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ALBERTO TOSCANO
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Alberto Toscano | Essay | Dual Power Revisited: From Civil War to Biopo...
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notesand contrary to the Menshevik vision of incorporating the Soviets within the state as a "regional"
instance of workers self-government and self-managementis "not an institutionalizable juridical
relationship" (for how could one make civil war into an institution?). For Negri, the ambiguity of dual power
"must be confronted and resolved from the workers perspective: first of all, its intensification must be
advocated, then the proletarian moment of antithesis must be exalted until the foundation of the
dictatorship of the proletariat in its Soviet form."
II. As Negri presents it, Lenins is a constant struggle against the "constitutional mummification" of dual
power, the transmutation of the Soviets into
organs of democratic representation and not of class dictatorship, inserted into the international
process of revolution. Communists must always reject this transformation; the movement must
continue, it must surpass itself.
Indeed, some of Negris most interesting pages in his lessons on Lenin bear on the manner in which capital, in
its high reformist moments (e.g. the New Deal), inoculated itself with the Soviet form; how it institutionalized
the apparatus of self-government in the guise of workers self-management and their collaborative insertion
into the mechanisms and the ideology of industrial work. Against this recuperative dialectic, the autonomist
imperative is that of an institutionalization of antagonism, the creation of "institutions of the class, in the class,
for the class," the "institutionalization against capital of what capital can only institutionalize for the sake of
domination, the consolidation of struggle in function of power, the irreversibility of struggle from the point of
view of struggle itself, of the process of destruction of what exists." Negris wager, then, is that the task of
repeating Lenin must pass through a reckoning with the transformation in class composition (that is, both in
the subjective capacity of the class and its insertion into the dynamics of capitalist development) as well as
in the very meaning of power. Dual power retains its pertinence, but it is no longer thought exclusively in
terms of the State as separate apex and possessor of power but in view of a "tendential identification of
capital and the State (a total fusion of organization and command)." Under these conditions of real
subsumption, there is a plenitude of power,
a fullness of capitalist power and a fullness of workers power: the capitalist unification of
society and its totalizing organization reproduce over the entirety of the social fabric the full
potency of class antagonism, which is essential to the definition of capital.
But if the overall concept of power under conditions of the real subsumption of society under capital
cannot be identified with the seizure of State power per se, then, following Negris argument, we could say
that there emerges yet another "new type" of (proletarian) power. For Lenins vision of dual power as a
critical and explosive but still transitory stage depended on a certain conception of power that Negri calls
a "non-dialectical absolute," not so distant from the bourgeois theories of power qua monopoly. On the
contrary, the workers struggles of the 60s and 70s, according to Negri (who does not flinch, in these pages,
from invoking Mao as a distant witness), determine a new experience and a new concept of power,
understood as a "dialectical absolute" allowing "dual power to spread over a long period, as a struggle
that upsets the capital relation by introducing into it the worker variable as the conscious will of destruction."
This newer type of proletarian power is paradoxically qualified as a form of extremist gradualism, a
"gradualness of power and its management which is the gradualness of the destruction of capitalist power,
of the capital relation." Whence the thesis that underlies the new Sovietism which Negri, at the time
immersed in the experience of Potere Operaio, proclaims to be "the transformation of the concept of
insurrection into that of permanent civil war." Without entering into the virtues of such a provocative
proposal, or indeed how it might relate to a strategic (mis)calculation of class forces and class composition,
it is worth remarking that the vision of this permanent civil war, and of its new type of prolonged,
gradual/destructive dual power, led to an attempt to practice an appropriation and defense of physical
areas of autonomy and "self-valorization""red bases" or liberated zones. The presence of these notoriously
Maoist concepts points to a key aspect of the autonomist theorization of dual power under conditions of
real subsumption, namely its fusion of two models and practices of dual power: the intensive and
metropolitan "general strike scenario" (present in the Paris Commune, the Petrograd Soviet, the insurrections
in Hamburg, Canton and Barcelona) and the extensive and territorial prolonged "popular war scenario," for
which the Chinese revolution serves as a paragon (Daniel Bensad, "The Return of Strategy," 2007; see also
Ben Brewster, "Armed Insurrection and Dual Power," 1971). On the basis of the conviction of the full (and
irreversible?) power of the metropolitan proletariat in its new class composition, the long duration of the
peoples war is injected into the fabric of the city.
III. In his more recent work with Michael Hardt, Negri has given a biopolitical twist to these earlier
reflections on dual power. Writing of the legacy of guerrilla warfare, he notes that it
increasingly adopted the characteristics of biopolitical production and spread throughout the
entire fabric of society, it more directly posed as its goal the production of subjectivity
economic and cultural subjectivity, both material and immaterial. It was not just a matter of
"winning hearts and minds," in other words, but rather of creating new hearts and minds through
the construction of new circuits of communication, new forms of social collaboration, and new
modes of interaction. In this process we can discern a tendency toward moving beyond the
modern guerrilla model toward more democratic network forms of organization. (Empire, 2000)
Is the contemporary horizon for a recovery and recasting of the theme of dual power a biopolitical one? It
is difficult to ignore that whether we are talking about the non-antagonistic forms of participatory dual
power in the "Porto Alegre" model, the Zapatista attempt to defend zones for the self-organization of "civil
society" against oligarchic repression ("Second Declaration of the Selva Lacandona," 1994), or the attempts
to articulate forms of democracy-from-below with national-popular projects in Bolivia and Venezuela, the
biopolitical element (understood both in the sophisticated sense of Hardt and Negri, but also in the simple
sense of welfare) is prominent. The Lebanese Hezbollah is a key figure in this respect, representing the rise of
a kind of "biopolitical Islam" in a context of dual power. Determined by a very unique historical and political
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Alberto Toscano | Essay | Dual Power Revisited: From Civil War to Biopo...
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constellationwhich combines the anti-Israeli national resistance struggle, a Khomeneist party ideology
profoundly modulated by the conditions of a multi-confessional Lebanon permanently threatened by
relapse into bloody sectarianism, the contradictory support of Syria and Iran, and a wide proletarian Shiia
social baseHezbollah has thrived in the systematic use of dual power (military, territorial, moral) and
represents a variant of this political form which is irreducible both to the model of the Leninist kairos as well
to that of the peoples war. This variant of dual power instead functions within something like a permanent
interregnum, where its power is wielded forcefully (as in the recent strike) but never in the sense of a
unilateral seizure. Within this volatile geometry of forces, the "biopolitical" element provides much of the
substance of dual power. In the "planet of slums" anatomized by Mike Davis we could even say that the
"biopolitical supplement" to the neoliberal evacuation of services and solidarity is inextricable and primary
vis--vis any mere military strategy. As Judith Palmer Harik remarks, much of Hezbollahs hegemonic
trajectory depends on addressing key questions of the government of life, adopting a "process of
advocacy based on extensive-fact finding and teamed with grass roots support." In these "Islamist inquiries,"
issues such as water problems are addressed through scientific-academic methods (Hezbollahs Center for
Developmental Studies) and by encouraging "the formation of residential and professional groups" that can
provide the territorial rooting for these biopolitical ventures (Hezbollah: The Changing Face of Terrorism,
2005). In a situation of prolonged dual power where the stakes, contrary to those envisioned by Negri, are
precisely based on averting civil war whilst gaining relative hegemony over a population sidelined by a
fragmented, unequal and threadbare state (what Palmer Harik simply calls "the abandoned"), dual power
is biopower, and "daily garbage collection," "large-scale health service delivery" and "emergency water
delivery" are weapons of the first order. Though little if anything can be directly extrapolated from a unique
situation in which the notion of "balance of power" takes on an intense and tragic connotation, Hezbollahs
important variant of "biopolitical Islam" hints at some of the contemporary conditions for the rethinking and
exercise of dual power, where the separation of an autonomous political capacity and the generation of
new types of power (whether revolutionary, conservative or reactionary) cannot bypass the dimension of
the production and reproduction of social lifein short, the question of survival.
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