Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Serra A. Tinic (MA, Pennsylvania State University, 1990) is a doctoral candidate in the School of
Journalism at Indiana University, Bloomington. Her research interests include issues of collective
identity in a global media environment. The author thanks Christopher Anderson, Carol Greenhouse,
and Dwight Brooks for their comments on earlier drafts. An earlier version was presented at the
1994 annual conference of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication,
Atlanta, GA.
Copyright 1997 Journal of Communication 47(3). Summer. 0021-9916/97/$5.00
3
discourse and public service announcements. The extent to which the United
Colors campaign has been debated in the press, and by the public, provides an
exemplary case study of the problems associated with advertising as a form of
social discourse in industrialized, capitalist societies.
Therefore, I examine the background of the United Colors of Benetton
campaign and argue that the debate initiated by this advertising strategy has less
to do with company ideology than it does with the larger issue of the
commodification of social and political issues. In other words, the significance
of cultural problems is perceived to be minimized or tainted by their association
with the realm of commerce. The implication is that advertising transforms
culture into currency and, thus, devalues social experience in a manner dissimilar to other forms of mass media.
In the first section I detail the background of the United Colors campaign as
a conscious strategy to transform advertising into a broader category of communication, and outline the forms of resistance to Benettons venture. In the
second and third sections, I discuss the theoretical connotations of advertising
as a form of social discourse and argue that the United Colors campaign reflects
the discomfort created by the postmodern dilemma of arbitrary meaning. In the
fourth section, I illustrate the problem of meaning through a metaphorical
analysis of selected advertisements from the campaign. The essay concludes by
examining the limits and possibilities of reconceptualizing the medium of
advertising to one that contributes more to society than solely to the sale of
merchandise.
Figure 2
6
Advertising Concepts: O. Toscani. Courtesy of United Colors of Benetton
Figure 1
Figure 3
Figure 6
7
Advertising Concepts: O. Toscani. Courtesy of United Colors of Benetton
Figure 4
Figure 5
surrounded by his family (see Figure 5). Another depicted an African guerilla
holding a human bone (see Figure 6). The third depicted a burning car (see
Figure 7). The advertisements were banned from billboards in Germany. This
occurred despite praise for the AIDS photo by a German AIDS group, which felt
that the picture would help break down taboos and bring death from AIDS
into the public consciousness (German court, 1992). The French advertising
watchdog organization, BVP, similarly recommended banning the series. It
stated that: French advertisers agreed unanimously that publicity should not
show human distress, disarray or death (Ban recommendation, 1992). At
approximately the same time, the Advertising Standards Authority of Britain
reported a record number of complaints over Benettons newborn baby ad (see
Figure 8). Of the 10,000 total complaints received by the ASA that year, 800
concerned Benetton (Simpson, 1992).
From its inception, the United Colors campaign was planned to transform
Benettons advertising into a campaign of public communication, which would
sell the corporations philosophy as a product in and of itself. The companys
public relations statements forthrightly admitted that Benetton wanted to be
known as a corporation with a social conscience, and, therefore, described the
evolution of their campaign as such: Our strategy of advertising is to communicate to consumers rather than to sell to them. All over the world Benetton
stands for multi-culturalism, world peace, racial harmony, a progressive approach toward serious social issues and colorful sportswear (Benetton Group
S.P.A. [Benetton], 1992). It is difficult to overlook the irony in this statement
because Benettons efforts at communication, as opposed to selling, were
inextricably linked to colorful sportswear.
However, it is also too easy to dismiss Benettons claims of beneficence
entirely. The United Colors campaign was not the inspiration of an international
advertising conglomerate. It was the result of intense collaboration between
company President Luciano Benetton and Italian photographer Oliviero Toscani.
Benetton, who was elected to the Italian Senate in 1992, has long been a
politically active individual, and as the Benetton Group is a family-owned
business, it is not surprising that the personal philosophies of the president are
interchangeable with the corporate image. Benetton, himself, claimed that he
was
only interested in the world and people. . . . I have always been sympathetic to
peoples problems, to minority rights, birth control, disease, wars, racism,
religious intolerance. I cannot offer solutions to these problems, but if I can
make people more aware than that is all I offer. (White, 1992, p. B2)
Benetton has found a sympathetic partner in Toscani, who has complete
creative control over the design and execution of the companys advertising. In
fact, the campaign is very much a reflection of Toscanis personal world view
(Allen, 1991, p. J8). As a former art student and the son of a photojournalist,
Toscani is one of advertisings harshest critics. Indeed, his own words reflect the
arguments of many mass society critics:
8
Figure 7
Figure 8
The advertising industry has corrupted society. It persuades people that they
are respected for what they consume, that they are only worth what they
possess. . . . One day there will be a Nuremburg trial of advertisers who have
corrupted every form of communication. I will sit on it, I will be the prosecution and the public. (quoted in Clough, 1992, p. 15)
Toscanis objective, as Benettons creative director, was to document social
realities rather than promote sales. Therefore, it was his idea to divorce the
image from the product to force people to think about political problems
(Johnston, 1991, p. 17). It is this sense of realism that has blurred the fine line
between product advertising and political proselytizing, and has led many to
doubt Benettons motivations. According to Luciano Benetton, the United Colors
9
campaign was intended to accomplish something more useful than the sale of a
product. It was conceived as a means to draw attention to important social
problems and thereby generate public discussion (Amoore, 1992, p. 3). It has
accomplished that goal. However, whether the public is discussing the issues or
just the ads remains uncertain.
The fact that the campaign serves both the ideological and economic interests of the company has been fortuitous for Benetton. For similar reasons, it has
provoked a strong reaction from the advertisements critics. The economic
expediency of United Colors is not denied by the Benetton company. The
corporations public statements suggest that the current campaign facilitates a
global advertising effort:
Benettons strategy for advertising is to communicate in a consistent way in
the almost 100 markets we do business. Different markets respond to different
trends from the collection and are experiencing different climates and
seasons at any particular time, therefore it is virtually impossible to represent
our 4000-piece yearly product offering in an adequate, seasonally appropriate, representative way throughout the world. Instead, Benetton has chosen to
create brand awareness through non-product image advertising that positions
the company as a concerned, socially-active, cutting edge and global fashion
apparel company. (Benetton, 1992)
Consequently, Benetton spends only 4% of its annual profits on advertising and
communication (Benetton defends, 1991). Furthermore, the free publicity
resulting from the extensive and controversial coverage of the campaign
appears to have benefited the companys international sales, as profits rose by
25% in 1990, 24% in 1991, and 12% in 1992 (Italys Benetton, 1993; More
controversy, 1992; Profits up, 1992).
What is fascinating about Benettons global advertising success is that the
company believes that politically loaded imagery is more conducive to crosscultural sales than is climate-specific clothing. Their annual profit increases
imply that this assumption is correct. Perhaps there is support for the assertion
that global travel and communication have created a new Republic of Technology, which has homogenized world tastes, wants, and possibilities into globalmarket proportions (Levitt, 1986, p. 27). However, upon closer examination, it
is more plausible to argue that Benetton is acutely aware of the composition and
interests of its target market of upwardly mobile and educated 18- to 34-year-olds.
According to Schudson (1989), to be effective, advertising must find resonance or match the needs and interests of particularly socially and culturally
constituted groups (p. 169). Schudson stated that, Whether an advertisement
or a painting or a novel appears striking to an audience will depend very much
on how skillfully the object draws from the general culture and from the
specific cultural field it is a part of (p. 166). By comparing advertising to other
forms of cultural production, Schudson reinforced his earlier work in which he
argued that advertising is not solely a tactic of corporate persuasion but also a
distinctive and central symbolic structure (p. 210). The Benetton advertise10
plain fully the Benetton phenomenon. The United Colors campaign restates the
dilemmas of the human condition, in all their starkness, and does not overtly
suggest solutions. Moreover, these ads work more in favor of system critique
than reinforcement. This complete decontextualization of social issues by placing them within the framework of product promotion creates a tone of discordant meaning that is not explained in currently established critiques of advertising. Therefore, to comprehend more fully the ways in which the Benetton ads
commodify social problems, it is useful to consider them within the framework
of postmodernism and the larger critique of consumption as an aesthetic activity.
16
series, discordant meaning results from the placement of social issues within the
framework of product promotion. Therefore, a semiotic analysis is of limited
utility. Visual metaphor analysis is better suited to the examination of the
multiple interpretations of this campaign.
Visual metaphor, similar to semiotics, is based on the premise that meaning is
dependent on a common pool of cultural signs and symbols. Meaning is
continually accessed or appropriated from a societys culture. Unlike semiotics,
however, the metaphoric approach to visual communication examines how
incongruent elements are combined to reclassify standard definitions or linguistic associations. According to Johns (1984):
Metaphor is a generative process, not merely put to descriptive purposes or
used to extend an already existing meaning, but to create meaning; by
combining dissimilar images within a new context, metaphor generates new
similarity instead of merely revealing an already existing similarity. (p. 293)
Thus, the use of visual metaphors is an intentional strategy to manipulate and
reclassify information into a new meaning system based on the assumption that
this system of associations will unite/divide the audience (pp. 292293).
Drawing upon Roland Barthess study of photography, Renov (1989) underlined
that this form of manipulation ultimately affords insight into the epistemological dissonances of a culture (p. 8). In brief, some people will be immediately
conversant in the new message, whereas others will be unable to accept it.
According to Kaplans (1992) study of modern advertising, visual metaphors,
like their literary counterparts, reinvent categorical representations that facilitate
communication and simultaneously create tensions in meaning through their
contradictions. His categories of linguistic tension, pragmatic tension, and
hermeneutic tension, provide a useful framework for the analysis of the United
Colors campaign.
As Kaplan (1972) explained, linguistic tension in a pictorial medium results
from the relationship of graphic elements that is nonconventional in terms of
that mediums syntax (p. 204). This is, perhaps, the most significant form of
tension in all the Benetton advertisements. The absence of products, and the
inclusion of social problems, in these photographs contradict the audiences
expectations of the central tenets of advertising as a genre. Benettons use of
the photograph of David Kirby, the man dying of AIDS-related illnesses (see
Figure 5), exemplifies this metaphoric category. When the photo originally ran
in Life magazine, it was considered an emotionally moving portrait. In fact, the
Kirby family gave Benetton permission to use the picture in the hope that it
would bring greater attention to the issue of AIDS (Curry, 1992, p. D1). However, when Benetton reprinted the image, it was seen as exploitation. Because
the framework was linked to the Benetton slogan and logo, the signifier of
human suffering no longer stood for its usual referent of the social condition.
Instead, its meaning had been disanchored and reattached to a commodity:
clothing.
17
This corresponds with Back and Quaades (1993) argument that the controversy over United Colors was not just a dispute about content but rather a
struggle over form in which
advertising is the antithesis of truth: it belongs to the realm of fantasy and
unreality. Thus appropriating news images to the advertising context undermines the cultural codes by which certain forms are designated real and
others unreal. . . . Benettons attempt to get at reality threatens the status of
the human interest photograph and its ability to represent the real. (p. 77)
This, in turn, relates to a second category of metaphoric analysis: pragmatic
tension. Pragmatic tension occurs when the metaphor violates conventions for
what a word means in the real world (Kaplan, 1992, p. 204). This form of
metaphoric tension works at two levels in the Benetton advertisements. First,
similar to linguistic tension, there are certain audience assumptions about the
nature of advertising. Here, audiences are accustomed to seeing advertisements
promote the purchase of goods as the solutions to the everyday problems of
life. The United Colors campaign contradicts this assumption by presenting
social problems, without recommendations for solutions, in the absence of a
product. The message is definitely not one that declares: You can buy happiness. In fact, by presenting current social and political turmoil, the ads provide
an ironic critique of capitalism to the extent that they imply that consumption
will not provide the gratification we have been programmed to hope for
(Squires, 1992, p. 19). Second, the Benetton ads violate common notions of the
proper place from which to discuss social and political issues. For most
people, the central problems of the human condition should not be juxtaposed
with the sale of sweaters.
It is at this stage, pragmatic tension, that the advertisements of the United
Colors campaign work at a metonymic level in which the central component of
the message is conveyed by that part of the picture that is missingthe part
that the viewer never sees but is nevertheless able to picture. . . . Metaphors
refer the viewer to something outside the image (Johns, 1984, pp. 309, 323).
The unfurled condoms ad (see Figure 9) works very well in this respect, as
multicolored prophylactics simultaneously represent the timely issue of safe sex
and the colorful knitwear, which is exnominated from the image. Therefore,
although there is no explicit product in the Benetton advertisements, the reader
who knows of the company realizes that the association between the documentary image and the green United Colors logo form a representation of sporty
clothing. In fact, the product is more conspicuous by its absence. The implied
message becomes: You cant buy happiness but you can buy social awareness.
For example, at first glance readers may wonder why a photograph of a row
of vials of blood (see Figure 10) should motivate them to buy a sweater. Upon
closer examination the vials image renders two meanings. First, the association
with blood testing provides a link to AIDS. Second, names on the test tubes are
those of famous world leadersimplying either equal susceptibility to the
18
Figure 9
Figure 10
disease, or the fact that beneath skin level we are all the same color. The
polysemic quality of this particular picture holds something for anyone who is
socially conscious. Consequently, the consumer can feel satisfaction from
purchasing the goods of a company that appears to put social and political
problems above product promotion. This is the most problematic aspect of the
campaign, and perhaps, the primary reason for the controversy that has surrounded the company for the past decade. Beyond questions of Benettons
sincerity lies a deeper debate about what people do with these ads. Are they
compelled into activism? Is their potential for activism quelled, do they equate
purchasing these products as a form of symbolic social contribution? Do they
merely discuss the sensational aspects of the campaign without either purchasing Benettons goods or donating their time or money to causes? These are the
19
less with nations and more with groups, professions and subcultures (1992, p.
240). Benettons own corporate research supports the above statements. The
company further noted that:
Polls indicate that our target customers are more socially active and aware
than any generation that precedes them. Various studies have shown that in
1992 consumers are as concerned by what a company stands for as they are
about the price/value relationship of that companys products. What is
considered provocative to some is entirely appropriate to others. (Benetton,
1992)
It is important at this point to emphasize that this is the companys perception
of its market. Marketing research constructs audiences more than it reflects the
actual complexities of diverse groups in society. However, to the extent that
companies appropriate the perceived beliefs and sentiments of their target
markets, they contribute to the symbolic structures of societies through their
advertising.
Therefore, if we reconsider advertising as an integral contributor to cultural
discourse, the polarization of opinions about United Colors indicates that
advertising does, indeed, pick up on existing social currents and regenerate
them into the larger social dialogue. As Hinson (1992) noted, Bill Clintons
election to the presidential office was the result of a cultural revolution that has
been brewing in popular culture and the media since the late 1980s. Hinson
(1992) argued that the presidential campaigns focus on definitions of family,
trust, and change, illustrated that:
These are words that we once used with confidence, sure of their meaning.
But this is no longer true. America is a nation in search of itself. If in the 80s
Americans went to aerobics, in the 90s theyre going to the soul gym. (p. G1)
Benetton apparently perceived this global mood change early and was able
to benefit from the attention of introducing a radical form of communication to
an international audience in psychological flux. But is this the mere co-opting
of a social movement, as the mass culture theorists might argue? Is it truly a
new way to reconcile social goals and capitalist aims through a pervasive and
influential medium? Perhaps it is both. There is no simple answer to these
questions. There is, however, an implication that a new, cynical generation,
which grew up on television and is comfortable in the constant shifts of cultural
contexts, demands more from commodity promotion than bikini-clad women in
beer commercials. Hinsons (1992) commentary reflects this perspective:
So, as usual, Madison Avenue has smelled money in the message of global
brotherhood and, as usual, has corrupted it to sell merchandise. Right? Not
exactly. Again, we are working from an antiquated notion of what advertising is. And if we readjust our attitudes, perhaps we can embrace a Benetton
ad that shows a powerful photograph of a medieval-seeming electric chair, as
21
its critique at advertising when its larger complaint appears to be with the
existing social structure (i.e., industrialized capitalism) that depends on this
means of communication. Furthermore, the current phase of consumer culture
is so firmly entrenched that it is unrealistic to lament a bygone era of genuine
or pure culture, if such an age ever existed. In the words of Mattelart (1991),
Like it or not, commoditised space has become so pervasive that it becomes
impossible to continue thinking of culture as a reserved and uncontaminated
terrain (p. 216).
In fact, in todays society almost all forms of mass communication are
consumption based. Newspapers, popular music, and network television work
to sell audiences to corporate business interests. There is virtually no form of
culture that is not somehow tainted by commerce. In the case of advertising
discourse, the message is directly attached to the product. It is this overt
materialization of culture that we find distressful.
Given the pervasive nature of advertising in our society, it is worth
reconceptualizing the ways this form of communication contributes to, and
borrows from, existing cultural discourse. The case of Benetton serves as an
example of both the attempts at, and limits of, transforming advertising into
public communication. Although it is one of the most effective means of
reaching a large, dispersed audience, it is also bounded by its consumerist
nature. Regardless of what political philosophy a sponsor wants to convey, this
means of communication will always be limited by the advertisements inherent
bias: the sales pitch. Few people would argue with Benettons logic that its ads
reference important issues that deserve attention. The controversy is not primarily over ideological perspectives, but is instead one of representation. By
framing social issues as products, Benetton was perceived as demeaning or
commodifying them. The irony lies in the fact that advertising is usually criticized for presenting unrealistic, idyllic lifestyles, dulling our social senses, and
misleading us into believing that we can buy happiness. The truth may be that
that is all we will allow it to accomplish.
References
Allen, D. (1991, August 10). Benetton fashion statements pack social wallop. Toronto Star, p. J8.
Amoore, T. (1992, February 20). Benetton defiant over its images of reality. Independent, p. 3.
Anderson, M. H. (1984). Madison Avenue in Asia: Politics and transnational advertising. London:
Associated University Presses.
Back, L., & Quaade, V. (1993). Dream utopias, nightmare realities: Imaging race and culture within
the world of Benetton advertising. Third Text, 22, 6580.
Ban recommendation greets Benetton campaign launch in France. (1992, February 18). Agence
France Presse, newswire report.
Baudrillard, J. (1983). Simulations. New York: Semiotext(e).
Benetton defends shock posters. (1991, September 8). Agence France Presse, newswire report.
Benetton Group S.P.A. (1992). United Colors: A brief history. [Brochure]. New York: Author.
23
Clough, P. (1992, December 16). The posters shock, but we all buy the knitwear. Independent, p. 15.
Curry, C. (1992, April 26). The man who died in an ad for Benetton. Toronto Star, p. D1.
Dyer, G. (1982). Advertising as communication. London: Routledge.
Ewen, S. (1976). Captains of consciousness. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Ewen, S. (1984). All consuming images: The politics of style in contemporary culture. New York:
Basic Books.
Fiske, J. (1989). Understanding popular culture. Boston: Unwin.
German court bans Benetton adverts. (1992, March 11). Reuter Library Report, newswire report.
Giroux, H. (1994). Disturbing pleasures: Learning popular culture. New York: Routledge.
Harvey, D. (1990). The condition of postmodernity. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.
Haug, W. F. (1986). Critique of commodity aesthetics: Appearance, sexuality and advertising in
capitalist society. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Hinson, H. (1992, November 1). And the winner is us: The new cultural revolution started long
before the campaign. Washington Post, p. G1.
Horovitz, B. (1992, March 22). Shock ads: New rage that spawns rage. Los Angeles Times, p. D1.
Hutcheon, L. (1989). The politics of postmodernism. London: Routledge.
International Advertising Association. (1977). Controversy advertising: How advertisers present points
of view in public affairs. New York: Hastings House.
Italys Benetton announces rise in 1992 profit. (1993, March 29). Reuter Asia-Pacific Business Report,
newswire report.
Jameson, F. (1993). Postmodernism, or, the cultural logic of late capitalism. Durham, NC: Duke
University Press.
Jhally, S. (1987). The codes of advertising: Fetishism and the political economy of meaning in the
consumer society. London: Routledge.
Johns, B. (1984). Visual metaphor: Lost and found. Semiotica, 52, 291333.
Johnston, B. (1991, November 9). The shocking sweater man. Daily Telegraph, p. 17.
Kaplan, S. J. (1992). A conceptual analysis of form and content in visual metaphors. Communication, 13, 197209.
Kaye, J. (1993, February 3). The rave of Europe. Los Angeles Times, p. E1.
Leiss, W., Kline, S., & Jhally, S. (1990). Social communication in advertising. Toronto: Nelson Canada.
Lester, E. (1992). Buying the exotic other: Reading the Banana Republic mail order catalog.
Journal of Communication Inquiry, 16(2), 7485.
Levitt, T. (1986). The marketing imagination. New York: Free Press.
Leymore, V. (1975). Hidden myth: Structure and symbolism in advertising. New York: Basic Books.
Marchand, R. (1985). Advertising the American dream. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Marney, J. (1991, December 9). Brand loyalty: A marketers teen dream. Marketing, p. 14.
Mattelart, A. (1991). Advertising international: The privatisation of public space. London: Routledge.
McCracken, G. (1988). Culture and consumption: New approaches to the symbolic character of
consumer goods and activities. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
24
More controversy please, were Italian. (1992, February 1). Economist (U.K. Ed.), p. 84.
Mulvagh, J. (1992, February 15). Never mind the label, feel the compassion. Daily Telegraph, p. 12.
Nadin, M. (1984). On the meaning of the visual: Twelve theses regarding the visual and its
interpretation. Semiotica, 52, 335337.
Pohlemus, T., & Procter, L. (1978). Fashion and anti-fashion: An anthropology of clothing and
adornment. London: Thames & Hudson.
Profits up 24% at Benetton. (1992, March 28). New York Times, p. 39.
Renov, M. (1989). Advertising/photojournalism/cinema: The shifting rhetoric of forties female
representation. Quarterly Review of Film and Video, 11, 121.
Schudson, M. (1986). Advertising, the uneasy persuasion. New York: Basic Books.
Schudson, M. (1989). How culture works. Theory and Society, 18, 153180.
Sethi, P. (1987). Advocacy advertising. International Journal of Advertising, 6, 279298.
Simpson, D. (1992, March 9). Sexist adverts insult us, say men. Press Association Newsfile, newswire
report.
Squires, C. (1992). Violence at Benetton. Artforum, 30, 1819.
Trescott, J. (1991, August 10). Benetton ads: Clashing colors. Washington Post, p. C1.
Vardar, N. (1992). Global advertising: Rhyme or reason? London: Paul Chapman.
White, L. (1992, February 16). Blood, sweaters and designer tears. Sunday Times, pp. B2B3.
Williamson, J. (1978). Decoding advertising: Ideology and meaning in advertising. London: Marion
Boyars.
25