Music: Anthropological Aspects

Veit Erlmann, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA

2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Abstract
The article surveys the main trends in the anthropological study of music from the 1980s to the present. These trends are as
follows: (1) music as culture and the mediation of social process, (2) music as discourse and the nature of musical meaning,
(3) music and identity, (4) music and modernization, (5) music and technology, (6) music and knowledge, and (7) music as
sonic practice.

Anthropological aspects of music are the main object of

ethnomusicology and include all phenomena pertaining to
music as a social and cultural activity. The study of the anthropological aspects of music is concentrated in the following main
theoretical areas: (1) music as culture and the mediation of
social process; (2) music as discourse and the nature of musical
meaning; (3) music and identity; (4) music, modernity, and
globalization; (5) music, media, and technology; (6) music as
knowledge; and (7) music as sonic practice.
Anthropological aspects of music include all those elements
pertaining to music as a social and cultural phenomenon.
Currently, research on these aspects is concentrated in ethnomusicology. Other disciplines, such as musicology, cultural
studies, media studies, and popular music studies, also increasingly take into account anthropological aspects, but have been
slow in adopting more context-oriented approaches and ethnographic eld methods. Anthropologists and social scientists, in
turn, have generally shown only moderate interest in what the
members of the societies they study hear, sing, or play. Within
ethnomusicology, there exists a considerable plurality of paradigms, models, and methodologies, but the majority of scholars
have approached their respective (geographic or historical) area
of study from one or several of the following aforementioned
perspectives: (1) music as culture and the mediation of social
process; (2) music as discourse and the nature of musical
meaning; (3) music and identity; (4) music, modernity, and
globalization; (5) music, media, and technology; (6) music and
knowledge; and (7) music as sonic practice.

Music as Culture and the Mediation of Social Process

Ethnomusicologists in the past have tended to treat music as
somehow separate from culture, almost as a thing in itself. They
assumed that culture was separated into different spheres such
as politics, economics, and so on, each of which could be
brought into some sort of relationship with music. According
to one approach inspired by British social anthropology,
ethnomusicology was the study of music in culture (Merriam,
1964), with culture being little more than some ill-dened
social context and music having the function of somehow
maintaining the coherence of society. Another approach,
modeled on the ideas of Ruth Benedict (among others), saw
each society as being constructed around a fundamental principle or pattern that was then imparted to various cultural
realms such as religion, art, music, and so on. Thus, Charles

International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 16

Keil, in a classic study of African music, found among the Tiv of

Nigeria an expressive grid that manifested itself in the circles,
patterns, and structures of Tiv handicrafts, architecture, and
songs (Keil, 1979).
Since the 1980s, scholars have begun to study music as
culture. Inuenced by the work of anthropologist Clifford
Geertz and what has been called the interpretive turn in
the humanities and social sciences, researchers are thinking
about music not so much as a secondary reection of a more
essential social structure or reality than as itself being a social
activity mediating other social processes. Instead of gaining
its meaning by somehow becoming part of a context, music
itself is a context through which other forms of equally
primary activity achieve meaning (Herndon and McLeod,
1981).
This new direction had three major consequences for the
anthropological study of music. The rst is that music makers
and their music become dynamic forces, actively intervening
in the shaping of cultures that are no longer seen as more or
less coherent totalities or realities. The focus on culture as
a heterogeneous eld of conicting forces shifts the attention
from music as a product, a static expression of collective identity as in the music of the Zulu, music in village X, and so
on to music as a process, as a mediating agent in the overall
process of cultural negotiation. Or, as prominent British
ethnomusicologist John Blacking put it, music was not only
humanly organized sound, but also soundly organized
humanity (Blacking, 1973).
The second consequence concerns the nature of scholarly
knowledge and discourse about other musics. For the reformulated critical disciplines, truth could no longer be something that was found from a neutral and distanced position.
Following Edward Saids argument in his seminal book
Orientalism (1979), the point of scholarship is not to deliver
the true other. Difference can no longer denote the distance
between cultures such as the West and the East, just as it no
longer refers back to an overarching scholarly (presumably
Western and objective) frame of reference. Rather, difference,
in the new disciplines, means the interplay of a multitude of
competing and juxtaposed discourses. An example of this
approach is Martin Stokess study of Turkish arabesk music
(1992). This style of music, popular with the marginalized
urban masses, is more than the result of the stylistic
development of Turkish folk music. It is part of a cultural
eld in which different musical styles are best understood as
different ways of talking about music (p. 50).

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Music: Anthropological Aspects

Music as Discourse and the Nature

of Musical Meaning
The third consequence, nally, of the interpretive turn in
ethnomusicology is the idea that musical meaning is no longer
seen as being intrinsic to its sonic structure a viewpoint still
prevalent in musicology as late as the 1990s. Rather, musical
meaning, like the meaning of a novel or a poem, materializes
only in the act of experiencing music. Like a text, a piece of
music must be read. And just like the meanings of a written
text are not xed in the text but are the result of discourses of
which authorial voice and intention are one of many, the
meanings of a musical performance are constantly changing
and emergent, depending on the social structures and power
relationships they help to dene. The shift in musical scholarship from structural analysis to the interpretation of music as
discourse occurred parallel to another signicant development
in anthropology and sociology in the 1970s: the emergence
of theories and ethnographies of performance. On the basis of
Erving Goffmans work and Dell Hymess pioneering essays on
the ethnography of speaking, anthropologists like Victor
Turner, Richard Bauman, and James Fernandez began to
examine the way in which performance contexts, events, and
genres shaped communication and social action.
They were followed by numerous ethnomusicologists for
whom the question of musics meanings and affective power
became intimately tied to its real life: its relations with other
forms of behavior and expressive culture, the interaction
between performers and their audiences, as well as the unpredictability, and often improvisatory and playful nature, of
music making. But whereas scholars such as Turner stressed the
communal, ordering functions of performance, researchers are
now more interested in the potential of musical performance
for prompting change and resistance.
In line with these developments, scholars have also
increasingly turned to the human body as the primary site for
the construction of musical meaning. While earlier studies were
based on a notion of the body as a biological given and, hence,
stressed the physiological aspects of music making, recent
studies posit the body as a cultural phenomenon, no less
susceptible to and dependent on meanings than other spheres
of human practice (Muller, 1999).

Music and Identity

The waning appeal of discourses that take stable notions of
music and culture for granted have led scholars to reexamine
the relationship between identity and music in a new, rather
more skeptical light. Ironically, it is because of the fact that the
growing isolation of the individual in modern society has
generated new forms of collective identication new nations,
neo-tribes, and new religions that the time-honored interest
in nationalism and ethnicity as the chief bases for music
making has experienced something of a revival.
Of all the articulations of identity currently studied by music
scholars, the modern nation-state and various types of nationalist discourse have probably commanded the most attention.
Although studies of small-scale, mostly rural communities
remain important locales for the ethnographic study of music,

it is the contestations and entanglements linking the nationstate with multiply determined cultural practices that have
become the object of the most sustained scrutiny undertaken to
date. A rich literature on the new popular musics of the developing world and, to a lesser degree, the advanced countries of
the West demonstrates how musical practices in the postcolonial world often disrupt the putatively homogeneous times
and spaces of the nation-state, but at other times exist quite
comfortably alongside nationalist agendas. In most cases,
however, both positions blend into each other, often producing
new exoticisms and articulations of racial or ethnic inclusion
or exclusion (Guilbault, 2007; Sutton, 2002). Israeli rock
inuenced by Arabic music, for instance, celebrates an other
quite blatantly at odds with the images of backwardness that
the Israeli majority projects of the Palestinian minority, yet at
the same time it takes a stable Oriental identity as its
reference point (Regev, 1986). Conversely, some music have
also been shown to lend themselves to more pliant forms of
identity. This is perhaps more typical of the conicted
relationship between the nation-state, nationalist ideology,
and cultural practices in diasporic communities. Thus, the music
of black Americans is a product of the slaves encounter with the
West and, at the same time, has emerged in opposition to
modernity (Gilroy, 1993). It may thus serve as a model for what
Gilroy calls anti-antiessentialism, a critique of the oppressive
history and racial injuries caused by the host country that
refuses to let go of memories of collective identity even where it
resists grounding them in a direct genealogy rooted in the
African past.
In some contexts, the nation-state may also come to the
rescue of cultural diversity. Tanzania, for instance, is one of
several countries that have tried successfully to promote
national musics by reserving some 85% of the music content
on its national broadcasting service for local music products.
But here, as in many other cases, the denition of what counts
as representative of Tanzanian culture rested in the hands of the
Swahili-speaking minority dominating the state apparatus
(Wallis and Malm, 1992: 113114).
Race and ethnicity are perhaps the second most studied
forms of identity in ethnomusicology today. Deeply intertwined with nationalism, but also often standing in opposition
to nationalist discourses, racial and ethnic identities are
frequently seen to be most effectively asserted in the symbolic
domain, such as in music. There are many reasons for this close
nexus between ethnicity and music, but one of them is the fact
that assertions of racial pride are voiced from marginalized
social groups whose access to alternative cultural resources and
power bases such as economic wealth is limited.
Processes of class formation, by contrast, and the musical
construction of class consciousness have lost a great deal of
their former appeal, primarily because the evidence gathered
does not sustain the Marxist notion of a material base determining a suprastructure of ideology and culture. This lack of
evidence was particularly pronounced in those areas where
working-class cultures with pristinely dened contours failed to
develop, as in much of the Third World, or where they were
about to disintegrate, as was the case in most of the advanced
economies of postWorld War II Europe and North America
(Hebdige, 1979). By contrast, recent years have seen a growing
interest in the formation of somewhat more uid identities and

Music: Anthropological Aspects

in the permeation of cultures considered to have once been

premodern with bourgeois values and practices. Under the
impact of Antonio Gramscis notion of hegemony and Pierre
Bourdieus concept of habitus, ethnomusicologists during
the 1980s reassessed colonization and Westernization as
projects that entail domination and acquiescence and that do
not always occur along neatly separated lines of class or racial
identity (Erlmann, 1999).
The notion, nally, that all identities are also gendered
identities has greatly invigorated anthropological research on
music and dance (Cowan, 1990). Although the idea has been
familiar to ethnomusicologists for some time much more so
than to musicologists, whose subject until the 1980s seemed to
be an unquestioned male one recent scholarship has
emphasized the negotiated character of sexual identity and the
way in which music intervenes in the construction of such
identities (Koskoff, 1987). As a recent study of the music of
Maghrebian immigrants in France has shown, for example, rai
performers and audiences construct complex identities around
notions of sexuality, romantic love, and adolescence that are
inspired by Western liberal ideals of gender equality (Gross
et al., 1996). At the same time, these performers reproduce
more traditional images of Arabness. While female singers
often advocate more freedom for women, the jackets of their
cassettes reproduce clichs of a more subdued kind of
femininity and the ideal Arab woman.
Finally, an important focus that emerged from the current
interest in identity and that undermines even further conventional notions of stable collective and individual identities
and the merely passive role of music in expressing these is
the rather diverse set of practices circumscribed by terms such
as diaspora, travel, migrancy, immigration, and displacement.
Since the beginning of the 1990s, all these practices have been
dealt with to some extent by ethnomusicologists (Turino,
1993), but musicologists and students of popular music have
also increasingly committed themselves to exploring the
interchange between music and the shifting boundaries of
communities and audiences caused by large-scale movements
of people. Furthermore, the spaces that people traverse as
tourists, migrants, refugees, or touring musicians are all too
often depicted as though they were bounded sites that are
already lled with sound, and they are much less frequently
depicted as multiply overlapping contact zones in which
identities and musics are always blurred and emergent.

Music, Modernity, and Globalization

Most scholars now agree that music everywhere have been
drawn into the maelstrom of modernization and, more often
than not, have themselves become effective agents of modernization. While these scholars have as yet to arrive at a shared
denition of modernization and modernity, it seems that the
debate has centered on a series of intertwined issues and
concepts. The rst of these issues is globalization. Much of the
discussion about globalization grew out of the concern with
displacement and entailed a vigorous rethinking of the interrelationship between music and locality (Stokes, 1994). While
previous scholarship tended to assume a relatively static t
between place, spatial identity, and music, an equation that

151

often enabled scholars to produce richly detailed, empirically

grounded narratives of local identity and music making
(Finnegan, 1989), some researchers have gone one step further
in examining locality as something that needs to be created in
the rst place. In a study of Nigerian f j music and or k
praise poetry, Karin Barber and Christopher Waterman (1995)
show that while performers of these genres draw on
a multiplicity of external sources to imagine densely local
worlds, the emergent sense of locality is not simply stemming
from any given body of materials or traditions. Rather, the
ultimate goal of any performance is to intensify the presence,
image and prospects of local actors (p. 243). Although it
cannot be ruled out that Yoruba musical productions of place
may be driven by the same agendas that underlie movements
of national and ethnic purity, Barber and Waterman insist on
the hybrid underpinnings of such assertions of local identity.
Moreover, the spaces in which scholars of popular music
study and work are no longer necessarily such rather abstract
entities as cities and countries. Increasingly, other spaces, such
as recording studios, malls, music departments, and taxis, are
becoming sites of inquiry.
Another aspect of modernization that dominates current
debates is the power of capitalism and commodication to
transform traditional cultures, and the capacity of the Western
mass media to shape the collective imagination of large populations. Some critics such as French sociologist Jean Baudrillard
have tended to think about global cultural ows in rather
uniform terms, positing a regime of simulations and simulacra
as an all-embracing system. In line with this reasoning, some
music scholars have taken a rather sinister view of global musical
production at the end of the twentieth century. Steven Feld
draws on Gregory Batesons term schismogenesis to think
through a set of escalating relationships marking the production
and consumption of music on a global scale. Schismogenesis is
a process through which the interplay between essentially
dissimilar but mutually appropriative actions may lead to
a closer symbiotic interdependence of both sides, to the point
that they may even become incapable of self-correction and
get caught up in closed circuits of repetition (Feld, 1994).
Ultimately, what results from this scenario is a gray out of
a new type. As discourses of authenticity and difference assert
themselves and activities of commercial appropriation in turn
get more overt and outrageous, some kind of fusion of the
parties for mutual business gain becomes likely (p. 273).
Others scholars, by contrast, appear to equate Third World
cultural practices with antihegemonic agency per se, stressing the
potential of music to maintain the heterogeneity of the worlds
cultures in the face of Western media dominance (Lipsitz,
1994). The majority of scholars, however, have taken a more
nuanced position toward the role of culture in reecting and
mediating global relations of power, and numerous theoretical
interventions have emerged in recent years that seek to provide
new conceptual tools and models with which to grasp the
twists and turns of global musical ows (Manuel, 1993).
Mark Slobin, for instance, in an attempt to account for the
impossibility of representing both global generality and local
specicity, has depicted the interplay of various micromusics
in the West as a kind of interculture, a constant oscillation
between the pressures of the supraculture and the contention
of various subcultures (Slobin, 1993).

152

Music: Anthropological Aspects

Finally, a handful of studies have attempted to view the

making of globally connected identities as a two-way process
in which center and periphery are constantly confused, and in
which the West is just as much an other of Africa or Asia as
Africans and Asians have been the others of Europeans
(Erlmann, 1999). This includes greater attention to the agency
of those (predominantly Western) global gures, such as Paul
Simon, Peter Gabriel, Quincy Jones, and Mickey Hart, whose
practices and discourses are more than just manifestations of
some anonymous capitalist world system or the global music
industry.

Music, Media, and Technology

If anthropologys time-honored notions of identity and
belonging and their intimate association with meaningful
and largely homogeneous cultural practices by the 1980s were
increasingly being viewed with skepticism, so too did ideas of
unmediated individual or collective creativity rooted in genius
or tradition come under re. The emergence of digital technology, the decline of state-controlled media as the sole
authority on what constitutes the public good, the legitimacy
of power, or the value and meaning of cultural practices, followed by the rapid expansion during the 1990s of deregulated
and new media such as the Internet, promised new levels of
access, participation, and diversity, in turn leading to a reevaluation of the conditions under which people interact with
music. While such broadened arenas of interaction often all
too hastily equated with Western-style liberal democracy per se
may serve to strengthen existing identities and communal
boundaries threatened by global ows of capital, frequently
they also create new afliations and new distinctions based on
choice and taste rather than state-mandated ideologies and
allegiances. Much of this turn toward technology is owed to the
pioneering efforts of students of popular music to understand
popular music through the prism of its media and technology
a priori rather than the structural or historical analysis of
works. At the same time, much scholarship within the eld of
popular music studies prior to the 1990s has been prone to
overtheorization, often at the expense of more sustained
empirical engagement with embodied uses of technology
within specic locations and among historically determined
actors. However, by the early 2000s, many scholars working in
popular music studies found common ground with ethnomusicologists and anthropologists (and, to a certain degree,
music theorists) as these turned to the specics of music
technology as part of socially mediated and locally embedded
cultural practices (Greene and Porcello, 2004; Lysloff and Gay,
2003). The result of this convergence of disciplines is a growing
body of literature on such diverse topics as the musical impact
of the rise of the audiocassette in India (Manuel, 1993), the
recording studio as a site of different forms of social
interaction in South Africa or Indonesia (Meintjes, 2003;
Wallach, 2008), the home studio in the West (Theberge,
1997), the culture of sampling in hip hop (Schloss, 2004),
the politics of mixing and sound engineering in Brazil and
Jamaica (Moehn, 2012; Veal, 2007), and the history of the
MP3 (Sterne, 2012). At the same time, other media that
have long been staples of research in social history, media

studies, and cultural studies such as radio and television

have yet to become the object of sustained attention among
ethnomusicologists.
While many of these technologies might be seen as perpetuating the hegemony of Western standards of aesthetic and
economic value, in many cases they also support alternative
forms of musical creativity, income-generating strategies, audience involvement, and social distinction. At the same time, the
rise of MP3 as the standard format for sound reproduction
and dissemination fundamentally affected musics role in
mediating social structure and practice. While the effortless and
instantaneous dissemination of sound les across cultural,
social, and national divides opens up a space for envisaging
new communities, this creative potential is also severely
hampered by new legal frameworks that reduce what had
previously been owners to mere users. Increasingly, disputes
over aesthetic value, cultural memory, and public access to
culture are subsumed under legal battles over intellectual
property rights. The ever more forceful intrusion of intellectual
property law into every aspect of music making and consumption is the subject of intense debate within media studies
and among activists in the West (Burkart, 2010), with
anthropologists and ethnomusicologists beginning to consider
the impact of international intellectual property regimes on
local communities on the fringes of the global economy,
attending to issues such as piracy, cultural rights, and heritage
(Weintraub and Yung, 2009; Erlmann, forthcoming).

Music and Knowledge

The anthropological study of music, much like other projects
within the humanities and social sciences, since the early years of
the twenty-rst century has come under growing pressure to
demonstrate its impact in a global order of knowledge dominated by concepts of efciency and economic viability. In this
climate, music scholars are increasingly looking to the sciences
for inspiration and legitimacy. Buoyed by the popular appeal of
the neurosciences and narratives about the inherent compatibility of music and mathematics (the Mozart effect), scholars
from the 1990s were particularly drawn to the history of science.
Having regained widespread acceptance from the 1980s, the
notion that discovery and knowledge are culturally contingent
and that the arts and the sciences are closely intertwined proved
attractive to a eld steeped in a variety of epistemological
traditions from Buddhism to German idealism and with deep
afnities to mathematics and the study of nature at large. Thus,
several historians of science have explored the history of
acoustics not as the foundation of but as being embedded in
musical practice (Gouk, 1999; Jackson, 2008; Erlmann, 2010).
Yet the notion that the relationship of music to things like
cognition, consciousness, and affect, instead of being the
exclusive domain of psychoacoustics or music psychology,
might be culturally determined and that, hence, this relationship would be open to anthropological or ethnomusicological
inquiry only took root toward the late 1990s. The work of
anthropologist and ethnomusicologist Steven Feld provided
a signicant stimulus to this line of thinking (Eisenberg,
2010). Departing from and critically responding to Canadian
composer Murray Schafers work in acoustic ecology (Schafer,

Music: Anthropological Aspects

1977) and reecting on his own eldwork in the rich acoustic
environment of the Kaluli living in the rainforest of Papua
New Guinea, Feld (1982) in a series of writings and audiocollages (the latter being called, after Schafer, soundscapes)
intervened in anthropologys and ethnomusicologys ongoing
crisis of representation not so much by providing readers and
listeners with a sense of what Kaluli music is but, rather, by
engaging in a written and sounded dialogue with Kalulias they
musically and sensorially construct the world around them
(Feld, 1991, 1996).

Music as Sonic Practice

One of the most promising developments of the 2000s has
been the emergence of sound studies, a eld of inquiry that
draws much of its rationale from a growing sense of discomfort
with ocularcentric constructions of modernity (Jay, 1994) and
the hegemony of the visual in a wide range of academic
disciplines, but particularly within cultural studies. Concerned
with a broad spectrum of sonic phenomena from ring tones
to urban noise to the history of sound compression, sound
studies has been inuential in decentering music from its
privileged position at the heart of (Western) romantic and
modernist aesthetics. Music instead becomes one among many
sonic practices. Although the roots of this auditory turn can be
traced to a variety of postWorld War I philosophical traditions
such as the French Annales and the Histoire des Mentalits
schools of thought, other developments from the 1990s also
contributed to this trend, such as a shift from the conventional
radio feature or Hrspiel to experimental sonic practices such as
soundscapes and sound art (Samuels et al., 2010), the
emergence of lm sound studies (Altman, 1992; Chion, 1994),
and the turn within anthropology toward the senses (Stoller,
1989; Classen, 1993). Among the latter, the denigration of
vision (Jay, 1994) was particularly pronounced, growing out
of a sense of disaffection with the interpretive turn led by
Clifford Geertz and its emphasis on cultural practice as a form
of intertextuality and, hence, on anthropology as reading
(Howes, 2003: 1722).
Anthropologists rekindled interest in sound and hearing
for the most part excluded music, with several inuential
studies having appeared on sound in Islamic devotional
practice (Hirschkind, 2009) and the soundscape of northern
Nigeria (Larkin, 2008). Ethnomusicologists, for their part, soon
followed the lead of historians and anthropologists in studying
listening practices as sites of identity formation, the materiality
of acoustic communication, and the politics of noise in urban
settings (Erlmann, 2004). Between them, these new directions
play a signicant role in drawing attention to contemporary
musics changing place on a continuum of sound, noise, and
multisensory practice, thus widening the scope of the
anthropological study of music in a rapidly changing world.

See also: Body: Anthropological Aspects; Dance, Anthropology

of; Folklore; Globalization and World Culture; Music, History of;
Performance: Anthropological Aspects; Popular Culture;
Senses, Anthropology of The.

153

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