ASSOCIATION VS ASSIMILATION

A Case Study on French Colonization in Vietnam

EVELIEN FLORIJN | A0145263J

01 | CHUA SI YANG | IMRAN BIN TAJUDEEN
AR2221 | HISTORY AND THEORY OF SEA ARCHITECTURE

ASSOCIATION VS ASSIMILATION
This essay will explore two approaches within colonization that appear to be directly antagonistic to each
other. Colonizers can adopt an associationalist policy, meaning they try to connect with the culture of the
colonized, or an assimilationist policy, meaning they seek to replace the culture of the colonised with their
own. French Indochina, Vietnam in particular, will be used as an example to demonstrate the effects of these
policies, and to investigate the underlying motivations. Part 1 consists of two case studies which will illustrate
how these policies affect architectural design and what the underlying assumptions are. Part 2 will provide a
discussion on the associationalist and assimilationalist policies, but in a larger framework. This discussion will
be based on two key articles: Architecture in the Pacific Century by Chris Abel (2004); and Introductory
Essay by William Lim (1999).
A trivial point when researching colonization is the matter of perspective. It is essential to keep the objectives
of the various parties in mind. In this case there are three: the French, being the colonizers, the colonized, in
this case the Vietnamese, and outsiders, which can be researchers, but also observers from colonial times and
include the general French public. This is trivial as these three parties have very different motives, and
therefore judge and experience situations in a different way.

PART 1
A civil war between the Tay Son dynasty and the Nguyen
Anh, the feudal overlord in the south, provided the golden
opportunity for the French colonists to invade Vietnam
(Nhu 1998, 19-20). Nguyen Anh appealed for help from
the French to usurp power from the Tay Son dynasty,
opening the gate to white colonists that would interfere in
Vietnams domestic affairs and forcibly occupy it as their
colony for nearly a century (Nhu 1998, 19; Vien 1998, 29).
The formation of French Indochina took over thirty years.
Three provinces of Cochinchina were colonized first in
1862, then the other provinces in the south which had
been part of the ancient Empire of Vietnam, followed by
Tonkin in 1885, and finally the separate kingdoms of
Cambodia and Laos were brought together under the
FIGURE 1. MAP OF FRENCH INDOCHINA (NATIONAL MUSEUM

Indochinese Federation of 1893, though still maintaining

OF THE US AIR FORCE 2015)

different military and political conditions of rule in each of

the five states (see Figure 1) (Clmentin-Ojha 2007, 21; Wright 1991, 163). The French ruled Cochinchina as a
colony, but considered the four other states as protectorates (Logan 2005, 562).
It was almost impossible to govern the colony in an intelligent matter due to a lot of administrative dilemmas
and inconsistencies. 1879 was marked by the creation of the Third Republic, which included a shift from
military to civilian government, but still did not provide any sense of purpose or geographical limits for the
colony (Wright 1991, 165). In response to ambivalence at home, military officers stationed in Indochina often
adopted a policy of le fait accompli, acting without authorization from Paris and then demanding official
endorsement for the accomplished fact, recognizing that national pride would usually back their conquests in
the end (Wright 1991, 165).

CASE STUDY 1: NOTRE DAME CATHEDRAL, SAIGON

FIGURE 3A. FRONT VIEW (ANDERSON 1975)

FIGURE 3B. SIDE TRANCEPT (DELSO 2013)

CONTEXT
Initially, the French Catholics used a converted pagoda located on the same site as the Notre Dame Cathedral

today, however, this structure was soon replaced by a small wooden church designed by Coffyn (Wright 1991,
175). The French were not completely satisfied with this temporary structure, as it did not display the grandeur
that is to be associated with their culture. Therefore, in 1866, they invited George Lhermite, the first Beaux Arts
trained architect to work in Saigon, to design two monumental buildings: the Cathedral of the Notre Dame and
the palace of the governor general (Wright 1991, 174). As previously described, the French had difficulties with
administrative decisions. This resulted in postponing the cathedral for almost another decade. Lhermites other
design, the palace of the governor general, was built, and the sale des ftes was used to accommodate the
mass during this period of indecision (Wright 1991, 175). Ultimately, the French government decides to
abandon Lhermites design, and set up an international competition to find a new design for the Notre Dame
Cathedral. In 1875 Parisian architect Jules Bourard was awarded with the commission for the new cathedral,
they did however, decide to adhere to the site proposed by Lhermite: a large oval place cut into the Boulevard
Norodom (Wright 1991, 175). The cathedral was built between 1877 and 1880 (Nhu 1998, 49; Vien 1998, 346).

Nh th chnh ta c B Si Gn or Duc Ba Cathedral in Vietnamese (Vien 1998, 346).

DESIGN
The design is somewhat eclectic: the faade has
Romanesque characteristics, such as the rounded
arches, and red coloured brick (Figure 3 and Figure
3). The interior also showcases rounded arches,
which contrasts with the rib vaults, as these are a
clear reference to gothic architecture, a style that
th

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followed Romanesque in the 12 to 16 century

and in which many great churches and cathedrals
FIGURE 4. INTERIOR (DELSO 2013)

in France have been built (Figure 4).

Jules Bourard was successful in his design as the French architectural press showed considerable interest,
however, he did not take into account the hot, humid climate of Saigon for his design and adaptations had to
be made to create better ventilation (Wright 1991, 176). This includes the addition of the two spires in 1894,
followed in 1942 by a second intervention in which extra openings were pierced in the side chapels, similar to
the traditional Vietnamese practice for ventilating pagodas (Vo 2011, 122; Wright 1991, 176).

DISCUSSION
The Notre Dame Cathedral is a prime example of the assimilationist policies that France adopted. Not only
because it replaced a traditional Vietnamese structure that was deemed not worthy and suitable enough for
the French Catholics. But also because the new design adheres to the French ideals in architectural design,
disregarding the local culture. Likewise, it disregards the local climate. This could be a genuine mistake by
Bourard, as this was in the early stages of French colonization and there was still little experience with building
in a tropical climate. However, the French were reluctant to analyse local architecture and the way it deals with
climate, as they regarded this as an admission of their own nations inadequacies (Wright 1991, 174).
The later addition of the spires could be seen as an attempt at associationalism. Yet, it appears to be more of a
necessary evil as opposed to a genuine attempt to adhere to local climatic design. Wright (1991, 176) claims
that the later added ventilation openings are similar to those found in Vietnamese pagodas and it is certainly
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possible that the French imitated this design. Especially because in the 20 century, the French gravitated
towards a more associationalist approach due to governmental changes in the homeland.
It is interesting to observe how perspectives change over time. Currently, Vietnam is praising the French
colonial remnants to attract tourists. Asiatica Tavel, a Vietnamese travel agency describes the Notre Dame
Cathedral as [a] stunning French colonial structure (Asiatica Travel 2015). Nhu (1998, 59), a Vietnamese
writer, describes the cathedral as considered a beautiful architectural piece of work. This is particularly
striking because Nhu takes quite a critical standpoint towards the French as colonizers. Though there is no
evidence that the Vietnamese had similar feelings during colonial times, it is noteworthy that nowadays the
cathedral is admired for its beauty.

CASE STUDY 2: MUSEUM OF THE COLE FRANAISE DEXTRME-ORIENT, HANOI

FIGURE 5. COLE FRANAISE D'EXTRME-ORIENT, HANOI (EFEO 1933)

CONTEXT
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By the 20 century, the French took on a more associationalist approach in their colonies. Within French
Indochina, the French demonstrated their respect for local cultural traditions by giving new prestige to an
institute of scholarly research: the cole Franaise dExtrme-Orient (EFEO), which was founded by Doumer in
Saigon and soon after moved to Hanoi (Logan 2000, 88; Wright 1991, 193). There is disagreement on when
exactly the EFEO was founded, as both Logan (2000, 88) and Wright (1991, 193) claim this happened in 1899,
but Clmentin-Ojha (2007, 18) states there were three important dates: in December 1898 the EFEO was
founded by decree, it then received its definitive title in January of 1900, but it was not until February 1901
that its institutional stability was assured by the President of the Republic, mile Loubet (Clmentin-Ojha 2007,
18). Initially it was situated in a renovated building near the governmental palace, however Doumer had high
aspirations for this institution: he wanted it to become like prestigious French School at Rome, Athens and
Cairo, where renowned specialists studied the great classical civilizations of the western past (Wright 1991,
193). In his vision the EFEO would work at the archaeological and philological exploration of Indochina, assure
the conservation of historic monuments and contribute to the erudite study of neighbouring countries, and
would only focus on research in a purely scientific vein (Wright 1991, 194). Or as Logan (2005, 563) puts it:
The EFEO was created to collect, categorize and study aspects of local culture, notably archaeology and
ethnography. Unfortunately, the French government did not share Doumers passion for the EFEO, hence it
took eight years for the government to pass any historical preservation legislation, and when they did in 1913,
it consisted of a vague statement of respect for the great monuments of the colonys past (Wright 1991,
194).

Ernest Hbrard, a qualified and proven urbanist, familiar with the French civic grandeur but also in line with
associationalist values, was chosen to work in French Indochina (Wright 1991, 102). In his works, he tried to
adopt local principles of orientation, site planning, ventilation systems and material choices (Logan 2000, 99;
Wright 1991, 204). For this he travelled extensively, photograhpic the high art of Angkor and the Buddhist
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pagodas, as well as simple rural habitations and narrow streetscapes in the 18 -century districts of Hanoi,
however, he was looking for techniques to adapt French architecture to the tropical climate (Logan 2000, 99;
Sidel 1998, 22).
The archaeological research and excavations focused mainly on two sites: Annams monumental brick and
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stone sculptures in Vietnam, which are vestiges of the lost Cham civilization of the 15 century; and the
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phenomenal Ankor Wat, the remains of Khmer civilization in Cambodia dating from the 12 century (Wright
1991, 194). In 1926, the building changed into a museum based on the findings of the EFEO (Wright 1991, 207).

DESIGN

FIGURE 6. COLE FRANAISE D'EXTRME-ORIENT, HANOI (NATIONAL MUSEUM OF HISTORY)

Due to his extensive travels and research, Hbrard had more knowledge on how to build for tropical climates.
He designed connected pavilions to avoid ventilation problems, and incorporated arcades and overhanging
porch roofs to provide protection from the sun (Wright 1991, 207). Also, aiming to adopt a more
associationalist approach, he incorporated elements from different religions, and used civic and residential
decorative motifs, freely mixing them even though they never appear as such on existing structures (Wright
1991, 207). Hbrard was known for mixing elements from different cultures or countries to create his ideal of
an innovative and adaptive aesthetic that is more in line with associationalist policies. Wright (1991, 208)
describes the design as a hodgepodge of architectural motifs with its polychrome faade, which evokes
Japanese Shinto temples, the steep tiled porch roofs that recall Hindu temples in India, while the two-tiered
rood of the central core alludes to Siamese, Cambodian and Laotian temple structures.
However, he still adhered to some traditional French values: all his designs were carefully set in landscape
surroundings and were easily accessible (Wright 1991, 207). Even though the project aimed to be
associationalist, there was clear French influence visible in the faade for Hbrard and the staff of the EFEO.

The Bulletin of the cole described it as these coordinated elements cannot, all the same, fail to make us
recognize the French inspiration of the whole (Wright 1991, 208).

DISCUSSION
Wright (1991, 207) describes Hbrards design as [a] pastiche of exotic details superimposed on a Beaux-Arts
plan, critiquing him for not adhering to the more radical direction that he advocated. She has a valid point, as
assimilation stands for following the colonized culture, whereas Hbrard created this collage of various Asian
architectural styles. Logan (2000, 88-89) provides an interesting and seemingly juxtaposing argument: The
EFEO continued to document, classify and, most importantly, protect the citys pre-colonial cultural heritage.
This enabled the Vietnamese residents of Hanoi to maintain their cultural links with the past or, at least, with
those elements that EFEO and the French authorities deemed worthy of maintaining as Vietnamese heritage.
The French are trying to be more assimilationist by preserving cultural elements from the Vietnamese.
However, they decide on which elements are worthy to be preserved, which is a very assimilationist attitude,
from the perspective of the Vietnamese. Furthermore, Wright (1991, 209) adds that the very idea of a
museum as institution was an intrusion in Vietnamese life, as it isolates everyday objects, treating them with
deep respect and awe, but at the same time emasculating the underlying cultural practices. Resembles cultural
dominance by putting the vernacular in a museum to be regarded as a spectacle.
It is difficult to say whether the French were genuine in trying to adopt a more associationalist approach, or
whether they made a slight attempt in order to satisfy the higher powers in France. Even though Hbrard tries
to adopt this approach, he still dismisses Cochinchina indigenous architecture as poor in ancient monuments,
imposing no particular context, [such that] it was more or less reasonable for the first colonial architects to
have looked modestly to the metropole for their architectural examples (Wright 1991, 206). With that he
defends earlier French architects and their designs, even though he does not agree with their attitude of
literally copying French architecture. This is interesting because it clearly shows that even though Hbrard
regards himself an associationalist, he very much is an assimilationist, for not seeing the value in local
vernacular architecture.

PART 2
As illustrated in part 1, approaches of association and assimilation are rarely mutually exclusive. It is important
to take into account the different perspectives and the biases that come with this. In 1909 the French chamber
called for a new political course within the colonies, singling out Indochina as a particularly egregious
example (Wright 1991, 190). A new policy of association was instated by Albert Sarraut, a governor general that
was famous for defending associationalism, demanding attention for the needs and traditions for the colonized
peoples (Sidel 1998, 22; Wright 1991, 190). This gave hope to many Indochinese people, however, results were
only visible in word and to some extent in architecture, but there were no fundamental changes. The cole
Franaise dExtrme-Orient (Case study 2, part 1), is a prime example of this as it was given more prominence,
which never yielded any results for the Vietnamese. Even though they preserved vernacular monuments, it was
the French who decided what was to be preserved (Logan 2000, 88-89). Furthermore, the restauration
techniques applied by the EFEO were somewhat controversial, as their preferred method was to use reinforced
concrete to hold up fragments of stone ceilings, walls or lintels (Wright 1991, 194).
In his article, Lim (1999, XVIII) discusses how traditions of the ex-colonies were often frozen in time, or worse
modified to satisfy the function, meaning or aesthetic expression of the colonial master. The topic of
restauration is particularly interesting in this regard, as prior to French colonization, the Vietnamese had a
social system that took care of architectural preservation. The idea was that the common man should take care
of certain forms within the built environment to show respect toward things, animals, people, the sovereign,
and the gods that were considered superior, through maintaining buildings, repairing them and avoiding
destruction (Sauvegrain 2001, 27). The appropriate amount of care depended on ones rank in society. Clearly
the French had little interest in local customs and manners, and they did not just freeze the Vietnamese
traditions in time, but they enforced their own way of rule, adhering to their aesthetic value. Lim (1999, XVIII)
provides an explanation by discussing how in the West modernity is based on the Greco Roman traditions, and
how westerners feel possessive over the initial development of modernity, creating a bias. He continues by
explaining that to westerners, Asian architecture seems excessively decorated, but this perception comes from
a lack of knowledge on design principles and aesthetic rules. The French, and most likely the other European
colonizers as well, are very self-centred and regard themselves as the only source of valuable thoughts and
ideas. A clear example of this can be found in a quote from Ernst Hbrard, who considered himself an
associationalist:
Let us hope that French urbanism has found an experimental terrain in Indochina that will be
fertile in producing results. It is especially in countries still young that this modern science which
consists above all in predicting future developments and putting current circumstances in order,
will facilitate the construction of health, convenient cities which are pleasant to live in.
Ernest Hbrard (Wright 1991, 207)
Wright (1991, 207) then comments on this by saying that only with a very narrow minded focus on the
European colonial presence could one see Indochina as a young country. The French regard most of

Indochina as a tabula rasa, with the exception of some ancient monuments like Angkor Wat, as they deem the
vernacular architecture as invaluable.
Up to 1941, most housing within cities consisted of two-to-four storey terraced shophouses built in various
vernacular designs and in hybrid styles (Lim 1999, XXI). The same goes for Vietnam, however, here the
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shophouses developed in a unique way. In the 17 century, a new feudal government act had been given out
to tax shop by their front widths resulting in much more narrow buildings (Kien 2008, 257; Sauvegrain 2001,
25). Since the buildings could not grow taller, they grew deeper, upto 100 metres in length, hence the name
tube house (Kien 2008, 257). The floor level catered for different usages ranging from shops to restaurants,
with accomodation above. The more affluent moved to the city and residential density increased to rapidly in
order to accomodate the working-class and new migrants. Often the houses became very overcrowded. Lim
(1999, XXI) discusses how attempts to improve urban facilities and housing for the urban poor by wellmeaning colonial officials could at best be viewed as welfare tokenism and had no significant impact on the
deteriorating urban environment and critical housing situation. A similar pattern can be observed in the cities
of French Indochina. There was no overall plan in either Hanoi or Saigon until the 1920s, and thus also no plan
to regulate public-health matters (Wright 1991, 185). Hbrard actively used welfare tokenism to quiet France,
by occasionally raising concerns about the poverty and poor health of the indigenous population; which he
considered to be problems from which the colons had to be protected, without claiming any sense of
responsibility for the situation (Wright 1991, 221).
But approaches of association and assimilation extend beyond the field of architecture, and into the realms of
society itself. Here there seems to be a clear misalignment between the objectives of France and the rulers of
French Indochina. As mentioned military officers stationed in Indochina often adopted a policy of le fait
accompli, acting without authorization from Paris and then demanding official endorsement for the
accomplished fact (Wright 1991, 165). So when the colony had to create more jobs for the indigenous, they
responded by creating more jobs for the Vietnamese, but ensured that every one of them had a French
counterpart (Wright 1991, 188). Hence they could report back to France that more Vietnamese are working
within the government, without diminishing their control and power. Wright (1991, 221) provides another
example on how all contact between races had to be organized by professional urbanists: [E}very European
district needs a native district in order to survive; it will provide indispensable domestic servants, small
businesses, and labour [transvaux dexploitation][These districts] correspond, in essence to the business
districts and working-class residential neighbourhoods of our own modern cities which are, in truth, separated
from the bourgeois neighbourhoods without a definite line being drawn on a map. In this passage she points
out how just like nowadays, different functions were separated in the city by invisible borders.
Chris Abel (2004, 17) discusses a common misconception, which is to believe that the story of humankind is
composed of apocalyptic cultural shifts, each of which creates an entirely new set of values and lifestyles with
few connections with the past. He claims that forms of cultures are superimposed, and coexist for significant
periods of time. If we look at Vietnam as whole, this is definitely true, as there is a layer of French colonization

culture, and a layer of vernacular culture that coexist and develop. Abel calls this process parallel
development, and defines it as concurrent linkage and overlapping of different forms of development and
lifestyles (Abel 2004, 17). However, in the case of Vietnam, the relation is not parallel, as the French are
actively not being influenced by the Vietnamese, plus they are putting in effort to influence the Vietnamese
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and make them adhere to French culture. Even in the 20 century, when France ordered the implementation
of a more associationalist approach, they continued dominating the indigenous population.
In his article, Abel (2004, 17) also discusses four primary forms of culture that have been subdivided into nine
categories in the form of a table (Appendix i). What is interesting about this table is that the factors mentioned
are neither geographically nor chronologically bound. Therefore it is interesting to compare pre-colonial
Vietnam to the colonial period. Prior to colonization, Vietnam mostly fell within the category of Traditional
Culture, as society was not yet industrialized and most people lived in villages. During colonial times, the cities
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started expanding and more people moved towards the cities. In the 20 century, the French wanted to
develop a modern export sector focusing on Rice, mining and rubber plantations. Especially the rubber
plantations were infamous for their bad living conditions (Sidel 1998, 26; Wright 1991, 212). The French were
particulary successful in increasing rice production. In 1900, Vietnam produced 700.000 tons of rice, but by
1937 this had gone up to 2 million tons, which generated profits for French and Chinese firms, but all the
Vietnamese got was widespread malnutrition, as most of the rice was exported (Wright 1991, 212). It is exactly
for this reason, that emperiors prior to French colonization banned the sale of rice outside of the country to
ensure there was enough for their own people (Wright 1991, 212). The introduction of this agrarian capitalism
required for the development of new infrastructure such as ports, railway lines and roads (Lim 1999, XVII). In
the meantime rapid urbanization took place in response to the growth of financial and commercial services
needed for the new economy (Lim 1999, XVII). In general, Vietnam as a country made progress under French
colonial rule, however there was little improvement for the Vietnamese people. In fact, they became more
undeveloped, which suggests that Chris Abels table can be deceiving.
Prior to colonial rule, free general and higher education had been widely available and at leas 25% of the
population was literate to some degree, in contrast to the 10% under French rule (Wright 1991, 193). The
French actively tried to prevent Vietnamese from obtaining Enlightenment ideas or become more inquisative
from exploring modern science. Vietnamese were not allowed to be educated beyond the most basic level, to
prevent them from becoming (too) ambitious (Wright 1991, 193). This clearly shows that even though the
French proclaimed to adopt an associationalist approach, in which they are supposed to be more lenient
towards the indigenous population, they were still acting out an assimilationist approach.
The period of 1955 to 1990 can be seen as the second period of European domination in Hanois history,
though this time it was by the Soviets as opposed to the French (Logan 1995, 443). Even though the terms
association and assimilation are usually reserved for the initial European colonization, an argument can be
made that this second phase of colonization also includes both associationalist and assimilationalist
approaches, albeit in a less vigorous way then during French colonization.

10

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anderson, Michael. The Nostalgic Photos of Saigon. Notre Dame Cathedral, Saigon. Saigon, 1975.
Asiatica Travel. Ho Chi Minh City. 2015. http://vietnamtravel.asiatica.com/en/1/destinations-activites/ho-chiminh-city-64.html (accessed 11 13, 2015).
Clmentin-Ojha, Catherine, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. A Century in Asia: The Gistory of the cole Franaise
d'Extrme-Orient. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2007.
Delso, Diego. Notre-Dame Basilica, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. Ho Chi Minh City, 14 August 2013.
EFEO. Le muse de lEFEO ou muse Louis-Finots, Hanoi, lors de son inauguration en 1933. Dessin darchitecte.
cole Franaise d'Extrmeo-Orient, Hanoi.
Kien, To. "Tube House" and "Neo Tube House" in Hanoi: A Comparative Study on Identity and Typology.
Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering, November 2008: 255-262.
Lim, William. Introductory Essay. Vol. 10, in World Architecture 1900-2000: A Critical Mosaic, edited by Kenneth
Frampton, XVII-XXVIII. New York: China Architecture & Building Press, 1999.
Logan, William S. Russions on the Red River: The Soviet Impact on Hanoi's Townscape, 1955-99. Europe-Asia
Studies, May 1995: 443-468.
. Hanoi: Bibliography of a City. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press Ltd, 2000.
Logan, William S. The Cultural Role of Capital Cities: Hanoi and Hue, Vietnam. Pacific Affairs (University of
British Columbia) 78, no. 4 (2005): 559-575.
National Museum of History, Hanoi. National Museum of History, Hanoi.
National Museum of the US Air Force. The Southeast Asia War: Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. 18 May 2015.
http://www.nationalmuseum.af.mil/Visit/MuseumExhibits/FactSheets/Display/tabid/509/Article/195
959/the-southeast-asia-war-vietnam-laos-and-cambodia.aspx (accessed November 14, 2015).
Nhu, Trn. Ho Chi Minh City Self Introduction. Edited by Trn Nhu. Vol. 1. Ho Chi Minh City: Ho Chi Minh City
Publishing House, 1998.
Sauvegrain, Alexandra. Dialogues of Architectural Preservation in Modern Vietnam: The 36 Streets
Commercial Quarter of Hanoi. Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, fall 2001: 23-32.
Sidel, Mark. Old Hanoi. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.
Vien, Nguyen Khac, and Huu Ngoc. From Saigon to Ho Chi Minh City: A Path of 300 Years. Hanoi: Th Gii
Publishers, 1998.

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Vo, Nghia M. Saigon: A History. Jefferson: McFarland & Company Inc., Publishers, 2011.
Wright, Gwendolyn. Indochina: the Folly of Grandeur. In The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism,
by Gwendolyn Wright, 161- 233. Chicago: University of Chicaco Press, 1991.

Word count: 4020

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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Map of French Indochina (National Museum of the US Air Force 2015) ________________________ 2
Figure 3b. Side trancept (Delso 2013) ____________________________________________________________ 3
Figure 3a. Front view (Anderson 1975)___________________________________________________________ 3
Figure 4. Interior (Delso 2013) ________________________________________________________________ 4
Figure 5. cole Franaise d'Extrme-orient, Hanoi (EFEO 1933) ______________________________________ 5
Figure 6. cole Franaise d'Extrme-orient, Hanoi (National Museum of History) ________________________ 6

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18 ARCHITECTURE, TECHNOLOGY AND PROCESS

Table 1.1 Comparative features of four primary cultures
Traditional Culture

Colonial Culture

Consumer Culture

Technological

Pre-industrial

Early industrial

Late industrial

Eco-culture
Post-industrial

era

(craft-based)

(machine-based)

(automation- and

(computer- and

information-based)

network-based)

Cultural

Homogeneous

Heterogeneous

Homogeneous

Heterogeneous

differentiation

(highly integrated

(exposure to

(West is best)

(based on

and localized)

secondary cultures)

External

Limited and slow

Global but slow

Global and speedy

Global and

communication

(local trade and

(sea and overland)

(air and

instantaneous

reciprocal
cultural exchanges)

migrations)

telecommunications)

(near universal
network access)

Level of

Tradition governs

Sporadic leaps (when

Continuous but

Continuous and

innovation

all (rate of change

officially sanctioned)

centralized

decentralized

difficult to record)

Social roles

(concentration of

(global dissemination

research and

of research and

benefits in North)

benefits)
Multiple roles

Specialized and

Specialized but

Specialized but

stable (life-long)

changeable

changeable

based on changing

(promotion/

(promotion,

skills and
continuous

overseas

redundancy/

postings, etc.)

retraining, etc.)

education/training

Hierarchic and

Corporate and

Participatory, with

Decision

Generally hierarchic

structures

and patriarchic,

patriarchic (dependent

patriarchic (modified

mix of global and

with notable

relations between

by democratic and

local bottom up

exceptions

colonies and

market-led systems)

structures, based

(i.e. Malay peasant

metropolitan centre)

dominated by

on gender equality

short-term goals

and sustainable

society)

goals
Production

Autonomous, self-

Centralized (large

Centralized

Decentralized,

systems

sufficient (small

surplus for export)

mass-production

flexible

surplus) and labour

with both capital

(capital and energy

manufacturing

intensive

and labour-intensive

intensive) for

systems (intermediate

sectors

mass-consumption

to advanced
technologies)

Settlement

Rural and

Urban and rural

Predominantly

Predominantly

patterns

village-based

(sharp differentiation

urban or suburban

urban or ex-urban

between cities and

in the North and

based on balanced

country)

urban/rural in

public/private

Built forms

the South

transportation

Isomorphic with

Mix of functional

Ambiguous/

Customized for

social form and

and hybrid forms

flexible forms

place, purpose

climate

(products of cultural

independent of

and climate

exchange) partly

climate

shaped by climate
Source: C. Abel, 1997.