the state as a powerful apparatus isolated and apparently
existing above people under the guise of it being the state of the `whole people` is really to gloss
over some real contradictions, even class contradictions, existing in the society"As the state

arose from the need to hold class antagonisms in check, but as it arose, at the same
time, in the midst of these classes, it is, as a rule, the state of the most powerful,
economically dominant class, which, through the medium of the stat e, becomes also
the politically dominant class, and thus acquires new means of holding down and
exploiting the oppressed class. Thus, the state of antiquity was above all the state of
slave owners for the purpose of holding down the slaves, as the feudal state was the
organ of the nobility for holding down the peasant serfs and bondsmen, and the
modern representative state is an instrument of exploitation of wage labour by
capital." (Engels, Origin, p. 283.)

Zimbabwe has a large, diverse and active civics community ranging from
residents associations and student groups to think-tanks and trade unions.
Critical watch-dog functions performed by civil society organisations (CSOs) in
the democratic governance arena include election monitoring, political violence
monitoring, corruption monitoring and tracking public opinion.
But civil society in Zimbabwe suffers from general weaknesses common to the
sector across Africa as well as specific shortcomings that arise from Zimbabwes
particular crisis. In terms of financing and, to a lesser extent, agenda-setting
CSOs in Zimbabwe are creatures of the international donor community, which
provides most of the necessary material resources. One of the key challenges
confronting Zimbabwe civil society is autonomous existence. This problem exists
at two levels: domestic and external. Domestically, the challenge is to free civil
society from opposition politics, specifically from the MDC and particularly from

the larger MDC-T formation. Internationally and this is the less palatable part
civil society needs to be less dependent on international donors if it is to enjoy
meaningful autonomy in terms of crafting its own agenda. One of the tragic
realities of Zimbabwe civil society is that it has really not been anchored in its
domestic constituencies, though some are more advanced in this than others.
In other words, analyzing parliamentary discourse on Others contrib- utes to our
insight into the broad ideological and sociocultural system of group relations, power,
and dominance. In that respect, discourse analysis may be seen as a method of
social analysis. At the same time, such discourse, as part of the system of political
decision making and legislation, is itself a form of action and interaction. This means
that analyzing political discourse directly contributes to political theory itself, while
highlighting the structures and practices of the body politic, , while studying the role
of politicians and their discourses in the complex process of the reproduction of
discourse
Discourse plays an important role in the production and reproduction of prejudice.
Analysis of fragments of parliamentary debates about ethnic affairs in African shows
that such talk often is premised on humanitarian values of tolerance, equality, and
hospitality.
This system of inequality is reproduced in many ways. Dominant richer group
members may engage in everyday discrimination against dominated groups and
their members while at the same time acquiring and using the beliefs that form the
mental basis of such discrimination politicians know that the choice of even one
wrong word may lead to angry reactions from minority groups as well as from richer
antiracists or other liberalsl. Positive self-presentation. Parliaments are the typical
sites of national rhetoric. Self-glorification, in comparison to other people, is routine,
especially in developing countries such as the South Africa. With respect to
immigration and ethnicracial relations, we encounter many references to long
traditions of hospitality, tolerance, equality, democracy, and other values. These
are, so to speak, the national correlates of what are known as face-keeping or
impression management strategies in everyday interaction and dialogue

Moreover, Civil Societys have suffered as much as the government of Zimbabwe

from the exodus of skilled professionals, which has left many organisations
bereft of their most talented and experienced people. Finally, because the trade
unions and other civil society groups played crucial roles in the formation of the
political opposition. For example, rather than playing a non-partisan mediating

role, some strategically located civic organisations find it necessary to

pronounce on whether various contending political parties deserve the sectors
support.
Relations between the state and civil society have vacillated over time. Civil
society organisations were embedded in the ZANU-PF party-state in the 1980s,
played midwife to the birth of the opposition politics of the MDC in the 1990s,
and have been seeking an influential autonomous role vis--vis the transitional
government since 2008. It must be accepted that civics are not of one mind on
this. The SADC-led dialogue process triggered tensions within the oppositioncivil society alliance when it became clear that civil society was being excluded
from political negotiations. For instance, civil society hesitated to lend support to
the MDC during the March 2008 election campaign and held its own peoples
conferences to call for economic and constitutional reform. Civil society has
important roles to play in monitoring the implementation of the GPA and any
benchmarks for reengagement with the international community, as well as for
preparing the ground for a free and fair election (e.g. including voter registration
and education, tracking press freedom, election observation using international
standards, and parallel vote tabulation).