WhatisMaoism?

BernardDMello

Thisessayisdedicatedtothememoryofmyfirsteditor,thelateSamarSen(Shmorbabu,aswecalledhim),foundereditorofthe
Kolkatabasedweekly,Frontier.ItisalsoinappreciationofSubhasAikatwhoseKharagpurbased,handtomouthexisting
CornerstonePublicationsbringsoutanIndianeditionoftheMonthlyReviewandbooksthatposethekindofquestionsgenerally
shunnedbyacademia.TheessayismysmallthanksgivingtoallyouMRpeople,pastandpresent,ontheoccasionofyour60th
anniversary.IthankPareshChattopadhyay,NKrishnaji,JohnMage,CRammanoharReddy,andPASebastianfortheircriticalbut
helpfulcommentsonanearlierdraft;theusualdisclaimersapply.
(A)Marxismstrippedofitsrevolutionaryessenceisacontradictionintermswithnoreasonforbeingandno
powertosurvive.PaulMSweezy(1983:7)
AnuradhaGhandy(Anuasweknewher)wasamemberofthecentralcommitteeoftheCommunistPartyofIndia(Maoist)[CPI
(Maoist)].Earlyon,shedevelopedasenseofobligationtothepoor;shejoinedthemintheirstruggleforbreadandroses,thefightfor
aricherandafullerlifeforall.Tragically,cerebralmalariatookherawayinAprillastyear.Whatisthisspiritthatmadeherselflessly
adoptthecauseofthedamnedoftheIndianearththeexploited,theoppressed,andthedominatedasherown?Therisksof
joiningtheMaoistlongmarchseemfartoodangeroustomostpeople,butnotforherbold,courageousanddecisive,yetkind,
gentleandconsiderate.Perhapsherdayswerenumbered,markedasshewasonthedossiersoftheIndianstatesrepressiveapparatus
asoneofthemostwantedleftwingextremists.Thatoppressive,brutalstructurehasbeenexecutingabarbariccounterinsurgency
strategydesignedtomaintainthestatusquoagainsttheMaoistmovementinIndia.WhatisitthatisdrivingtheIndianstate,hell
bentasitistocrippleandmaimthespiritthatinspirespersonslikeAnu?PracticallythewholeIndianpolityfromthesemifascist
BharatiyaJanataPartytothemainaffiliateoftheparliamentaryleft,theCommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist)havepitchedin
againsttheMaoists,backingamassiveplannedescalationofthedeploymentofparamilitarycumarmedpolice,thistimewith
logisticalsupportfromthemilitary,tocrushtherebels.ItseemsthatsectionsofmonopolycapitalincludingArcelorMittal,the
EssarGroup,VedantaResources,TataSteel,POSCO,andtheSajjanJindalGrouphavegivenanultimatumtothestate
governmentsconcernedandtheuniongovernmentthattheywilldumptheirproposedmining/industrial/SEZprojectsifthelocal
resistancetotheirbusinessplansarenotcrippledonceandforall.
Righteousindignationagainstleftwingextremismhasreachedacrescendo,buttressedasitisbysectionsofthecommercialmedia,
withimagesandprofiles(dishedouttothefourthestatebyantiterroristsquadofficers)ofapprehendedrevolutionistsasourceof
excitementforTVaudiences.Ayearandahalfago,mysonlanky,unkempt,hishairdishevelledcamehomefromschoolone
daytotellusthathisteachercalledhimaNaxalite(whattheMaoistsarepopularlycalled).Iaskedhim,Howdidyoureact?He
queried,Daddy,whoaretheseguys,theseNaxalites?Ianswered,Well,theyarerebelswhoresentthedeepinjusticemetedoutto
thepoor.Heresponded,Wellthen,IfeelproudtobecalledaNaxalite.Theboyisstillveryyoung,buthewillsoonapproachthat
wonderfultimeofhislifewhenhisurgetounderstandwhatisgoingoninthecountryandtheworldwillbeunquenchable.More
recently,amaliciousandvengefuladvertisementbythehomeministryinthenewspaperspaintedtheMaoistsascoldblooded
criminals.MaybeitistimeformetoconsiderhowIwillanswerhisquestion:WhatisMaoism?
Ananswertosuchaqueryrequiresastepwiseapproachtofindingfirstanswerstoquestionssuchas:WhatisMarxism?Whatis
Leninism?WhatisStalinism?Onlythen,canonegettounderstandingwhatMaoismisallabout.Forafterall,MaosMarxism
undoubtedlystemmedfromtheLeninistschool;heappliedMarxism,Leninism(thelatter,aschoolofMarxismintheageof
imperialism)andStalinism(adecomposedformofLeninismwhichhealsostruggledtoovercomeandgobeyond),asamethodof
analysisofthesocialrealityofChina.Butmore,heintervenedinthatrealitythroughconscioussocialpoliticalactionguidedby
Marxisttheoryandfromthelate1920stotheendofthe1960scontinuouslylearntfromevents,thusmakingpossibleanenrichmentof
theoriginal.
WhathascometobeknownasMaoismhaditsmaterialrootsinChinasunderdevelopment,thefailedpracticeoftheChinese
CommunistParty(CCP)intheurbanareasinthe1920s,anditssubsequentpeasantcumguerrillabasedmovementinthecountryside.
Theoretically,andinpractice,MaosMarxismwasenrichedbyovercomingandgoingbeyondStalinsmechanicalinterpretationof
Marxstheoryofhistory.And,MaoconstantlyappliedMarxsmaterialistdialecticsinhelpingtounderstandandresolvemultiple
contradictionsinternalconflictstendingtosplitwhatisfunctionallyunitedwiththelikelyoutcomefollowingfromthe
reciprocalactionsoftheopposingtendencies.ItisthefusionofallofthiswiththeoriginalMarxismandLeninismthatconstitutes
Maoism.LikeMarxism,atitsbest,itisacomprehensiveworldview,amethodofanalysisandaguidetopractice,notasetof
dogmas.WhatthenismeantbytheMaoistdictumlearntruthfrompractice?

Withthispreview,wearenowinapositiontomoveon.Attheoutsetitself,letmesaythatwhileIspeaksolelyformyself,Imakeno
claimwhatsoevertooriginality.Iwrotethispieceasaselfclarifyingexerciseandsubmitteditforpublicationinthehopethatitmight
helpotherslikeme,strivingtobeeducatedaboutmattersthatarenotacademic.

WhatisMarxism?
Insearchingforananswertothisquestion,IcandonobetterthanwhattheMonthlyReviewhastaughtme.Inoneofthefounder
editorswords(Sweezy1985:2):
Marxismisaboveall,acomprehensiveworldview,whatGermanscallaWeltanschauungabodyof
philosophical,economic,political,sociological,scientificprinciples,allinterrelatedandtogetherformingan
independentandlargelyselfsufficientintellectualstructure.Itisaguidetolifeandsocialpractice,andinthe
longrunitsvaliditycanonlybejudgedbyitsfruits.
Initsview,priortothedevelopmentofcapitalism,civilizationhadbeenimpossiblewithoutexploitation;thesocialsurplus
appropriatedwas(1985:34)
concentratedinthehandsofafew,sothatluxury,wealth,civilizationatonepolewasnecessarilymatchedby
poverty,misery,anddegradationattheother.
Itwasintosuchaworldthatcapitalismwasbornincomparablythemostproductiveandinthatsenseprogressive
societytheworldhadeverseen.indeed,forthefirsttimeeveritmadepossibleasocietyinwhichexploitationand
theconcentrationofthesurplusinthehandsofafewwasnolongerthenecessaryconditionforcivilization.
Nowhumanityfacedaprospectwithoutprecedent.Woulditgoforwardtoanewandhigher,nonexploitative
formofcivilizationorwouldtheexploitationofthemanybythefewcontinuetobethewayofhumanlife?
Marxbelievedthatcapitalismwouldneverbeabletomakeuseof[societysproductiveforces]forthe
benefitoftheworkerswhohethoughtwereontheirwaytobecomingthemajorityofthepopulation.Sooneror
latertheworkerswouldbecomeconsciousoftheirrealclassinterests,organizethemselvesintoapowerful
revolutionaryforce,seizepowerfromthecapitalists,andbeginthetransitiontoacommunistsocietyfromwhich
exploitationandclasseswouldfinallybeabolished.
Ithasntworkedoutthatway.Workersinthemoredevelopedcapitalistcountrieswereabletomakeenoughgains
bystrugglewithinthesystemtoforestalltheemergenceofarevolutionaryconsciousness.Asignificantpartofthese
gainscameattheexpenseofdependentandexploitedcountriesofthethirdworld,whichweretherebyprevented
fromusingtheirresourcesfortheirownindependentdevelopment.Asaresult,thecentreofrevolutionarystruggle
shiftedfromtheadvancedtotheretardedpartsofthecapitalistworld.
Atthispoint,itmustbesaidthatwhileMarxistsshareaconceptionofreality,theydifferinmanyrespectsinexplainingtheworldand
inassessingit.Also,theintellectualstructurecreatedbythefoundersofMarxismMarxandEngelshasbeensignificantly
modifiedandadapted,asitnodoubtshould,withadvancesinhumanknowledgeandunderstanding,andwiththedevelopmentof
capitalismintoaglobalsystem.But,andofcourse,itsscientificvalidityshouldbejudgedinthefirstinstancebyitscontributionsto
theabilitytoexplainreality.
However,theressomethingevenmoreexactingintheverylongrun,Marxismhastobejudgedbythefruitsofitsprojectoftaking
humanityalongtheroadtowardsequality,cooperation,community,andsolidarity.Weshouldhavedonethisearlier,butitisnowapt
tobringintofocusthemostcrucialcharacterofMarxism,something,followingSweezy,wealludedtointhebeginningofthisarticle.
Thewholepurposeofconstructingandreconstructingitsdistinctiveintellectualstructuretounderstandtheworldwasandissothat
thisexercisemaylaythebasisofchangingsocietyforthebetter.ThisisstatedmostsuccinctlyinMarxs1845ThesesonFeuerbach:
Thephilosophershaveonlyinterpretedtheworld;thepointhoweveristochangeit.Butintegratingtheoryandpractice
(developingastrategyandasetoftacticsforchangingtheworldforthebetterandimplementingthem)isfarmoredifficultandmessy
aproject.
MarxandEngelswroteTheCommunistManifestoinDecember1847andJanuary1848,buttheyneverevenattemptedtodefine,let
aloneprovideanyblueprintofthetransitionalsociety(theirfollowerscalleditsocialism)whichwouldintimethatwasthe
expectationevolveasymptoticallytowardscommunism,neverreallyreachingit.AsSweezyhasit,inMarxandEngels

conception,thetransitionalsociety(socialism)1wouldbeginitsexistenceasprimarilyanegationofcapitalismwhichwould
developitsownpositiveidentity(communism)througharevolutionarystruggleinwhichtheproletariatwouldremakesocietyandin
theprocessremakeitself(1983:23).
But,frankly,theproletariatinthedevelopedcapitalistcountries,forreasonsalreadymentioned,wasincreasinglylosingitsqualityas
thesourceandcarrierofrevolutionarypractice.Thedevelopmentoftheworkingclass,theadvanceofhumancapabilityalwaysat
theverycentreoftheforcesofproductionwasnotperceivedbytheworkersasbeinghinderedbytherelationsofproduction;the
latterwasnotdiscernedasintolerablebytheworkersaslongastheywereabletoextractbettertermsfromcapitalthroughtheir
struggles(strikes,etc)withintheconfinesofthesystem.Whyshouldtheythenbeartheriskoflosingwhattheyweregaininginthe
presentwhenwhattheycouldgainbyrevoltingagainstthesystemwashighlyuncertainandfarawayinthefuture?Inotherwords,
MarxandEngelsdidntblametheworkersforthelackofarevolutionaryconsciousness;theobjectiveconditionswerentthereforits
germination.
WhatthenofearlyMarxism(itwasnotcalledMarxismisMarxstime,butforconveniencewearedesignatingeventhatperiod
withinitsscope)initsmistakenexpectation,drawnmainlyfromitsanalysisofthelivingandworkingconditionsoftheworkingclass
(inEngelsTheConditionoftheWorkingClassinEngland,writteninlate1844,early1845whenhewas24)andthelogicofMarxs
thefamous1859PrefacetoAContributiontotheCritiqueofPoliticalEconomythatthatclassintheadvancedcapitalistcountries
wouldeventually,soonerorlater,revoltandemancipateitself?The,atfirstspontaneous,andlateron,organisedstrugglesofthe
workers,ledbythepartiesoftheleft,wereeventuallyabletoforcetherulingclassanditspoliticalrepresentativestobringinthe
factorylawsandvarioussociallegislations,andimplementthem,whichconvincedtheworkersthatthingscouldgetbettereven
withintheconfinesofcapitalism.Inthis,nodoubtthesurplusfromthetoilersinthecolonies/neocolonies/semicolonies/dependent
countries(theperiphery),sharednotonlybetweenthelocalelitesandtherulingclassesinthecentre,butalsotoanextent,bythe
workingclassesthere,helpedprovidepartofthecushion.Asaresultcapitalatthecentregotricherandstrongertoo.
MarxandEngelsdidnttakeallofthesedevelopmentsintoaccountandsoprovedwrongintheirexpectationsofasocialistEurope.
But,tohisgreatcredit,MarxdidbrilliantlytakeaccountofbesidesthemassiveexpropriationinBritainthroughtheenclosures
capitalismspillage,initsmercantilistphase,ofwhatlatercametobecalledtheperipheryorthethirdworld,inPartVIIIofCapital,
Volume1,entitled,TheSoCalledPrimitiveAccumulation.Healsodidnotignoreunequalexchangethroughsiphoningapart
ofthesurpluscreatedinproductionviafundsusedbyadistinctclassfortradeincommodities(merchantcapital)withthe
periphery,inthecompetitivephaseofcapitalism.Basically,merchantcapitalplayedacrucialroleintheperiphery,albeitasan
appendageofindustrialcapitalatthecentre(Kay1975).Marxhadnottheopportunitytoreorienthistheoryofaccumulationtotake
accountofwhathadbeguntohappenattheendofhislife,theemergenceofcapitalismasaglobalsystemwiththeusheringinof
monopolycapitalism.But,wehaveitfromSweezy(1967:16)thathewasfullyawareofthecausalrelationshipbetweenthe
developmentofcapitalismatthecentre,inhisday,inEuropeandthedevelopmentofunderdevelopmentintheperiphery.Early
Marxismhoweverprovedinadequateinelaboratingatheoryofaccumulationonaworldscalethatwouldexplainthefunctioningof
capitalismasaglobalsystem.Allthesame,Marxsuggestedawayofanalysingcapitalismhowcapitalgotitswealthfromthe
pillageoftheperiphery,fromexpropriationthroughtheenclosures,fromthesurpluslabourofworkersinthepast,andfromthe
acquisitionofsmallerandweakerunitsofcapital;howthesuperstructure(thestate,thelegalsystem,thedominantideologyand
culture)wasadaptedandmodifiedtofacilitateallofthis;andwithwhatpotentialities.Thatmethodwasmaterialistdialectics,which
wasappliedbythebestofhisfollowerstwoofwhomwereLeninandMaotounderstandtheeverchangingworldandto
intervenetochangeitforthebetter.
Meanwhile,thepartiesleadingthevariousworkingclassmovementsinEurope,membersoftheSecondInternational,continuedto
paylipservicetothecauseofproletarianrevolution.But,soontheywereexposedforwhattheyreallyhadbecomewhenin1914they
supportedtheirrespectivegovernmentsinthewar,anactdemonstratingnothinglessthantheselfdestructionofinternationalism,and
thequashingofmanyahopeofproletarianrevolution.Withthepossibilityoftheworkersmakingsignificanteconomic,socialand
politicalgainswithintheconfinesofcapitalismatthecentre,Marxismwasrevised,refashionedbyEduardBernsteinandothers
toemptyitofitsrevolutionarycontent.Ofcourse,thiswasnotMarxismanymore,butgiventheobjectiveconditionsinEurope,the
revisionistdoctrinetooktheplaceoftherevolutionaryonethere.
WhatisLeninism?WhatisStalinism?
ItwasinthesetheworstoftimesthatLenin,athoroughlyorthodoxMarxist,struckamomentouschordonthepoliticalstagewithhis
pamphlet,Imperialism:TheHighestStageofCapitalism(1916),explainingthewarthenragingintermsofadivisionoftheworldinto
separatespheresofinfluenceandtheintercapitaliststrugglesforitsredivision.Leninspurposewaslimitedmainlytoexplainthe
natureofthewarthenunderwayandwhatshouldbedonebysocialistsleadingtheworkingclass.Leninurgedthatratherthanfighting
andkillingeachotherinthisimperialistwar,theworkersmustbeconvincedtoconverttheimperialistwarintoacivilwarto
overthrowtheirrespectivebourgeoisies.Theimpactofaccumulationonaworldscaleinshapingthenatureofunderdevelopmentof

theperipheryand,inturn,ontheaccumulationofcapitalatthecentreandtheconsciousnessoftheworkingclassthere
werenotthefocus.
Instead,inLeninsview,thesuperprofitsofmonopolycapitalwere,amongotherthings,usedtobribeanupperstratumofthe
workingclasstherebycreatinganaristocracyoflabourandsomeleadersoftheworkingclassmovements.Leninthusblamed
thepoliticalleadershipsofthesocialdemocraticpartiesleadingthemovementsoftheirrespectiveworkingclassesandtheirbetrayal
ofthemajorityoftheirrespectiveproletariats.ThefactthattheobjectiveconditionsinEuropehadchanged,whichthwartedthe
permeationofarevolutionaryconsciousnessintheworkersonthecontinent,eludedhim.Butitmaybesaidonthewholeof
LeninandtheBolsheviksthatinthecourseoftheirpracticetheyrescuedMarxismfromthoseofitsadherentswhomistakenlyand
mechanicallyinterpretedMarxasahistoricaldeterminist.
ButletmeexplaintheMarxistposition.Adeterministwayofthinkingarguesthathistoryandthegivenconditionsexistingonthe
grounduniquelydeterminewhatislikelytohappennext.Inpurecontrast,avoluntaristpointofviewholdsthatalmostanythingcan
happensubjecttothewillandpositiveresolveofeffectiveleadersandtheresolutesupporttheygetfromtheirfollowers.Inmyview,
Marxismisneitherdeterministnorvoluntaristinitsconception,atanygivenmomenttherearearangeofpossibleoutcomes,
determinedbothbyhistoryandtheexistingconditionsandcontext.Theactualoutcomefromamongthissetwilldependonsocial
action.Thatis,whichparticularintermediategoaltheleaderschoosefromtherangeofpossibilities(strategy)andwhethertheyand
theirsupportersgoabouttryingtoachievethatresultwithappropriatetactics,andrespondcorrectlytothecourseofeventsthat
unfold.Clearly,LeninandStalin,andTrotsky,wemightaddputgreatweightonpatternsofleadershipcentralizeddirection
byarevolutionaryelite.Maodidnotdisagreewiththis,butfromexperienceemphasizedthenecessityofhonestandcorrectfeedback
fromthepartyrankandfileandthemasses.
StalinhascalledLeninismtheMarxismoftheeraofimperialismandproletariandictatorship.Butheisonewhoevokesdeep
anguishamongmanysocialists.Ontheonehand,hewastheonlytopleaderamongtheBolshevikswhocamefromthewretchedof
theearth(hisfatherwasapoorcobblerandhismotherwasofpoorpeasantserfstock),fortunatetohavebeeneducatedatareligious
seminary;itwasunderhisleadershipthattheSovietUnionanditsRedArmyvanquishedthemightoftheGermanarmedforcesinthe
SecondWorldWartosafeguardhumanityfromfascism.Andaslongasheliveditwaspossibletobelieve(mistakenly,intheviewof
some)intheexistenceofaglobalcoordinatedmovementinactiverevolutionaryconflictwithcapitalismandimperialism.But,on
theotherhand,heconsignedLeninismandsocialismtothegravethatwhichisnotdemocraticcanneverbesocialist.Indeed,as
HarryBraverman(1969:54)putit:
ThedestructionoftheoldBolshevikPartyclosedinnumerablepossibilitiestotheSovietUnion,anditishardto
envisionthemall.[And,inafootnote,headds]Stalindidnotstopwiththeannihilationoftheleftandtheright
oppositions,ledrespectivelybyTrotskyandBukharin.Heturnedonhisownfaction,and,asKhrushchevtoldthe
TwentiethCongress,executed98of139(70percent)oftheCentralCommitteeselectedattheSeventeenthCongress
in1934.
PareshChattopadhyay(2005)arguesthattheverynotionofsocialisminLeninandtheotherearlyBolsheviks(beforeStalins
consolidationofpower)wascompletelyatoddswiththatofMarx.Thesuggestionseemstobethat,giventhisoriginalflaw,and
economicandsocialbackwardness,itwasonlyamatteroftimebeforetherulingeliteintheSovietUnionmetamorphosedintoa
rulingclass,legitimizingitsauthoritarian(and,inthisview,exploitative)ruleinthenameofMarxism.Certainly,asaresult,Marxism
andLeninismhavebeendiscreditedintheeyesofmany.Afterall,followingtheseizureofpowerinOctober1917,didntthemeans
begintoshapetheveryendstoeventuallyoverwhelmthesocialistaspiration?However,Ithinkoneshouldtakeaccountofwhathas
cometobecalledLeninslaststrugglewarningofseriousdangerfromthegrowthofarulingbureaucracyandfromthecrudity
ofStalin.Beyondthis,itseemstome,andIhavecometobelievethis,thatgiventheexistenceofclass,patriarchy,racism(andcaste,
onemightadd)overmillennia,powerandcompulsionaredeeplyrootedinsocialreality;indeed,theyhavealmostbecomepartofthe
basicinherited(butnotunchangeable)humancondition,whichleadsonetomakeaverystrongcaseforcivilanddemocraticrights
andliberties(thesehavebeengainedthroughhistoricstruggleswagedbytheunderdogs)thatshouldnotbeallowedtobeabrogated
comewhatmay.
Forourpurposeoverhere,however,itwouldbepertinenttobrieflymentionthewayLeninconceivedoftherevolutioninbackward
capitalistRussiawhere,inhisanalysis,thebourgeoisieanditspoliticalrepresentativeswereincapableofbringingaboutthe
bourgeoisdemocraticrevolutionoverthrowingczarismandseizinganddismantlingthefeudalestatesmakingitimperative
thattheworkingclassinalliancewiththepeasantstakeoverthattask,onlytoquicklymoveontothenextstage,thatofsocialist
revolution.Inallofthis,theworkerpeasantalliancewastobeledbythevanguardparty.Leninsconceptionofsuchapartythen
becomesgermaneitspurposewastopoliticallyorganiseandbringrevolutionaryideastotheworkingclass,moregenerally,the
masses,andleadtherevolutiontoestablishadictatorshipoftheproletariat.Marxhadconceptualizedthelatterasasysteminwhich,
followingtheseizureofpower,thiswouldbetheregimeinwhichtheproletariatwouldnotonlyexercisethesortofhegemony
hithertoexercisedbythebourgeoisie,butaformofgovernment,withtheworkingclassactuallygoverning,andfulfillingmanyof

thetaskshithertoperformedbythestate,andLeninfullyendorsedthisview(Miliband2000:151).Ofcourse,inLeninswayof
thinking,thedictatorshipoftheproletariatwastobeexercisedbytheworkersundertheguidanceofthevanguardparty.
Thelatterevolvedovertimeintheconditionsimposedbyillegality,innerpartyorganisationwasdifferentin1902fromthat
following1905,andthenFebruary1917,whenamassbasedpartyadheringtodemocraticcentralismwasseentofitthebill.
Democraticcentralismwasconceivedasaninnerpartyorganisationalprincipleandpracticewherethevariousfactionswithinthe
partystrictlyadheretotheguidelinefreedomofdiscussion,unityofaction.(Johnstone2000:135).Ofcourse,whathappenedin
practicewasthestampingoutofthedemocraticcomponent;in1921,factionswerevirtuallyoutlawed,somethingStalinissaidto
havetakenadvantageoftoultimatelysecurehisdominationoftheparty(Johnstone2000a:408409).Inparallel,thedictatorshipof
theproletariatconceivedasadictatorshipovertheformerrulingclasses,butademocraticrolemodelasfarasthemasseswere
concernedcametobewidelyassociatedwiththedictatorshipofthepartyandthestateoverthewholeofsociety,includingthe
proletariat(Miliband2000:152),whichcametobeassociatedwithStalinism.
StalinismadecomposedversionofLeninismcloselyassociatedwiththeregimeintheSovietUnionfromthelate1920stothetime
ofStalinsdeathin1953hastobeseen,asRalphMilibandrightlyemphasised,inthecontextofRussianhistory(2000a:517).
However,giventheconstraintofbrevity,wecan,atmost,onlylistitsprincipalcharacteristics,drawinglargelybutnotuncritically
fromMiliband(Ibid:51719):

theoutlookthatitispossibletobuildsocialisminonecountry;
theopinionthatundersocialismtheremustbeaverystrongstate;
theviewthatclassstruggleintensifieswiththeadvanceofsocialism;
thecultofpersonality,withanobsessivefocusonthesupremeleaderswill;
forcedcollectivisationandrapidindustrialisation;
crudesuppressionofdissent,andofcriticalintelligenceandfreediscussionwithintheparty;
thepoliticaltrialsandthepurges,andeliminationofmostofthemajorfiguresoftheBolshevikRevolution;
theforcedlabourcampswherethousandsofordinarypeoplesufferedcompleteruin(recallingthismakesmecry);
oppositiontofascismandadecisivecontributiontotheAlliedvictoryoverit;and,
thediscreditingofMarxismLeninismbecauseofamechanicalinterpretationofit,anditsstampingasofficialstate
ideologytolegitimiseelite/rulingclasspower.

Allthesame,itseemsthatLeninsaspirationandvisionofthesocialiststateasexpressedinStateandRevolution,writteninthe
summerof1917aftertheseizureofpowerwasinspiredbyMarxslaudingofthe1871ParisCommuneanddrawinglessonsfrom
itaboutthefuturesocialiststate.Marxwasemphaticthattheworkingclass,aftertakingpower,shouldnotsimplytakecontrolof
theexistingstructure,institutionsandmachineryoftheoldstate,allofwhichhadtobesmashedandreplacedbyastateofa
radicallynewtype.AsRalphMiliband(2000b:524)setsforthMarxsdepictionofthecredooftheCommune,whichLeninseemsto
haveaccepted,andtheroleofthepartyenvisagedbythelatterinhistract,StateandRevolution:
[Allstateofficials]wouldbeelected,besubjecttorecallatanytimeandtheirsalarywouldbefixedatthelevelof
workerswages.Representativeinstitutionswouldberetained,buttherepresentativeswouldbecloselyand
constantlycontrolledbytheirelectors,andalsosubjecttorecall.Ineffect,theproletarianmajoritywasintended
notonlytorulebutactuallytogoverninaregimewhichamountedtotheexerciseofsemidirectpopularpower.
AveryremarkablefeatureofStateandRevolution,giventheimportanceLeninalwaysattributedtotheroleofthe
party,isthequitesubsidiaryroleitisallottedinthisinstance.
ButLeninsvisionofthesocialiststatedidnotsurvivetheBolshevikseizureofpower.Yet,heneverformallyrenouncedthe
perspectiveswhichhadinspiredStateandRevolution.CanwethusconcludethatLeninwantedthecreationofasocietyinwhich
thestatewouldbestrictlysubordinatedtotheruleandselfgovernmentofthepeople(Miliband2000b:525)?Thecontrastbetween
theoryandpractice,inthisrespect,couldnthavebeenstarker.Frankly,onehastoclearlydistinguishbetweenwhatonesaysandwhat
onedoes.Afterall,whathappenedtotheCongressofSovietssovietswhichhadthepotentialtobeselfgoverningorgansofthe
workersandthepeasantsthathadarisenalmostspontaneouslyfromthemovementofFebruary1917?Bythesummerof1918the
sovietshadnomorethanamereformalexistence.Themaininstitutionofthedictatorshipoftheproletariat,theSovietsofWorkers
andSoldiersDeputies(independentofanyoneparty),tookthebackseat,withthepartyleadershipatthesteering(Miliband1970).
Indeed,thedictatorshipoftheproletariatwasdeemedimpossibleexceptthroughtheleadershipofthesingleparty;socialistpluralism
toogotprecluded(Ibid).But,tobefair,itisimportantthoughtonotethatLenin,inhislastwritings,expressedtheneedtocreatethe
basisforpopularselfgovernance,forwhich,hefelt,theremustbeagenuinerevolution,wherecultureflowersamongthepeople.Was
hethencallingforaculturalrevolution,somethingthatMaolaunchedinChinain1966withtheaimofpreventingcapitalist
restoration(Thomson1970:125)?

Maoism:EvolutionandDevelopment2
Millenniaaretoolong:Letusdisputeovermorningsandevenings.MaoZedong(1963)
TheconventionalwisdomofthedaypresentsMaoassomekindofamonster,forinstance,inJungChangandJonHallidays2005
book,Mao:TheUnknownStory,which,initsobsessiveintenttodenigrateMao,isleastconcernedwiththeknownfactsaboutthe
man(Gao2008:chapters4and5).Indeed,inLiZhisuisThePrivateLifeofChairmanMao,heismadeouttobeamonstrous
lecherbyadoctor,bentondisparagingMao,shabbilydoctoringthefacts(Gao2008:chapter6).Itisevidentthatabattlefor
Chinaspastisunderway,withtheeliteintelligentsialeadingtheattack.ThelatterareChinese,whowerethevictims,realor
imagined,directorindirect,oftheCulturalRevolution,andsomeleadinglightsintheChinaStudiesfieldtheworldover,whohave
alwaysbeenpronetosomersaultsdependingonthedirectionofthepoliticalwindinWashington.Forinstance,theirpositionshave
shiftedfromdisparagingduringtheperiodofColdWarhostilitytogrudginglycomplementaryfollowingSinoUSdtenteinthe
early1970s,andthen,toMaowasallwrong;MaoistoblamewiththegreatreversalinChinainthepostMaoperiodwhenthe
officialviewturnedantiMaoist,andtheideologyofneoliberalismtookhold.3
Thecredoofobjectivitythatisrepeatedlyclaimedisamyth.Itisnotsurprisingthatinaworldwheretheideasoftherulingclassare
ineveryepochtherulingideas,theviewsofthebeneficiariesoftheculturalrevolution,thepeasantsandtheworkers,whogainedin
termsofeducation,healthcareandotheraspectsofsocialwelfare,asalso,inthevoicetheygotinthefieldsandthefactories,andin
thepoliticalarena,arenotbeingheard(Gao2008).
WiththisnecessarycommunicationofthesideIleanon,letmethengettotheoriginsofMaoism,whichgotitsleaseonlifeinthe
immediateaftermathoftheeventualrejectionofthedisastrouslineofunitedfrontfromwithin(leadingtorestraintson
organisationalindependence),whichwasvirtuallyforcedontheCCPbytheThirdInternational(theComintern)in1923.Itwas
claimedbythelatterthattheKuomintang(KMT),ledbyChangKaishek(afterSunYatsendiedinMarch1925),representedthe
revolutionarynationalbourgeoisieofChina.Thisalliancewassupposedtoproducenationalliberationandthebourgeois
democraticrevolution(revolutionledbythebourgeoisieinalliancewiththeworkersandpeasants),butledonlytothedisastrous
defeatofthecommunistsatthehandsofChangscounterrevolutionin1927,leadingtothecivilwar(192835).
Butevenindefeattherewasasilverlining:nodoubttheChangledKMTcontrolledthebulkofthearmedforces;buttheFourth
ArmydesertedinAugust1927tojointhecommunists,whichledtothefoundingoftheRedArmy.AnewleadershipoftheCCP
graduallybegantocoalescearoundMao;however,itwasonlybyaround1932thatthisbuddingMaoistauthoritygainedlegitimacy
andtheCCPcouldforge,andrefineovertime,itsownstrategyandpathtoachievethegoalsofthenewdemocraticrevolution
(NDR).
Forourpurposeoverhere,itmustbementionedthattheCominternhadmechanicallyextendedMarxshistoricalanalysisofthe
transitionfromfeudalismtocapitalisminEuropetothecolonies/semicolonies/neocolonies,merelyaddingonthatimperialismhad
alliedtherewiththefeudaliststomaintainandconsolidateitspower.Itwasthenassumedthatthenationalbourgeoisiewouldtakethe
leadinthestruggleagainstimperialismandfeudalism/semifeudalism,andthereforeitwasthedutyofthecommuniststheretorally
themassesinsupportofsuchaproject,foritwouldleadtonationalindependenceandbourgeoisdemocracy,withoutwhichthe
struggleforsocialismwouldhavehadtobeindefinitelypostponed.But,aswehaveseen,suchapolicyledtothedisastrousdefeatof
thecommunistsinChinain1927.Thesocallednationalbourgeoisieprovedtobenothingbuttheallyofimperialismagainstthe
communists.
ItwastheCCPunderMaothatmosteffectivelychallengedtheCominternlinebyrefusingtosurrendercontrolandleadershiptothose
whocouldnotbereliedupontocarrythroughtotheveryendthestruggleforgenuinenationalindependenceorthefightagainst
feudalism/semifeudalism.Thequalityoftheleadershipwascruciallyimportant(Sweezy1976:10).Itadoptedthestrategyof
protractedpeopleswar(PPW),whichreliedonthepeasants,builtruralbaseareas,carriedoutlandtothetillerandothersocial
policies(forinstance,dealingwiththegenderquestionthroughthemobilizationofwomeninthecountryside)intheseareas(run
democraticallyasminiature,selfreliantstates)therebybuildingupapoliticalmassbaseinthecountrysidetofinallyencircleand
capturethecities.
HereitneedstobeemphasisedthatitwasonlyduringtheantiJapaneseresistance(193745),whenthecontradictionbetween
Japaneseimperialismandnationalindependencebecametheprincipalone(playingtheleadingrole),relegatingthefightbetween
feudalismandthemassestoasecondaryandsubordinateposition,thattheCCPmanagedtoshiftnationalistopinionprogressivelyin
itsfavour.Itwasinthisperiodthatitovercameitsconfinementintheruralareastomoveontothenationalstage,extendthePPW
andcapturethepopularimagination.TheCCPcouldnothavesuccessfullycapturedthecities,butforthemassivenationalist
upsurgeinthecourseoftheantiJapaneseresistanceturningdecisivelyinitsfavourduetoitscorrecthandlingoftheunityand
strugglebetweennationalismandantiimperialism,leadingontothesuccessfulcompletionoftheNDR.4

AtthecoreoftheNDRwasoppositiontothetransformationofthesocietyundertheleadershipofthebourgeoisieanditspolitical
representatives.TheNDRunambiguouslyledbythecommunistpartysuppressedthebigbourgeoisiebecause,evenasit
retainedprivatecapitalistenterprise,itwasprimarilymeanttocreatetheprerequisitesforsocialism.
AttheheartofthecourseoftheNDR,from1927to1949,wasthebuildingofbaseareas,involvingthefollowing(Gurley1976:70
71):
1.
2.
3.

achievingvictoryinthepoliticalstruggle,therebyestablishingthebasisforrunningaminiaturestateinthebase
area;
winningtheeconomicstrugglelandtothetiller,landinvestigation,promotionofmutualaidandcooperation,and
achievingthedevelopmentoftheproductiveforces(thematerialmeansofproductionandhumancapabilities)in
agricultureandsmallindustry;and,
carryingofftheculturalandideologicalstruggle,

withagreatdealofoverlappingamongthethree.
Allofthiswhetherpolitical,economic,orculturalandideologicalentailedfollowingthemassline,whichisadistinctive
featureofMaoism.Thisisamethodofinvolvingthemassesinhow,forinstance,eachoftheaboveistobedoneandthen
implementingwhathadbeendecideduponwiththeirparticipation.Thepartyleaderstherebycorrectlyunderstandtheopinionsofthe
people,andsofashiontherequiredpoliciesinamannerthemasseswillsupportandactivelyimplement.Maosummedthisuppithily
as:fromthemasses,tothemasses.Indeed,intheprocessofparticipatinginthelandtothetiller,landinvestigation,andinthe
ideologicalstruggles,thepeopleunderstoodthelocalclassstructureandtheideasandinstitutionsbolsteringthestatusquo(Gurley
1976:7172).
ThisbringsustothreecrucialdimensionsofMaoisttheoryandpracticeintryingtoenrichthedemocraticprocessintheLeninist
vanguardparty,themassorganizations,andthesociety.IntheMaoistconceptionofthevanguardparty,justlikeinLenins,
centralisedguidancebyarevolutionaryeliteisatthecore,andthiseliteleadershipisdrawnfromintellectuals,workersandpeasants,
withthedifferencethatworkersandpeasantsaresoughttoberepresented,overtime,ingreaterproportion.Whatishowever
distinctiveinMaoistheconsciousefforttofusetheinnerpartyorganisationalprincipleofdemocraticcentralism(freedomof
discussion,unityofaction)withthemassline(fromthemasses,tothemasses),themassorganisationsunderpartyleadership
providingthecruciallinkbetweenthetwo.However,awordoverhereabouttheclaimofthevanguardpartybeingledbythe
proletariatmightbeinorder.Here,asBenjaminSchwartz(1977:26)explains,inMaoism,thetermproletarianreferstoasetof
moralqualitiesselfabnegation,limitlesssacrificetotheneedsofthecollectivity,guerrillalikeselfreliance,unflaggingenergy
irondiscipline,etcasthenormoftruecollectivistbehaviour.Proletarianleadershipthencomestobeconstitutedbyasetof
intellectuals,workersandpeasantswhoexcelinthesemoralrequirements.
WearethusbeginningtograspsomedistinctivefeaturesofMaoismtheconceptionofNDRasopposedtothatofbourgeois
democraticrevolution;PPW;baseareasandthewaytheyareestablished;theprincipalcontradiction(whichmaychangeovertime)
steeringthecourseofthePPW;and,democraticcentralismplusthemassline.Itisthentimetointroducewhatmayindeedbethe
differentiaspecificaofMaoism,bestdonebyillustrationfromMaoistpracticeinChina.Wehavealreadyalludedtotheideathatthe
roadtosocialismwasalreadyentereduponandstrugglestopersistonthatroadwereundertakenearlyoninthenewdemocraticstage
oftherevolutionitself.WesaidthatthebigbourgeoisieissuppressedduringtheNDRitselfinordertolaythegroundcreatethe
preconditionsforsocialism.Why?
Socialists,morethanothers,arewellawarethattherearedefinitelimitstothecompatibilityofcapitalismanddemocracy,thatis,if
thelatterisunderstoodasgovernmentinaccordancewiththewillofthepeople(Sweezy1980).Butfromacapitalistpointofview,
suchdemocracyisacceptableandconsideredviableonlyifthemajoritycontinuestobelievethatthecapitalistsystemisthebestfor
them,orthatthereisnoalternativebuttolivewithit.Themomentthisbelieferodes,democracybecomesapotentialdangerto
capitalism,bestillustratedinthecaseofChilefrom1970followingthecomingintoofficeofapartypledgedtobeginningthe
transitiontosocialism,whereuponthebigbourgeoisiecollaboratedwithWashingtonandthemilitarytookovertosavecapitalism
there(Sweezy1980).Tocircumventsuchapossibility,anewtypeofdemocracy(newdemocracy)hastobecreatedwhichdoesnt
precludethetransitiontosocialismifthemajoritywantit,forwhich,thebigbourgeoisiehastobesuppressed.Ineffect,theNDR
doesntdoawaywithcapitalism,butitconfiscatesthepropertyoftheimperialistsandthebigbourgeoisiethoseattheapexof
wealth,powerandprivilegeandhencestymiestheantidemocraticoppositiontosocialismfromtheirrepresentativesandbackers.
ButletuselaborateupontheMaoistideaofstepswithinthenewdemocraticstage,stepsinthetransitiontosocialism,andsteps
withinthesocialiststageitself,andthethoughtthatthepreconditionsofasubsequentstep/stageintheprocessofprogressivechange
mustbecreatedwithinthestep/stagethathastobetransitedfrom.Thelandreformprogramleadingoninstepstocommunescanbe
usedasanaptillustration.ItmaybebesttotakeWilliamHintonsbooks,Fanshen:ADocumentaryofRevolutioninaChinese

Village(1966)andShenfan:TheContinuingRevolutioninaChineseVillage(1983),whichtogetherprovidearichdocumentary
accountofthelandreforminLongBowvillageofShanxiprovinceduring194648,onwardtotheformationofmutualaidteams,and
from1953,themergingofthoseteamsintoelementarycooperatives,andfromtheretoadvancedcooperativesandfurtheroninto
communes,andtracingdevelopmentsupto1971.Theytellawholelotoffacts,eventhosethatcontradictwhattheauthoristryingto
argue,butitisdifficulttoevenproposeaframeworktolookatthiswholesocialcanvas.However,fortunately,subsequentlyHinton
hashelpedprovidesuchanenablingstructure(1994;2002;2004),thoughhealsorevisedhisassessmentoftheCulturalRevolution
followingthepublicationofShenfan(Pugh2005).
PerhapsitwouldbebesttobeginwhereFanshenconcludes(Hinton1966:603):
Landreform,bycreatingbasicequalityamongruralproducers,onlypresentedtheproducerswithachoiceof
roads:privateenterpriseonthelandleadingtocapitalism,orcollectiveenterpriseonthelandleadingtosocialism.
Thebook,however,doesbringsomethoughtstomindandIcannotresistexpressingoneortwo.Asiswellknown,Hintonsfirst
storyofLongBowoffersamicrocosmoftheupheavalsinChinathatoverthrewsemifeudalisminthecountryside.Ontheone
hand,itthrowslightonwhatapoorpeasanthastogothroughinabadyearandhowhe/shefeelswhenthereisnosurplustopaythe
rent,interestandamortization,andyethe/shethenhastopartwiththegrainthatwouldhavekepthis/herfamilyfromhungerand
starvation,andtoknowthatthatverylandlordand/ormoneylendertraderhadcollaboratedwiththeJapaneseduring193745.Onthe
other,onecanunderstandwhyaclosebondmaydevelopbetweenthepoorpeasantandthevillagelevelpartypersonwhentheformer
knowsthatlatterconsidershimself/herselfaccountabletothepoorpeasantsleagueandthevillagecongress.
ThereisonemoreimportantinsightthatcomesfromFanshenthatwhenoneextractsrentandinterest,andwhatislostinunequal
exchangefromthenetoutputofthepoorpeasanthousehold,especiallyinabadyear,whatremainsisnotevenwhatwagelabour
wouldhavegot,thatis,ifoneweretoimputetherespectivewageratesforfamilylabour.Thissuggestsexploitationofagreaterorder
undersemifeudalismthanunderbackwardcapitalism,ifbothareatthesametechnologicallevel.Marxhadalsoreferredtothis,
albeit,inadifferentcontext,whenhediscussedtheplightoftheIrishtenantfarmer.Thisleadsonetoadisputewiththosescholars,
includingBenjaminSchwartz(1951:4)whoholdthattheCCP,thoughsuccessfullyhavingcometopoweressentiallyonthestrength
ofitsorganisationofthepeasantry,andnotthatoftheurbanproletariat,hadinauguratedinChinathedecompositionofMarxism
thatLeninbeganinRussia,andthus,theoppositeofthesignificantinnovationthatsomehaveattributedtoit.GivenMarxsremarks
ontheIrishtenantfarmer,Iwoulddoubtthathewouldhaveagreedwiththisview.
LetusthengettoShenfan.In1948itself,thepeasantshadbeguntoformmutualaidteamswhereasmallnumberofhouseholds
pooledresourcesotherthanland(tools,implements,draftpower,occasionallabour)butstillcultivatedthelandonanindividualbasis.
Thenin1953theformationofelementarycooperativesgotunderway,inwhichlandaswellasotherresourceswerepooled,but
individualownershiprightsweremaintained.Incomeswerebasedpartlyonpropertyownershipandpartlyonlabourtimecommitted
tocooperativeproductioninratiossettogarnermajoritylocalsupport.Heredividendshadtobepaidontheassets,includingland,
madeavailable,butthecomplaintofthemiddleandrichpeasantswasthatthiswasnotasmuchastheywouldotherwisehavegot,
thatis,iftheyhadcultivatedindividuallybyhiringinlabour.Butwhencropyieldsbegantoincreasebecauseofmoreintensiveuseof
labourinthecooperativemode,theconflictregardinghowtodividetheincomeasbetweenthelabourcontributedandtheassets
pooledbecamesharper(Hinton1983:14243).Theresolutionusuallytooktheformofmovingfromsomethinglikealabourtocapital
shareof40:60to60:40,for,overtime,itwaslivinglabourthathadcreatedtheadditiontoassets.Atimewouldthencomewhenthe
newassetscreatedbylabouroverwhelmtheoriginalassetspooledatthetimeoftheformationofthecooperative,whenitthen
becameappropriatetoabolishthecapitalshareofthenetoutput,thatis,movetoadvancedcooperatives.
Thelatterentailedadefinitesocialistadvance,involvingallpeasanthouseholdsbeingincorporatedinsuchproducercooperatives,
withcommonownershipofallproductiveresources.AsHinton(1994:67)putsit:
Whenthenewcapitalcreatedbylivinglaboursurpassesandfinallyoverwhelmstheoldcapitalwithwhichthe
groupstartedout,thenrewardingoldshareholderswithdisproportionatepaymentsamountstoexploitation,a
transferofwealthfromthosewhocreateitbyhardlabourtothosewhoowntheoriginalsharesandmay,currently,
notlabouratall.
Ofcourse,withonemoresteponthecollectiveladder,theadvancedcooperativeswereturnedintolargerunitsofcollectiveeconomy
andgovernmentthecommunes.Thepointhoweveristhatineachstepoftheladderleadinguptocollectivization,the
preconditionsofthenextstepwereintroduced,whichhelpedresolvetheoldcontradictionsandsmoothedthetransitiontothenext
step/stage.
But,itisallegedthatthestrategyoftheGreatLeapForward(GLF)(195861)andtheorganisationofthepeoplescommunes,andthe
leftdeviationsofthatperiodledtoamassivefamineinwhichupto30millionpeoplearesaidtohavedied.5Then,therehavebeen

theexcessiveviolenceandthepersonaltragediesoftheCulturalRevolution(CR).Forboth,theexcessesoftheGLFandtheCR,Mao
andMaoismhavebeenheldentirelyresponsible.Hintonhoweverdisagrees.Togettothetruth,heexplainsthecontextthatof
protractedpoliticalwarfare(Hinton2004:51).TheNDRwasarevolutionofanewtype,newinthatitwasmeanttocreatethe
preconditionsforthesocialistroad,unlikebourgeoisdemocraticrevolutionsthatopentheroadtocapitalism.Following1949,
however,theresolutionofthecontradictionswithsemifeudalismandimperialismbroughtthecontradictionbetweencapitalismand
theChineseworkingpeopletotheforethelatterbecametheprincipalcontradiction.
RightfromthetimeofthelaunchoftheNDR,theCCPhadbeendividedintotwomajorfactionsaproletarianone,headedby
Mao,andabourgeoisone,headedbyLiuShaoqiandDengXiaoping;preliberation,theformerwasbasedintheliberatedareas,
whilethelatterwasintheKMTdominatedcities.Afterliberationin1949,thetwofactionsmergedasoneorganisationally,butthey
neverdidmergeideologically(Hinton2004:54).Thisledtoafundamentalsplitoverdevelopmentstrategyandpolicyeversince
MaotookChinadecisivelyontothesocialistroad.ItwasontheeveoftheGLFthatMaodeclaredon27February1957(Onthe
CorrectionHandlingofContradictionsamongthePeople):...thequestionofwhichwillwinout,socialismorcapitalism,isstillnot
settled.AsHintonputit:Nopolicy,fromeitherside,couldbeappliedwithoutcontest,whichmeantextremefrictionbetweenthe
twofactions(Ibid:55).Hegoeson(Ibid:5659):
ToblameMao,then,forthestrugglethatensuedandforitsoutcomeisunwarranted,unrealistic,andunhistorical.
Maodidwhatneededtobedonegivenhissocialbase[theruralpoorandtheworkersinthealliancehecultivated],
whileLiudidwhathehadtogivenhissocialbase.AfteradecadeofconflictthingscametoaheadintheCultural
Revolution....Maohadtheupperhandpolitically.Hewasabletospeakdirectlyandmobilisehundredsofmillions
ofpeasantsandworkers.ButLiuhadtheupperhandorganisationally
in1958,severedisruptioncoupledwithverybadweatherin1959,60,and61produce(d)ashortageof
crops,hunger,andevenstarvation.Maosinitiativesfailedtemporarilybutwerewellconceived
DuringtheCulturalRevolutionsimilarextremesarose.However,themovementasawholewasagreat
creativedepartureinhistory.Itwasnotaplot,notapurge,butamassmobilisationwherebypeoplewereinspired
tointervene,toscreenandsupervisetheircadresandformnewpopularcommitteestoexercisecontrolatthe
grassrootsandhigher.
Theprincipalcontradictionofthetimeswastheclassstrugglebetweentheworkingclassandthecapitalistclass
expressedinthepartycentreunlessitwasresolvedintheinterestoftheworkingclassthesocialistrevolution
wouldfounder.themethodmustbetomobilizethecommonpeopletoseizepowerfrombelowinorderto
establishleadingbodies,democraticallyelected6organsofpowerwassummedupbythephrasebombardthe
headquartersthetargetoftheCulturalRevolution[was]partypeopleinauthoritytakingthecapitalistroad.
Basically,inordertoresolvethecontradictionbetweentheproletarianlineandthebourgeoislinewithinthepartyinfavourofthe
former,theMaoists,intheCR,triedtoplanttheseedsofalaterstageofsocialismintheearlierstageitself,thusdoingawaywitha
mechanicalseparationofthetwostagesandconcentratinginsteadontheirinterrelations(Magdoff1975:53).Thetwostagesof
socialism,supposedtofollowchronologically,arethephasewheredistributionofthesocialproductisaccordingtotheprinciple
fromeachaccordingtoher/hisabilities,toeachaccordingtoher/hisworkfollowedbythephasewheredistributionisaccordingto
thenormfromeachaccordingtoher/hisabilities,toeachaccordingtoher/hisneeds.Magdoff(1975:5354)explainsthatMaoists
focusontheinterrelationsbetweenthetwo,andthereforeemphasisetheneedtocreatethepreconditionsforthetransitionwithinthe
earlierphaseitself,themainprerequisitesbeingthewaythesocialproductisdistributedandachangeinhumanrelations.Ifone
doesntdothis,theinequalitiesproducedandreproducedbythecurrentstagewillleadtotheemergenceandconsolidationofanew
privilegedelitethatwillgraduallytransformitselfintoanewrulingclass.And,theyderivetheirjustificationofthiswithreferenceto
MarxsCritiqueoftheGothaProgramme,withitsforcefuldescriptionofthenecessarypersistenceofinequalityinasocialist(butnot
communist)society.OnecanthusunderstandwhythemajorconcernsduringtheCRweremeasuresthattend[ed]toreduce
differencesarisingfromthedivisionoflabourbetweencityandcountry,manualandmentallabour,andmanagementandemployees,
knowingverywellthattheirattainmentwasinthefardistantfutureandwillinvolvemanypoliticalstrugglesintheyearsahead
(Ibid:54).
ItisthenclearthatMaoistsrejectStalinsmechanicalinterpretationofMarxs1859PrefacetoAContributiontotheCritiqueof
PoliticalEconomyasadeterministictheoryofhistory.MaoaccusedStalinofemphasisingonlytheforcesofproduction(themeansof
productionandhumancapability)totheneglectoftherelationsofproduction(relationsatwork,andownershiprelationsthatbestow
controlovertheforcesofproductionandtheproduct),andthesuperstructure(institutionssuchasthestate,thefamily,religion,
education,andthelaw,andcultureandideology).Evenamongtheproductiveforces,StalinMaoallegesinarelativesense,
neglectedthegrowthofhumancapability,whichshouldhaveconstitutedthecoreoftheforcesofproduction.Again,Stalinessentially

viewedthedirectionofcausationasaonewayroutefromchangeintheforcesofproductiontoalterationintherelationsof
production,andthereontorevampofthesuperstructure(Mao1977).
Maoinsteadarguedthatelementsofthesuperstructurearetransformedonlywithaconsiderablelag;theoldculturehangsonlong
afterthematerialbaseoftheeconomyisradicallyaltered.But,ifaconsciouseffortismadetochangetheelementsofthe
superstructure,this,inturn,affectstheeconomicbase(theproductiveforcesandtherelationsofproduction).Hence,Maowasbenton
usheringinthepeoplescommunesevenbeforethemodernisationofagriculture,fortheformer,inhisview,bychangingtherelations
ofproductionandelementsofthesuperstructure,thelatterwithalag,would,inturn,spurtheproductiveforces.Hence,alsothestress
uponthestiflingeconomiceffectsoftheprevailingclassstructureofthefactoriesduringtheCR,orofthedominationoflandlords
andcompradorbureaucratcapitalistsinthepreliberationperiod,orontheliberatingeffectsofsmashingthesuperstructure(for
example,Confucianculture)(HoweandWalker1977:pp17677;Gurley1976:chapter2).Howapparentlyopenendedthe
interrelationsamongandbetweentheforcesofproduction,therelationsofproduction,andthesuperstructureareinMaosconception
ofMarxstheoryofhistory?
MarryingtheVariousStrands
Wehaveseeninthisessaythat,atitsbest,Marxismleadsonetoexpectacloseinterrelationshipbetweentheoryandpractice;where
eitherisscarcetheotherwillbeacutelydisadvantaged.Maoism,byandlarge,hasprivilegedpracticeovertheoryitviewspractice
asthefoundationoftheory.ButwhatdoestheMaoistdictumseektruthfrompracticemean?Atitsbest,andifonereadsMaosJuly
1937definitiveOnPractice:OntheRelationbetweenKnowledgeandPractice,BetweenKnowingandDoing,hetakesonboth,the
dogmatistsandtheempiricists,therightopportunistsandtheleftists.Asheputsit:Practice[classstruggle,politicallife,
scientificandartisticpursuits],knowledge,againpractice,andagainknowledge.Thisformrepeatsitselfinendlesscycles,andwith
eachcyclethecontentofpracticeandknowledgerisestoahigherlevel.And,inhisoutstandingAugust1937essayOn
Contradictionheholdsthatcontradictionsthestrugglebetweenfunctionallyunitedoppositescausecontinualchange.
Developmentstemsfromtheresolutionofcontradictionsandstrategyinvolveschoiceoftheformofstrugglemostsuitedtoresolvea
contradiction.Butthedesiredqualitativealterationcanbebroughtonlythroughaseriesofstages,wheretheexistingstageis
impregnatedwiththehybridseedsofthesubsequentone,therebydissolvingthesalientcontradictionsoftheformerandusheringin
thelatter.MaosMarxismwasoftheLeninistschool,albeittendingclosertoitsStalinistversion(which,aswehaveseen,isa
decomposedversionofLeninism),butstrugglingtoovercomeandgobeyondStalinism.
Wehavetraversedawidecanvaswithsomewildstrokes,coveringthegroundfromMarxismtoLeninism,andfromtheretoits
Stalinistrevision,andthentoMaoismintermsofitsevolutionanddevelopmentinChinafromthelate1920stothelate1960s,
focussingonitsdifferentiaespecifica.Thelatter,wehavefound,are:

thepoorpeasantryoftheinteriorofabackwardcapitalist/semifeudalsocietyratherthantheurbanproletariatconstitutethe
masssupportbaseofthemovement;
theoryofrevolutionbystagesaswellasuninterruptedrevolution,implyingacloselinkbetweensuccessivestages;
thestageofNDR,whichmakescapitalismmuchmorecompatiblewithdemocracy,therebyaidingthetransitiontosocialism;
thepathandstrategyofPPW,whichreliesonthepeasants,buildsruralbaseareas,carriesoutlandtothetillerandother
socialpoliciesintheseareas(rundemocraticallyasminiature,selfreliantstates)therebybuildingupapoliticalmassbasein
thecountrysidetofinallyencircleandcapturethecities;
theconceptionofbaseareasandthewaytoestablishingthem;
capturing(winningmasssupportin)thecitiesbydemonstratingabrandofnationalismthatisgenuinelyantiimperialist,
therebyreorientinganexistingmassnationalistupsurge(asduringtheantiJapaneseresistance,193745inChina)infavour
ofthecompletionoftheNDR;
democraticcentralismplusthemassline,ensuringthatdemocracydoesnttakeabackseattocentralismandmaking
surethepeopleareinvolvedinpolicymakinganditsimplementation;
thecentralideathatcontradictionsthestrugglebetweenfunctionallyunitedoppositesateachstagedrivetheprocessof
developmentonthewaytosocialism,whichissoughttobebroughtaboutinaseriesofstages,wheretheexistingstage,at
therighttime,isimpregnatedwiththehybridseedsofthesubsequentone,therebydissolvingthesalientcontradictionsofthe
formerandusheringinthelatter;
openendedinterrelationsamongandbetweentheforcesofproduction,therelationsofproduction,andthesuperstructure;
and
theideathatpolitical,managerial,andbureaucraticpowerholdersentrenchthemselvesasarulingeliteand,overaperiodof
time,assumethepositionofanewexploitingclass,andthatthepeoplehavetobeconstantlymobilisedtostruggleagainst
thistendency.

MaterialistdialecticsasawayofthinkingandaguidetodoingwasapowerfultoolinMaoshands,butitsweaknesseswere
perhapsinherentinitsverystrengths;intheend,theverymethodledhimtohugelyoverestimatethepaceofchangeandvastly
underestimatetheobstaclestochange.Marxtoofellintothesametrapwhenhisverymethodofanalysisledhimtobelievethat
revolutionwasaroundthecorner,immenselyunderratingthehugebarrierstoprogressivechange.Doestheveryapplicationofthe
methodofmaterialistdialecticsleaditspractitionerstoerronthesideofvoluntarismintheirpractice?
Ifonelooksforwardfromthevantagepointof1969theyearmarksthebeginningoftheendoftheMaoisterathegreatreversal
fromsocialismtocapitalism(Sharma,ed.2007)layahead.But1969alsoaffordsagoodlookbackintime.Itmighthelptobegin
fromanincidentfromMaoschildhoodwhenhewasinschool,whichherelatedtotheAmericanjournalistEdgarSnow(1972).One
dayheandhisfellowstudentswerewitnesstothedecapitatedheadsofrebelsstrungtothecitysgatesasawarning.The
insurrectionistshadledstarvingpeasantsinanuprisingtofindfood.Thesavagerepressionoftherebellionwasobvious,andthe
incidentleftaprofoundimpressionontheboyandheneverforgotit,deeplyresentingthetreatmentmetedouttotherebels.Clearly,
fromaveryyoungageMaocametoviewtheprevailingsocialorderasquitesimplyintolerableandtoexpectarevolutionaryhightide
soonerorlater.Asinglesparkcanstartaprairiefire,hetoldhisclosecomradesinJanuary1930;twentyyearslater,heissaidto
havedeclared:TheChinesepeoplehavestoodup!ThereisatouchingstoryofMaostriumphantentryintoBeijingwhichisworth
recounting:7
TherewereamillionChinesepresenttowelcomehim.Alargeplatform,fifteenfeethigh,hadbeenbuiltattheend
ofavastsquare,andashemountedthestepsfromtheback,thetopofhisheadappearedandaroarofwelcome
surgedupfromamillionthroats,increasingandincreasingasthelonefigurecamefullyintoview.AndwhenMao
sawthevastmultitude,hestoodforamoment,thensuddenlycoveredhisfacewithbothhandsandwept.
Butintheyearsafter1949,eveninthemid1960s,aswehaveseen,thequestionofwhetheritwillbecapitalismorsocialisminChina
wasstillunsettled.Attheageof72,theguerrillainMaostirredagainbettertoburnoutthantohittheskids.AsJeromeChen
(1968:5),quotingMaothepoetputit:
TheChineserevolutionwasatacrossroad.Itcould"lookdowntheprecipices"andbeataretreator"reachthe
ninthheavenhigh"andthen"returntomerrimentandtriumphantsongs."Thechoice,accordingtothepoet,
dependedentirelyuponone's"willtoascend."
Fouryearslater,allthatremainedweretheembersthetimehadcometojustfadeaway.Notmuchlater,hisclosestcomrades,
ZhouEnlaiandZhuDepassedaway.TheBardofAvonsideathatalltheworldsastagehasacquiredthestatusofaclich,butit
mustsurelyhavebeenoneofthegreatpleasuresofMaoslifetohavebeenonthesamestagewiththetwoofthem.Thetimewasnow
upforoneofthegreatestMarxistrevolutionariesofalltimetoascendtothestarstojointhem,andMarx,Engels,Lenin,Trotsky,
Stalin,the20millionsoldiersoftheRedArmywhohaddiedinthewaragainstfascism,themanyordinarypeasantguerrillasofthe
PLAwhosacrificedtheirlivesinthelongmarchtoabetterworld.
Maoism,however,needstobetakentotask;onecannotbutask:Whythepeasantsandworkersdidntresistthegreatreversalsto
capitalisminChinaandtheSovietUnionthecounterrevolutions?Weretheseregimes,aslongasMaoandStalinwerearound,
reallysocialist,ashasconstantlybeentheclaimoflatterdayMaoists?Thetruthcouldonlybehighlydisappointing,thatis,ifone
weretojudgeMaoism,asisonlyfair,bythefruitsofitsprojectoftakinghumanityalongtheroadtowardsequality,cooperation,
community,andsolidarity.InChinaitself,Maoismdidntsucceedonthisscorealltheunitedactionsoftheworkersandthepoor
peasants,allthemasseducationoftheMaoistperioddidntseemtohavebroughtabouttheirintellectualdevelopmenttoapoint
where,whenitcametotakingonthecapitalistroadersafter1978toupholdtheideasofequalityandcooperationasagainst
hierarchyandcompetition,theydidpreciouslittle.Maoismfailedtoprovideasuccessfulworkingmodelofsocialisminthe20th
century.Whatsworse,evenasMaowasinhislastyears,PeoplesChinaenteredintoanaccommodationwithUSimperialismagainst
theSovietUnionMaosOnContradictionwasmisappliedtojustifythearrangement.InablatantviolationofanimportantMaoist
tenet,nationalismgotthebetterofantiimperialismwhenin1974DengXiaopingusedsocalledthreeworlds'theorytorationalise
therightwingturninChinasforeignpolicy.Butdespitealltheseshortcomings,therecanbelittledoubtthatoverthelonger
period,fromthelate1920stothelate1960s,Maoismdidsomethingunprecedentedinhumanhistoryitbroughtaboutadrastic
redistributionofincomeandwealthinChina;itradicallyreorderedthewayChinesesocietyseconomicsurpluswasgeneratedand
utilised,allforthebetter.
MaosLegacyandtheFutureofMaoism
ItstimethentotalkofMaoslegacy.Aswehaveseen,Maoismhasadefiniteviewabouthowtogettosocialism,andaboutwhat
needstobedonetomeetthebasicneedsofeveryoneinapoorcountry.Developmentistobeonanegalitarianbasisweareallinit
togetherandeveryonerisestogether.WhatthenofMaoslegacy,Maoism?Surely,thisisopentoallwhosharehisWeltanshuuang,
hismethodofanalysismaterialistdialecticshisvalues,hisvision,andchoosetoembarktogetheronthelongmarchto

socialism,knowingbeforehand,thatthejourneyisfraughtwithconsiderableperil.WhatthenofMaoisminIndia(Ram1971;
Banerjee1980;Mohanty1977;Gupta1993;2006;Azad2006),onemightask?MaoistChinadiditsbesttofeed,clotheandhouse
everyone,keepthemhealthy,educatemostofthem.ContrastthiswiththedeplorableconditionsinIndiaattheendofthe1960sand
eventodaythetragedyofIndiaruledbyherownbigbourgeoisieandonegetswindastowhytherearesomeinIndiawholook
totheMaoistmodelofdevelopmentasthewaytoaricherandfullerlifeforall.Anuwhomwestartedthisarticlewithwasone
ofthem.
However,whileonemayhavedeeprespectforsuchpeople,oneneedstoaskthequestion:Arethebasicpathandstrategyof
revolutionthatwerenecessaryinChinainthe1930sand1940srightforIndiainthe21stcentury?Well,Indiadiffersvery
significantlyfromtheChinaofthosetimes,moresoinitshistory,geography,classandsocialstructure,traditions,andinthenatureof
itssemifeudalism/backwardcapitalism,theaccommodationofthebigbourgeoisiewithimperialism,8thestrengthoftherepressive
apparatusofthestate,thenationalitiesquestion,andsoon.And,importantly,whileChinesehistoryisrepletewithperiodic
widespreadpeasantuprisings,Indianhistory,inacomparativesense,isscarceofsuchrebellions,whichperhapscanbeexplainedin
termsofcaste(Moore1966:chapters4,6,and9)itisfundamentallyantitheticaltoanymeaningfulunityoftheexploitedandthe
oppressed.9RecallthatMaoadaptedhisMarxismLeninismtotherealitiesofChinashistory,Chinaspotentialities;learntruth
frompracticewashismessage.Surelyaparty[CPI(Maoist)]thatstemsfromapoliticaltendencythat,overthelast40years,has
doneitsbesttotaketheIndianrevolutionforwardmightliketotakeahardrelookintotheabyssthatisIndiaitshistory,its
potentialities.
TheMaoistsmustkeepinmindthatthescientificvalidityoftheMaoismtheyupholdwillbejudgedinthefirstinstanceinIndiabyits
contributionstocorrectlyexplainingIndiansocialreality.Thereisalottheyhavehadahandinthisrespect,forinstance,in
emphasisingtheparasiticalrelianceofIndiancapitalonthestateforitsselfexpansion,expressedinthenotionofbureaucratcapital.
Or,instressingthepowerfulroleofthestateintheverymakingoftheIndianbigbourgeoisie(ofcourse,thestatesfosteringofthe
rulingclassesmorethantheotherwayround,goingbacktoancienttimes,isaninsightfromtheeminenthistorianDDKosambi).The
Maoistshavealsohelpedustoseethepost1956officiallandreformsashavingledtothepartialamalgamationoftheoldrural
landowningclassesintoanew,broaderstratumofrichlandowners,thosenotsettingtheirhandstotheplough,includinganupper
sectionoftheformertenants,allofwhom,despitethevariousmarkets,haveyettoridthemselvesofvarioussemifeudalpractices
andprecapitalistelementsofculture.Also,itistheMaoistswho,intheirpractice,correctlydonoteventrytodifferentiatetherural
poorintoagrarianproletariatorlandlesspeasantry,knowingverywellthatthesameverypoorhouseholdcanbecategorizedin
oneortheotheratvariouspointsintime.And,inorganisingtheagrarianproletariat/landlesspeasantryalongwiththepoorand
middlepeasants,andasectionoftherichpeasants,theyinsistonfactoringinthecastequestion,despitetheirknowinghowhighly
problematicandpainfullydifficultsuchagettingtogethercanbe.Also,itistheMaoistsmorethanotherswhofirstgraspedthebrutal
characterofthedominantclassesandtheleadersofthepoliticalpartiestheyhavecoopted,theverysamecategorieswhoseforebears
hadtakenpowerinthenameofGandhiannonviolence.Allthisisknowledgeessentiallyderivedfromtheirpractice;10and,needless
tosay,inkeepingwithMaoslegacy,thecontentofpracticeandknowledgehastogooncontinuouslyrisingtoahigherlevel.
Theparty[CPI(Maoist)]hascomeinforalotofcondemnationforitsviolentactivities,includingkillings.Theviolencehoweverhas
tobeviewedinthecontextoftheundeclaredcivilwarthatisunderwayintheareasofitsinfluence,forinstance,inDantewadainthe
stateofChhattisgarh(PUDR2006).Thegovernmentisimplementingabarbariccounterinsurgencypolicy,whichincludesthe
fosteringofanetworkofinformersandcombatantsamongthecivilianpopulation,rightfromthevillagelevelupwardsastate
supported,statesponsored,andevenstateorganisedsocalledpeoplesresistance[calledSalwaJudum(SJ)]againsttheMaoists.
Entirevillageshavebeenevacuatedandthevillagersforciblydumpedintoreliefcamps,andthis,inthecircumstancesoflargescale
acquisitionoflandbyprivatecorporationsinwhatisamineralrichregion.Thelastfouryearshavewitnessedviolentattacks,loot,
destruction,intimidation,rapeandkillingonanunprecedentedscaleprincipallybytheSJ;indeed,thelatterhasevenforcibly
mobilisedthedisplacedintoitsranks.Undoubtedly,thekillingisbybothsides,butthebigdifferenceisthattheMaoists,generally
whentheytargetspecificstaterepresentatives,oreveninformers,theyfirstwarnthemtodesistfromtheantipeopleactivitytheyare
undertaking.Thoseguiltyofrape,torture,deathsincustody,orresponsibleforencounterkillingsaresingledoutsothatothersmay,
outoffearofsuchreprisals,desistfromactingthus.AsfarastheSJrepresentativesareconcerned,anypersonwhojoinsthemis
targeted,notbecauseofanypersonalenmity,butbecauseoftherolethattheSJhasbeenplayingintheundeclaredcivilwar.
Moregenerally,theviolencealsohastobeseeninthecontextoftheclosedefactonexusbetweeneconomicandpoliticalpoweratthe
localandregionallevels;thedominantclasses,throughvariousmeans,exerciseadegreeofcontroloverthepoliceandthejudiciary,
whichincreasesthechancesofviolentconfrontationbetweenthecontendingclasses.11
Thosewhodeliberately,falselydepicttheMaoistsasdevoteesofviolence,choosetosuppressthefactthattheviolenceofthe
oppressed(andtheMaoistswhonowleadthem)hasbeenalwaysprecededandprovokedbytheviolenceoftheoppressors(andthe
stateandprivateforcesthatbackthem).Toclaim,assomeliberalsdo,thattheviolenceoftheoppressedismorallyequivalentto
thatoftheoppressors,istoendorsethereactionarystate,whichbackstheoppressors.And,inthisageofthemanagementofpublic

opinion,theprogrammingofwhatthepublicthinks,seesandreads,thefactsthataredisseminatedareartificiallyseparatedfrom
awholehostofotherrelevantfacts,neverallowingthepublictodiscerntherealpresent.
But,whileacknowledgingthatantagonisticcontradictionsbetweenhostileclassbasedorganisationswillleadtoviolence,itisa
MaoisttenetthatguerrillaactionsoughttobesubordinatedtomasslinepoliticstheMaoistguerrillasshouldgiveprecedenceto
winningoverthemassofthepeopleintheirbaseareasand,inconsequence,inthesurroundingareasandworktowardsabetter
balance(proportionality)thaneverbeforebetweenmeansandends.Regardingtheresorttoviolenceintherevolution,totheextent
thatIhaveabsorbedtheirwritings,itwouldbefairtosaythatMarxandEngelsmightnothavedisagreedwiththeuseofviolent
methodsbytherevolutionaryforcesinIndiatoday.Thedominantclassescouldneverbeexpectedtogiveuptheircontrolwithout
employingalltherepressivepowerattheircommand.ItisusefulperhapstorecallthatMarx'sresponsetothe"crimesandcruelties
alleged"againstthe"insurgentHindus"of1857wastosetoutanaccountofthedailyviolence"incoldblood"ofBritishruleinIndia
(Marx1857).
AstothefalseclaimthattheMaoistshavenomasssupportintheirareasofinfluence,onehasonlytolistentoperceptiveyet
sensitive,independentobserverswhoknowthesituationontheground.Thestateforcesaremuchstronger(asfarasarmamentsand
numbersgo)thantheMaoistguerrillas,andyetthetribalpeasantssupportthelatter.Whydothesepeasantstaketheriskofsupporting
theunderdogs,evenwhentheyknowthatwhentheguerrillasarevanquished,they,astheirsupporters,willbeatthemercyofthestate
forces,andwillmostprobablyperish?If,attheriskofdeathitself,thepeasantschoosetheguerrillas,surelytheremustbesomething
moresignificantgoingonoverhere.
BesidesIndia,MaoismisapoliticalforcetoreckonwithinNepal(Bhattarai2005;BhattaraiandWPRMBritain2009;Mage2005
and2007;Parvati2005;MageandDMello2007;AMR2008),thePhilippines(Sison1989;2003),andPeru(Spalding1992,1993;
Leupp1993).TheNepaliMaoistleadershavebeenimaginativetheirideasofsomecombinationoftheChinese(triumphinthe
countrysideandspreadtothecities)andtheRussian(victoryinthecitiesandspreadtothecountryside)modelsofrevolution,and
of21stcenturydemocracy(multipartycompetitionaslongasallagreebythegoalsofnewdemocracy)areappealing.Butthese
theoriesarebeingputtoaseveretestinpractice.TheUnifiedCommunistPartyofNepal(Maoist),givenitsrelativestrengthvisavis
theenemiesofdemocracyandtheirfriendsandmastersoutsidethebordersofthatsmallcountry(aboveallinIndia),seekstoutilize
thebourgeoisrepublicasastageinmusteringtheforceoftheimpoverishedmassesandnationalistintermediatestratatoproceed
towardsNDR(BhattaraiandWPRMBritain2009).
WhatthenofthefutureofMaoismandtherenewalofsocialismthatitpromises?Frankly,whateverchancetheremayhavebeenthat
therevolutionsofthe20thcenturycouldorwouldprovidesuccessfulworkingmodelsofsocialismhavelongsincebeen
extinguished;socialism,wearetold,hasbeentriedandfailed(Sweezy1993:5).But,asMarxwasthefirsttoshow,theobstaclesto
abetterfuturecannotbemeaningfullyaddressedwithintheframeworkofcapitalism.Thechallengethenistoreviveandrenewthe
legacyofsocialism.Inthis,canMaoismilluminatetheway?
MaoismhasitsrootsinMarxwhowas,aboveall,aradicaldemocrathedemandedthereincarnationofcommunityandmass
solidarity;hedreamedofthecommunionofhumanbeingswithnature;hestressedthedialecticofliberation;helookedforwardtoa
justsocietyalongsiderichindividuality;and,asPareshChattopadhyay(2005)remindsus,heinsistedontheremovalofcommodity
exchange,thedivisionoflabour,thestate,...But,then,Lenintoo,inhisStateandRevolutionappearedasathoroughgoingdemocrat,
thoughheintroducedintohisconceptionofsocialismelementsthatareantitheticaltotheassociationoffreeindividualswage
labourandstate(Ibid).
MaoandtheChineseMaoiststoogavetheimpressionofbeingrevolutionarydemocrats,thatis,ifoneweretogobythe20million
peoplemarchingthroughthestreetsofvariousChinesecitiesinthelastweekofMay1968,thedemonstratorsmainlychantingthe
slogan:longlivetherevolutionaryheritageofthegreatParisCommune.Indeed,MarxsinterpretationoftheCommunewasthen
deemedrelevanttotherevivaloftherevolutioninChina,somethingthatfoundaplaceinthefamousSixteenPointsof8August
1966(Meisner1971;Robinson1969:8496).Letahundredflowersblossom,letahundredschoolsofthoughtcontendwasnot
merelyintendedpolicyforthepromotionofprogressintheartsandsciences,butoneofusheringinaflourishingsocialistculture,at
leastthatwastheclaim.
Thus,giventheradicaldemocraticstreakrunningfromMarxtoMao,thebestthingthatMaoismcoulddoistocommittothepromise
ofradicaldemocracy;afterall,whileitistruethattherecannotbelibertyinanymeaningfulsensewithoutequality,fortherichwill
certainlybemorefree(havemoreoptions)thanthepoor;sotherealsocannotbeequalitywithoutliberty,forthensomemayhave
morepoliticalpowerthanothers.
Sofar,allrevolutionsinspiredbyMarxhaveonlyenjoyedthesupportorparticipationofasignificantminority.Canthecommitment
toradicaldemocracyupthetidetogetthehelpofthemajority?Willthemeansthenbecarefullychosensothattheynevercometo
overwhelmthesocialistaspiration?

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Notes
1.

2.
3.

4.
5.
6.

PareshChattopadhyay,inpersonalcorrespondence,drawsmyattentiontotheviewthatMarxspokeofapoliticaltransition
period(notofconstitutingadistinctsociety)fromcapitalismtocommunismundertheruleoftheproletariat;socialism
andcommunism,forhim,weresimplythealternativenamesforthesameclasslesssocietyhelookedforwardto,after
capitalism.
WethinkitnecessarytobemorecomprehensiveonMaoismbecauseevenoneofthebestdictionariesofMarxistthought
(Bottomore2000),eveninitssecondedition,didnthaveanentryonMaoism,althoughit,rightlyanddeservedly,hadoneon
Trotskyism.
ButevenasImakesuchgeneralremarks,IneedtoqualifythembystatingthatwithintheChinastudiesfieldtherehave
been/areasetoffirstratescholars,someofwhomwehavelearntagreatdealfromBenjaminSchwartz,StuartSchram,
MauriceMeisner,MarkSelden,CarlRiskin,ManoranjanMohanty,GPDeshpande,ChrisBramallcometomind.However,
aswillsoonbeevident,hereinImainlyrelyonwritersoftheMonthlyReviewSchoolJohnGurley,WilliamHinton,
HarryMagdoff,andothers.
Tohiscredit,itwasBenjaminSchwartz(1951)whofirsthighlightedtheshiftintheCCPsstrategy(inresponsetowhatthe
partysawasachangeintheprincipalcontradiction)duringthecourseoftheantiJapaneseresistance.
Thefigureshavebeendisputedthough,amongothers,byUtsaPatnaik(2004:1012)andJosephBall(2006).
Imaybenave,butgiventhatMaoissaidtohavehadoverwhelminglythepeoplesandthePLAssupportbuttheLiuDeng
factionhadtheupperhandorganizationallywithintheparty,Maocouldhavesplitthepartyandgoneforareferendumto
decideChinasfuturecoursecapitalismorsocialismandtherewouldhavebeenlittledoubtwhattheresultofthe
plebiscitewouldhavebeen,theoutcomeofwhichwouldhavetotallylegitimizedthesocialistroad.Whydidnthedothis?

7.

ThisepisodewasrelatedbyChouEnlai[ZhouEnlai]toCharlieChaplininGenevaduringtheKoreancrisiswhentheformer
hadcometonegotiateanendtotheKoreanWarandthelatterhadmadepossibleashowingofCityLightstothevisiting
dignitary(Chaplin1966:526,530).
8. ThecountryhasrecentlywitnessedthelargesteverIndoUSmilitaryexerciseonIndiansoil.
9. Also,religion,ethnicityandnationalityhavebeendivisivecardsplayedbythemainpoliticalpartiesandtheirforebearsto
dividethetoilingmassesatthelocallevelintheIndiansubcontinent.Theuttercriminalityofcommunalistreligious
mobilizationsandthepogromsunleashedagainstthemainreligiousminorityinIndiahavebeenthemosttragicoutcomesof
thisbrandofsemifascistpoliticsintherecentpast.
10. TheentryMarxisminIndiabyPrabhatPatnaik(2000:35961)intheTomBottomoreeditedDictionaryofMarxist
Thought(2000)totallyignorestheMaoistcontribution.
11. In1994,IhappenedtogotothecourtsinMidnaporetown(inPaschimMidnaporedistrictoftheIndianstateofWestBengal)
forsomelegalmatter.DuringthelonglunchbreakIwasrestinginanemptycourtroomwhentwodesperatelypoortribal
men,whoseemedtobeinabadconditionasaresultoftorture,werebroughtbythepoliceintothiscourtasIpretended
tosleep,thecourtclerk,masqueradingasthejudicialauthority(therealguywasprobablyenjoyinghisextendedsiestaat
home)passedasummaryorderinaminute,remandingtheaccusedtofurtherpolicecustody.ImentionthisbecauseLalgarh,
intheJhargramsubdivisionofthedistrict,andthecontiguousJangalmahalareacomprisingthedistrictsofPaschim
Midnapore,BankuraandPurulia,ispresentlyoneofthehotbedsofMaoistrevolt,andifonewantstogettotherootsof
thislocaleruption(triggered,inthefirstplace,bypoliceatrocitiesandjudicialconnivance)sinceNovemberlastyear,the
criminaljusticesystemsdeliberate,callous,andcontinuingdiscriminationagainstthepoor,thetribalpoorinparticular,is
notunimportant.ItisinterestingthatatthetimeoftheIndianRebellionof1857Marx,referringtosomeoftheantecedents
whichpreparedthewayfortheviolentoutbreak,quotingfromthereportoftheTortureCommissionatMadrashighlights
thedifficultyofobtainingredresswhichconfrontstheinjuredparties.Marxconcludes(1857):
Inviewofsuchfacts,dispassionateandthoughtfulmenmayperhapsbeledtoaskwhetherapeoplearenotjustifiedin
attemptingtoexpeltheforeignconquerorswhohavesoabusedtheirsubjects.AndiftheEnglishcoulddothesethingsin
coldblood,isitsurprisingthattheinsurgentHindoosshouldbeguilty,inthefuryofrevoltandconflict,ofcrimesand
crueltiesallegedagainstthem?
WhatistragicisthatinaprovinceofindependentIndiagovernedbythesocialdemocraticCommunistPartyofIndia
(Marxist)ledLeftFrontgovernmentwithoutabreaksince1978,thereareelementsofanessentialcontinuity(withrespectto
BritishIndiain1857)inthemannerinwhichthecriminaljusticesystemfunctions.