Velvet Revolution - A Research Paper

THE VELVET REVOLUTION AND THE FALL OF THE COMMUNIST
REGIME IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA (1989)
Osman Fedai
ENGL 112. 02
May 16, 2016
Maria Eliades
Fedai 1
From its liberation from the Nazis by the Soviet troops in 1945, Czechoslovakia was a
country that was ruled under the single authoritarian Communist party regime and its ideology
which would lasted until 1989. However during 1980s, the internal factors in the country like
the rise of oppositionary movements depending on the changing political climate in other
Eastern European countries, the internal economic problems in the country and role of the
Catholic church created the conditions for the fall of Communist regime through, with Velvet
Revolution, which lasted from November 17 to 29, 1989. This paper aims to draw attention
to that the road to Velvet Revolution which differed from other Revolutions of 1989 in terms
of its peaceful characteristic was shaped by influential internal factors within the country and
the existence of Charter 77 civic iniatitive, Civic Forum led by Vaclac Havel as internal
elements contributed also for the setting the peaceful atmosphere of the Velvet Revolution.
The Internal Factors Behind the Velvet Revolution
Though the Velvet Revolution precipated by public demonstrations in Prague on
November 11-27,1989, resulted within just ten days, it should be indicated that there were
some internal conditions that helped to the creation of the atmosphere for the revolution
which broke the ties of the country with the Communism. First of them was in terms of the
Czechoslovak economy. It should be stated that during the mid-1980s, the main reason of
why Czechoslovak regime did not experience huge demonstrations from the dissident
working class people like in the Poland was that its better economic condition, compared to
the other Warsaw Pact countries. Basic consumer goods were affordable with reasonable
prices and inflation was able to be averaged less than 2% in the country, less than any other
Eastern European countries.1 Though the economy did not experience a severe economic
crisis like in Poland and Hungary, economic performance was harshly declined, by leading to
Mesha Glenny. The Rebirth of History: Eastern Europe in the Age of Democracy. (London:Penguin Books,
1990.), p. 33.
Fedai 2
increase of Czechoslovak foreign debt to 7.9 million dollar and the fall of Czechoslovak
exports in the world market in 1980s.2 Economic problems finally resulted with the general
decline in real wages in the country. For instance, Czechoslovaks had to work two and half
more hours in order to be able to afford for their everyday needs, had to work nine or fourteen
times as many for a color TV, compared with their counterparts in West Germany.3 The
government officials were also aware of the ongoing economic problems in the country,
Milos Zeman who was an official government employee at the official economic forecasting
unit during that time made even a critical commentary about the the evidence of the coming
economic crisis in the future months.4 All the increasing public awareness of economic
stagnation through the declarations by the several oppositionary groups like Charter 77 were
enough to make the Communist Party adopt some critical reforms. For instance in 1988, the
Czechoslovak government finally accepted making liberal reforms in the extension of
economic decentralisation to state enterprises which constitutes nearly half of industrial
production.5 To sum up, it should be indicated that although the economic problems in
Czechoslovakia were not the unique driving force of the protests that manisfested in
Czechoslovakia in late 1980s, they contributed to the rise of opposition and awareness about
the existing conditions in the country.
The rise of oppositionary groups during 1980s was one of the core internal factors at
the backstage of the revolution. It should be said that along with the start of Gorbachevs
years in 1985, the political climate in Eastern Europe also began to evolve. Under Gorbachev
leadership, the USSR began to pursue a hands-off policy over the its Eastern European
allies self-determination, without interfering with the other Eastern European countries
2
Mesha Glenny. The Rebirth of History: Eastern Europe in the Age of Democracy. (London:Penguin Books,
1990.), p. 33.
3
Ibid. 34.
4
Ivo Banac. Eastern Europe in Revolution.. (New York: Cornell University Press, 1992.), p. 96-97.
5
Stokes, Gale. From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe Since 1945. (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1996.), p. 45.
Fedai 3
internal, external affairs no more.6 In this sense, this kind of change change in the foreign
policy of the USSR allies was imporant in that it strenghtened the sense of purpose among the
dissident groups. This politically changing climate already had paved the way for the fall of
Communism in Poland, Hungary and East Germany until the Velvet Revolution in November
1989. The East German exodus to the West Germany through the route of Czechoslovakia in
September 1989 already riveted the attention of the Czechoslovak dissident groups, by
realizing that the Soviet Union had no kind of intention to blockade this human exodus to the
West.7 The dissident groups in the country gained support also from the Western countries,
increased the respectability of the groups among Czechoslovak society. European-based
human rights groups like Charter 77 Foundation of Stockholm, Helsinki Watch continued to
lend their support for the Czechoslovak dissidents. Officials in American Embassy in Prague
met regularly with the leaders of dissident groups like Charter 77, the Czechoslovak Children
during 1980s, by encouraging and supporting their dissident activities against the regime.8
The media and the press were another internal factor for the creating the conditions of
the revolution in the country. The ease on the jamming over the Western European radios like
Radio Free Europe, Voice of America by the Czechoslovak government in 1988 also
contributed to the true flow of information in the country, by fostering an easier dissemination
of the growing popular movements.9 Illegal underground publishing activities by dissident
groups named as samizdat had the most significant role in the circulation of flow of
knowledge between dissident groupsin the country. One of the samizdats like journals of
Lidove Noviny, Revolver Review were basicly trying to create public opinion by publishing
William H. Luers. Czechoslovakia: A Road to The Revolution. Foreign Affairs Journal. Vol:69, No:2. (Spring
1990). p.
<http://www.jstor.org/stable/20044305?seq=10#page_scan_tab_contents>
7
Ibid, 95.
8
Ibid, p. 92.
9
1990). p. 91.
Fedai 4
the former Charter 77 leaders interviews on their pages.10 In addition to Charter 77 initiative
and oppositionary press, the music groups contributed for the widespread support for the
opposition groups. Especially, the jazz music became a symbol of Czechoslovak strive for
democracy which was seen by the Communist regime as a form of protest. For example, The
Jazz Section music group, The Plastic People of the Universe rock band which both were
founded in 1970s became more political during 1980s and started to reach large numbers of
young people in opposition activities with the realm of jazz music during late 1980s.11
Another internal factor was the role of the Czechoslovak Catholic Church. During
1980s, the leader of the Czechoslovak Catholic Church, Tomek was himself sending series
of letters to the Ministry of Culture Milan Klusak which critisized the regimes policies and
demanded the seperate, independent status of the church from the state.12 The importance of
the church was in that it provided also an unofficial space for the Czechoslovak people to vent
their reactions towards the regime.13 One of the pivotal examples for the role of the church
was that the petition for freedom of speech and religion penned by the Archbishop of Prague,
Frantiek Tomasek in 1988. Signed by over 600,000 signatories including people also from
non-religious, non-dissident parts, it was the first anti-Communist petition that was supported
by the Catholic Church among the Eastern European countries.14.In this sense, the Catholic
Church in the country represented a firm response from both the Catholic church and the
people from many different parts, allying with the opposition groups towards the regime.15
The Role of Charter 77 and Civic Forum in the Velvet Revolution
10
Matt Killingsworth. Civil Society in Communist Eastern Europe: Opposition and Dissent in Totalitarian
Regimes. (Colchester, ECPR Press, 2012.), p. 91.
11
Ibid, 89.
12
Ibid, 69-70.
13
1990). p. 92.
14
Ibid.
Fedai 5
The history of Charter 77 movement brought together some elements that prepeared
the peaceful setting for the stages until the events of 1989. Firstly, Charter 77 was a human
rights initiative, founded by Vaclac Havel, Jan Potocka, Jiri Hajek and Ladislav Hejdnek and
announced itself first with a letter towards the government officials on January 1, 1977.16 In
its founding letters, the Charter 77 was defining itself a free community of people who try to
strive for the respect for human rights:
Charter 77 is not an organization; it has no rules, permanent bodies, or formal
membership. It embraces everyone who agrees with its ideas, participates in its work. It does
not form the basis for any oppositional political activity. It seeks to promote the general
public interest. It does not aim to set out its own programmes for political reform sor changes,
but within its own sphere of activity it wishes to conduct a constructive dialogue with the
political and state authorities, by drawing attention to individual cases where human and civil
rights are violated.17
In this sense, it can be said that Charter 77 was a non-ideological, non-political
organization. It preferred representing their reactions and opinions in the forms of creating
public opinion through the use of propaganda publications, radio broadcastings, the masss
supported petitions, rather than riots, armed struggles like in the Polish Gdansk riots example
in 1970. Until 1989, it can be said that Charter 77 was also influenced other anti-Communist
groups in Eastern Europe, within a mutual contact. Many of its members like Vaclac Havel,
Ivan Jurios, Petr Cibulka were intellectuals, writers that had already made contacts with the
other dissident movements in Poland, Hungary.18 By early 1978, Charter 77 leaders were
secretly and repeatedly meeting with Polish Solidarity Unions leaders at the PolishCzechoslovak border, in order to compare their tactics, share their strategies.19
16
Regimes. (Colchester, ECPR Press, 2012.), p.65.
17
Ibid, 66.
18
1990). p. 88.
19
Ibid.
Fedai 6
One of the significant elements lied behind the success of the Charter 77 movement
was its succesful organization of oppositionary demonstrations that engaged larger numbers
towards the regime. Through samizdats and underground publications, Charter 77 and other
opposition groups were able to make gathered the large crowds of Czechoslovak people
through disemination of coordination. For instance, nearly 10,000 people gathered at the
Prague to mark the 20th anniversary of Warsaw Pact Invasion. This number reached to
100,000 people when the people marched on Wenceslas Square on November 17, 1989.20 The
music bands like Jazz Section, Unijazz, ArtForum was also another way of their representing
their dissidence against the regime through concerts, publishing magazines and make the
crowds gathered easily.21 In addition, the general strikes of the workers in different economic
sectors initiated by Charter 77 had also one of their methods, rather than violent protests. For
instance, a two-hour general strike on November 27 initiated by Charter 77 and Civic Forum
leaders proved that Civic Forum was able to bring the country to a standstill. This strike was
so affective that it forced the Communist Party to resign and dissolve its upper staff, after just
two days on November 29.22 Through considering these, it can be said that Charter 77
movement was able to attract the intention of Czechoslovak people through affective peaceful
methods like music bands concerts, underground publication activities. As a result, these
helped to the building of the road to Velvet Revolution with peaceful, non-violent methods.
The Civic Forum- the politically heir of Charter 77 Movement- was emerged as a
political movement by the various opposition groups, intellectuals on November 17, 1989 and
its major goal was to secure a dialogue between the public and the present state, by trying to
revive personal freedom of thought and self-awareness.23 From the emergence of Charter 77
20
David S. Mason. Revolution in East-Central Europe: The Rise and Fall of Communism and the Cold War.
(Oxford: Westview Press, 1992.), p. 63.
21
Regimes. (Colchester: ECPR Press, 2012.), p. 69.
22
Ibid, 71.
23
Ibid, 75.
Fedai 7
initiaitive until 1989, the oppositionary movement in the country already began to take on
more political dimension. Though the first generation of Charter 77 advocated socialism with
a more liberal vision; many dissidents began to call for a Western style democracy, by
rejecting any forms of socialism. Since this movement began to have a more political
character and although some of the Charter 77 members supported armed struggle if
necessary, Vaclac Havel himself believed that it should be remain peaceful and non-violent.
In his speech in 1989, he was stating that he had inhabited a system in which words were able
to shake the Communist regime and where the words were stronger than military divisions.24
The main reason behind why Charter 77 and Civic Forum aimed to pursue more nonideological struggle was in that county experienced the Warsaw Pact Invasion in 1968. There
was no intention to give any kind of pretext for another military invasion, hence even the
wording of the Charter 77, Civic Forum programmes itself was even designed by Havel as not
to arouse anger with Moscow regime, with a concern to be non-ideological.25
The driving force of the formation of Civic Forum as a heir of Charter 77 civic
initiative was the repression of a student demonstration to commemorate the 50th anniversary
of the closure of the universities by the Nazis.26 In January 1989, the Czechoslovak police
force intervened the mass crowd which gathered to mark Ryszard Siwiec who immolated
himself as a reaction Soviet Invasion in 1968.27 After this incident and the imprisonment of
Vaclav Havel in jail, Charter 77 crafted a formal petition titled Just a Few Sentences in June
1989, as its which gathered over 40,000 signatories in support for the transition to democratic
forms of government, rather than stirring the groups to rebel towards the government.28 This
simple peaceful petition was quite effective in that the Secretary of Party Milos Jakes himself
24
Mark Netzloff, Bradley D. Ryner, Darlene Farabee. Early Modern Drama in Performance: Essays in Honor of
Lois Potter. (Cranbury, University of Delaware Press, 2014), p. 166.
25
Regimes. (Colchester: ECPR Press, 2012.), p. 74.
26
Ibid,70.
27
Ivo Banac. Eastern Europe in Revolution.. (New York: Cornell University Press, 1992.), p. 97.
28
Geoffrey Swain & Nigel Swain. Eastern Europe since 1945. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1993), p. 215.
Fedai 8
began to show state in his speech to party officials, by mentioning a planned effort by party
insiders to making democratic reforms and discredit the conservative wing in the Party.29
Even, the more liberal wing within the Czechoslovak Communist Paty offered a bill to
provide more freedom of assembly for the public, after these arrests.30 To conclude, one of the
major success of Civic Forum was that it succeded to isolate and weaken the power of the
Communist Party, and ultimately forcing it to dissolve all of its staff and resign from the
government on November 29, 1989 in a peaceful atmosphere, unlike the Revolutions of
1989.31 It should be emphasized that the capacity of the Charter 77 and Civic Forums power
as civil society organizations managed to abolish the Communist regime, by owing to their
peaceful, non-violent efforts, with their ability to construct sense of community, to reach
larger audiences and ultimately giving the Velvet Revolution as a peaceful characteristic.
CONCLUSION
After its liberation by the Soviet Army in 1945, Czechoslovakia was a country that were ruled
under the strict control of the single-Communist Party regime. However, the Czechoslovak
people succeded to break their ties with Communist regime with the Velvet Revolution that
took place on November 17-29, 1989. The internal factors like the rise of anti-Communist
oppositionary groups in relation with the wind of change in other Eastern European countries
during 1980s, economic problems in the country and the role of Catholic Church contributed
to the creating for the proper conditions of the Velvet Revolution. What differentiated the
Velvet Revolution from the other Revolutions of 1989 was its creation in a peaceful, non
violent atmosphere in Czechoslovakia and the role of the Charter 77, Civic Forum political
movements directly contributed to its peaceful characteristic of Velvet Revolution.
29
1990). p. 87.
30
Ibid, 93.
31
Ibid.
Fedai 9
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Banac, Ivo. Eastern Europe in Revolution. New York: Cornell University Press, 1992.
Glenny, Mesha. The Rebirth of History: Eastern Europe in the Age of Democracy.
London:Penguin Books, 1990.
H.Luers, William. Czechoslovakia: A Road to The Revolution. Foreign Affairs Journal.
Vol:69, No:2.(Spring 1990)
http://www.jstor.org/stable/20044305?seq=10#page_scan_tab_contents
Killingsworth, Matt. Civil Society in Communist Eastern Europe: Opposition and Dissent in
Totalitarian Regimes. Colchester: ECPR Press, 2012.
Mason, David S. Revolution in East-Central Europe: The Rise and Fall of Communism and
the Cold War. Oxford: Westview Press, 1992.
Netzloff, Mark& D. Ryner,Bradley& Farabee, Darlene. Early Modern Drama in
Performance: Essays in Honor of Lois Potter. Cranbury, University of Delaware Press, 2014.
Swain, Geoffrey& Swain, Nigel. Eastern Europe since 1945. New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
1993.
L. Wolchik, Sharon. Czechoslovakia in Transition: Politics, Economics&Society. London:
Pinter Publishers, 1991.

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THE VELVET REVOLUTION AND THE FALL OF THE COMMUNIST

REGIME IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA (1989)

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