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his essay challenges the belief that Ariostos Orlando furioso takes
an epic turn as it nears its conclusion and abandons many of the
romance features that characterize its first half. I should say, before
reviewing briefly the readings that have established this belief, that I
detect in arguments that the Furioso finally acquires more epic shape
and content a wish to make it into a more serious and dignified poem
than it might appear to be if it were perceived as a chivalric romance
to the end. Although it is not explicitly stated, there still lurks in these
readings a sense of inferiority about chivalric romance, a presumption
that, aside from its erratic and indeterminate structure, the greater
distance of its imaginary world from history, time, and mortality makes
chivalric romance incapable of addressing such grave and potentially
tragic aspects of reality. Also, while these readings ascribe to Ariosto a
desire, in the latter part of his poem, to discipline the wayward aspects
of romance, they presume that this disciplining entails a generic shift
to more epic structure and content.
Actually, D. S. Carne- Ross, the first (at least in Anglo- American
criticism) to propose that as he approaches the end of his poem Ariosto
I wish to thank Giuseppe Sangirardi for his exchange with me about il finale
del Furioso and for sharing an early version of his article Quanti sono i generi
dellOrlando furioso? (see n. 12), to which I am indebted. I am also indebted to my
former student Richard Jenkins, whose term paper critiquing the idea that the Furioso
ultimately turns into an epic inspired me to express my views on this subject.
Modern Language Quarterly 71:4 (December 2010)
DOI 10.1215/00267929-2010- 020 2010 by University of Washington
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abandons its erratic romance features for a more epic design, does not
have the mauvaise conscience about romance that I am beginning to
describe. If anything, Carne-Ross laments what he takes to be Ariostos
decision to regiment the poems dispersive plot and to end several of its
futile quests, thereby muting the irreverent, skeptical spirit that made
the poem extraordinary. In the last third of the poem, Carne- Ross
writes, Ariosto begins to move away from his own unique realm of
instability and enters a far more conventional world, one where virtue
is rewarded, actions have ends, and the faithful heart is secure.1 The
poets desire to bring the poem to an eventual close is one reason for
this change. The problem, Carne-Ross continues,
was compounded by the fact that he had no model to show him how
a romance poem of high literary ambition ought to end. There was
no difficulty about the beginning: he had simply to continue from the
point (more or less) where Boiardo had left off. The Orlando Innamorato,
however, is unfinished, hence for his conclusion Ariosto went to the
poem that his society honored beyond all others, the Aeneid, and began
to lead the Furioso to a weighty Virgilian full- stop. . . . The mistake,
which is radical and disastrous, is to graft on to an open- structured
poem a closed- structure ending. (204 5)
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share more than the events on their last pages. However, there is no
warrant either for drawing a parallel between the whole of Ariostos
last episode and Virgils or for pushing Ariostos supposed intention to
impose epic shape and closure farther and farther back from the final
octave. I want to demonstrate that Ariosto had no such intention by
considering (1) the anachronism of projecting onto the Furioso a desire
on the authors part to upgrade the romance with which he began to a
more serious, epic poem, and (2) the persistence, not to say the dominance, of romanzo matter and structure in the poems last nine cantos.
The modern readings surveyed here are anachronistic in the sense
that they trace in Ariostos composition generic concerns and distinctions that did not yet confront poets in the early sixteenth century.6
Boiardos and Ariostos chivalric romances reflect a much more ecumenical conception of heroic poetry, conjoining the military epic matter of Carolingian gesta with the solitary knightly quests of Arthurian
romance unproblematically, that is, without the concerns about generic
orthodoxy and purity that presented themselves when genres became
more codified and therefore more separated from one another. The
differences between romance and epic that modern critics claim are
at work in Orlando furioso did not come to the fore as issues in Italian
poetics until about fifty years after the poems first composition, and
did so initially in the debate about the superiority of classically modeled epic to chivalric romance. It was largely the Furioso itself, the bestselling Italian poem of the mid- sixteenth century even though it was
gradually seen not to conform to classical epic models, that caused critical notions about epic and romance to emerge and come into opposition. The debate intensified after Torquato Tassos Gerusalemme liberata
(1581) had provided an Italian model of the kind of heroic poem that
For example, Quint argues that the epic-romanzo distinction which fueled the
sixteenth- century debate over the merits of Tasso and Ariosto would be more properly applied to Ariosto and Boiardo: epic and romance do not so much differentiate
the Liberata from the Furioso as the Furioso from the Innamorato. The Innamorato is
the romanzo of copia and multiplicity, the poem without end. Ariosto superimposes a
teleological epic structure upon the digressive romance narrative of Boiardos poem
(Figure of Atlante, 86 87). Later Quint is more convincing when he discusses the
potentially political nature of this generic opposition in Tassos Gerusalemme liberata
and especially in Ericillas Araucana (Epic and Empire: Politics and Generic Form from
Virgil to Milton [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993], 182), in part because
these works postdate the first definitions and distinctions between the two genres.
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the so- called ancients advocated. Tassos poem could also be used to
show, by contrast, the flaws in prior romanzi, including Ariostos.7 This
bias against the romanzo not only marked Tassos own fundamental contributions to epic theory (starting with the Discorsi dellarte poetica, first
published in 1587) but generated some of his directives on how to compose a modern heroic poem. Unwilling to grant the romanzo a separate
generic identity, Tasso presented it instead as a defective, artistically
inept form of heroic poetry. Such disparagement of the romanzo, which
began around 1550, made even its first champions Giambattista
Giraldi and Giovan Battista Pigna and also mid- sixteenth- century
romanzatori defensive and apologetic about its practice. When Ariosto
composed his poem in the first decades of the sixteenth century, however, he certainly did not have the mauvaise conscience about the romanzo
that his Italian successors possessed. The need to make romance conform more to the unified structure of classical epic did not concern
him, as it later did Tasso. Indeed, no Italian heroic poem modeled on
the Homerico-Virgilian paradigm was composed before Gian Giorgio
Trissinos Italia liberata dai Goti (1547 48). As Quint himself acknowledges, Pignas I romanzi, one of the first efforts to define the romanzo as
a separate literary genre, did not appear until 1554. Pigna, by the way,
was also the first to distinguish romanzi from epici.8 Before such generic
distinctions and hierarchization emerged, Italian poets, Ariosto among
them, had composed various instances of chivalric romance.
The claim that Ariosto had incorporated some epic features in the
Furioso was initially made by mid- sixteenth- century editors of the poem
who, to present it as a modern equivalent of Homers and Virgils poems,
sought to affiliate it with them in every way they could.9 To be sure,
See Bernard Weinberg, A History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance, 2
vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), 2:954 1073.
8 Pigna, however, made the distinction not to disqualify the romanzo as poetic art
but to legitimize it as a modern alternative to epic. In the third of the prefatory argomenti Pigna states that in tutta lopera si va mostrando in che convengano i romanzi
co gli epici, e in che no; e sempre si fa vedere la cagione perch cos con loro conformi sieno, e perch no (it is demonstrated in the whole work how romance poems
resemble epic poems and how they do not, and always it is shown why romances
conform to them and why they do not) (I romanzi, ed. Salvatore Ritrovato [Bologna:
Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1997], 5).
9 See Daniel Javitch, Proclaiming a Classic: The Canonization of Orlando Furioso
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 32 44.
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Ariosto imitates the Aeneid repeatedly, most notably in the plotline that
deals with the destined union of Bradamante and Ruggiero and with
their DEste descendants. But by privileging the intertextual connections between the Furioso and the Aeneid (and by disregarding Ariostos
greater indebtedness to past Italian and French romanzi), these promoters exaggerated Ariostos incorporation of epic matter. Once critics had
begun to point out (in the 1550s) the numerous violations of Aristotelian and classical epic norms in the Furioso, it was harder to hail it as a
modern epic. Actually, the first codifiers of epic, not wanting to demote
the Furioso to a popular romance, began to suggest that it was a failed
epic and that the failure was largely due to Ariostos unwillingness to
forsake the proliferation of characters and plots that typified romance.
Tasso, for example, maintained that Ariostos poem shared more with
epic than prior romanzi had but that it lacked any generic consistency.10
For Tasso, the inferiority of the Furioso stemmed from Ariostos decision
to conform to the conventions of romance despite the incorporation of
epic features. That the Furioso was a defective mixture of romance and
epic was not expressed before Tassos time. Quints and Zattis readings
can be seen as continuations of this view. To be sure, their appraisal
of Ariostos conflation of genres is more favorable than Tassos. Still,
like most modern readings that resort to the binary opposition of epic
and romance, their work bears traces of the bias against the romanzo.11
10 Ariosto, Tasso writes in the Apologia in difesa della Gerusalemme liberata,
sassomigli a gli epici pi degli altri che avevano scritto innanzi (resembled the
epic poets more than those who had written [romances] before). However, he criticizes Ariosto for composing a poem of indeterminate nature, part romance and part
epic (Prose, ed. Ettore Mazzali [Milan: Ricciardi, 1959], 418).
11 In this essay I have chosen not to address the view that a competition between
romance and epic pervades Orlando furioso, even though this view is connected to
the argument about the poems epic turn. Zatti, for example, prefaces his claim that
Ariosto opts for epic closure with a discussion of such a competition, which he sees
resolved in favor of epic by the end of the poem. Before Zatti, Patricia A. Parker, the
first modern critic to examine the poem in terms of a tension between the claims
of romance and those of epic, indicated as much (Inescapable Romance: Studies in the
Poetics of a Mode [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979], 36 38). Her brilliant analysis of error as a structural and thematic principle that partly counters
the Furiosos epic agenda was inspired by the opposition formulated between epic
and romance by late- sixteenth- century critics of the romanzo (19 20). In a synopsis of
modern interpretations of the Furioso Albert Russell Ascoli reveals how accepted that
view has become when he speaks of Ariostos debts to Boiardos long chivalric poem
Orlando Innamorato and to Virgils imperial epic, which furnishes the model for
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Quint, for example, implies that the epic shape and direction he discerns in the last part of Ariostos poem is for the better. Unlike CarneRoss, who considers the imposition of a closed- structure ending a
disastrous mistake, Quint suggests that the disciplining of the dispersive and confusing structure of romance into a more unified epic shape
that enables closure improves the Furioso and raises its poetic stature.
I contend that this depiction begins to make Ariosto look like Tasso.
However ahead of his time he may have been, Ariosto was not so disturbed by the errant ways of chivalric romance as to want to transform
its basic features.
I have been using the term romanzo and the epithet romanzesco to
identify formal and thematic characteristics of the Furioso, aware that
these generic labels did not enter into critical circulation until more
than twenty years after Ariostos death. They were not used by Ariosto
or his immediate predecessors to describe the kind of poems they composed. It might be more accurate to follow contemporary usage and
resort to labels like libri di battaglia and libri di arme e amore to identify the chivalric poems in ottava rima from Luigi Pulcis Morgante to
Ariostos Furioso.12 These designations are less burdened with the con-
the dynastic fable of Bradamante and Ruggiero, and which competes formally with
Boiardan romance for generic dominance throughout the poem (Ariosto and the
Fier Pastor: Form and History in Orlando Furioso, Renaissance Quarterly 54 [2001]:
489). Among subsequent critics influenced by Parkers and Zattis readings, one finds
also the view that Ariosto plays with the distinction between the genres of epic and
romance. Both views presume not only that he is fully conscious of these generic categories but that his readers, too, could identify them. In a separate essay I intend to
challenge these views by calling into question a dialectic between romance and epic in
the poem, beginning with a reconsideration of the so-called dynastic plotline of Bradamante and Ruggiero, which, despite the Virgilian stamp of its episodes prophesying
the glory of their DEste progeny, remains, overall, the story of her frustrated amorous
quest for him.
12 For contemporary reference to libri di battaglia see Angela Nuovo, I libri di
battaglia: Commercio e circolazione tra quattro e cinquecento, in Boiardo, Ariosto e i
libri di battaglia: Atti del convegno Scandiano-Reggio Emilia-Bologna, 3 6 ottobre 2005, ed.
Andrea Canova and Paola Vecchi Galli (Novara: Interlinea, 2007), 341 58. Giuseppe
Sangirardi considers libri di arme e amore more precise, in part because Ariosto
described himself as an author of an opera in la quale si tratta di cose piacevoli e
delectabeli de arme e de amore when applying to the doge of Venice for a license
to publish his work in 1515. Quando Ariosto presenta il suo libro come unopera
che contiene narrazioni piacevoli darmi e damori, Sangirardi writes, lo fa meno
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Moreover, these poems share conventions of structure and performance. Arranged in rhymed octaves, Italian poems in this tradition
presented themselves as oral performances or recitations delivered by
conspicuous narrators to sophisticated aristocratic audiences; hence
the canto format, marked by proemi and other narratorial intrusions.
Because there are numerous protagonists in this family of poems, their
stories call for multiple plotlines, which are intertwined. Entrelacement,
as it is now called, requires that the separate narratives be regularly suspended to allow others to resume. These are some of the more notable
common features of the romanzo cavalleresco, and Orlando furioso clearly
possesses them.
Indeed, my basic disagreement with the interpreters who claim
that the last part of Ariostos poem takes an epic turn is to maintain
that it does not, but continues to conform to the generic profile of the
romanzo cavalleresco. True, the narrative is tightened and streamlined
after Orlando is sanitized (in canto 39). Disparate plot strands are
brought together as the campaign against and defeat of Agramante
become shared objectives. Ariostos effort in the last cantos to reduce
the dispersive nature of the poems plotlines by joining them or even
abandoning some of them may be validly interpreted as an effort to give
his poem a more unified, streamlined ending, but there is no reason
to identify this streamlining as an effort to make the poem more epic
as it reaches its close. Such tying up of strands at a poems conclusion
is also characteristic of prior romances. Romances do not always stay
open- ended or defer closure, as modern critics too readily assume.14
One cannot deny that in the last fifth of the poem Ariosto gives
Even though the sequence of the Furioso was disrupted by the insertion of the
long Leone-Ruggiero addition to the 1532 version, Casadei recognized that the consolidation of narrative strands in the penultimate segment of the 1516 Furioso the
meeting of the knights with Ruggiero and the hermit, their return to Paris, the discharge of Senapo and his troops, the return of Astolfo to Paris, and then the festive celebrations at Carlomagnos court, capped by the nuptials of Ruggiero and
Bradamante was a conclusione tipicamente da (conclusion typical of) romanzo
cavalleresco (159). For some useful comments on the way that quest romances often
end namely, with the hero assuming kingship or becoming the leader of the community he rejoins see Helen Cooper, The English Romance in Time: Transforming
Motifs from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the Death of Shakespeare (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2004), 55 56.
14
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par excellence, not social, at times marked by marvelous supernatural events).15 These places can virtually all be found in the territory
covered by Rinaldo as he seeks Angelica (42.44 67). In addition to the
locales, a series of romance motifs marks the action: Rinaldo is nearly
overwhelmed by a grotesque monster that lashes its snake tail at him;
he is saved by a mysterious knight who identifies himself as Sdegno
(Disdain) and helps him fall out of love by taking him to drink at the
fountain of hate before disappearing as suddenly as he entered the narrative. Also, the adventures that befall Rinaldo after he is cured of his
infatuation entail a trip down the Po during which he is told fantastic
tales of magic and marital infidelity. Almost nothing in the lengthy
tale of Rinaldos errancy (42.29 43.144) supports the claim that, by
the last fifth of the poem, the romanzesco has been subordinated to epic
military prerogatives.
The second major narrative segment is the account of the rivalry and
friendship of Ruggiero and Leone in cantos 44 46, the most extensive
addition that Ariosto made to the final version of the poem. If he had
wanted to reduce the dispersive nature of his plot and give the last part
of his poem more epic unity and closure, this episode hardly served the
purpose. For it provides an opportunity not only to defer the union of
Bradamante and Ruggiero but also to bring in numerous romance situations and motifs. Ruggieros decision to leave Carlomagnos court and
head for the East to seek his new rival, Leone, in order to defeat him
(as well as his father, the emperor Constantine) resembles numerous
departures of knights- errant in romance on solitary missions to redress
wrongs done to them or others and thereby to augment their fame
and fortune. Ruggiero soon joins the conflict between the Byzantines
and the outnumbered Bulgarians on the side of the latter. While this
military action outside Belgrade may contribute an epic dimension to
the Leone addition, the account is primarily concerned with Ruggieros
extraordinary exploits as he single-handedly routs Constantines army
and turns the Bulgarians near defeat into victory (44.84 95). As Pio
Rajna points out, Le meraviglie operate da Ruggiero presso Belgrado
(XLIV, 78 95) consuonano con quelle che nei vecchi romanzi italiani
15 Marco Praloran, Lo spazio nellOrlando furioso, in Le lingue del racconto: Studi
su Boiardo e Ariosto (Rome: Bulzoni, 2009), 125.
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ways that distinguish it markedly from the Latin model. For example,
Melissa intervenes not to postpone the death of one of the combatants, as Juturna does, but to relieve Bradamantes emotional suffering
and to resolve the dilemma that the lovers face (a romance dilemma,
not an epic one). While Ariosto devises a plot development that allows
him to imitate Virgil, what particularly interests him is the opportunity
to depict the plight of two protagonists caught between martial duty
and love, honor and desire. In short, Ariosto seeks to change the matter imitated to make it fit into a romanzo context. One might say that
he romancifies the Virgilian matter. The grafting of this matter may
well enrich the narrative, but the formal and thematic demands of that
narrative here, the typical intertwining of armi and amori make the
poet modify his Latin model, not the other way around.
Even if the part of the Italian narrative that imitates the Aeneid is
quite faithful to the Latin model, the quick modulation of that narrative into romance is not. Another example the funeral procession,
Brandimartes burial, and what immediately follows it (Orlando furioso,
43.166 85) illustrates this phenomenon. Two cantos earlier Brandimarte has been killed by Gradasso in a multiple duel on the island
of Lipadusa (41.100 102). Initially left unburied, his body is eventually transported by Orlando to Sicily and laid to rest, after a solemn
procession, in Agrigento. The funeral and Orlandos moving oration
(43.170 75) are modeled on the funeral held for Pallas and on Aeneass
obsequies in the Aeneid (11.22 80). But how different the context of
Brandimartes funeral is from what leads to and follows Pallass. Once
again the amatory theme, absent from the story of Pallass death and
funeral, is given prominence in Ariostos account, namely, the narrative devoted to Fiordiligis premonition of and grief- stricken reaction
to Brandimartes death. Fiordiligi and Brandimarte are one of the few
loving couples in the poem whose loyalty to each other never wavers.
Fiordiligi makes her way, too, to Sicily to mourn at the funeral, but she,
unlike Brandimartes male companions, is inconsolable. Right after the
military funeral the narrative focuses on her mourning her spouse and
building a tomb for him and concludes their love story with her refusal
to leave this sepulcher and her eventual death there (43.182 85).
This ending is probably inspired, as Rajna points out (562 63), by
the thirteenth- century romance Palamedes, in which the daughter of
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ever, here, in the final episode of the poem, before the very last stanza,
Ariosto imitates none of Virgils language at the end of the Aeneid.24
In other words, it is virtually because of the last stanza that the duel
between the two paladins is associated with the one between Aeneas
and Turnus. In the final struggle between Ruggiero and Rodomonte,
moreover, Rodomonte never tries to save his life by appealing for mercy,
as Turnus does before Aeneas kills him. Ruggiero invites Rodomonte to
surrender, but the pagan knight scorns the offer and tries to stab Ruggiero before the latter kills him.
I do not mean to suggest that there are no parallels between these
combats: they are both, after all, the last duels fought by the poems
heroes, and the events whose outcomes bring the poems to a full stop.
But if one thinks about the causes of these confrontations, the deliberately romancifying differences in Ariostos version become more noticeable. Rodomonte appears out of nowhere, having disappeared from the
poem eleven cantos earlier (35.48). In the Furioso, therefore, no logical
or fated progression up to Ruggieros confrontation with and killing of
Rodomonte mirrors Aeneass defeat of Turnus, which puts an end to
the constant threat he has posed to peace and order and is shown to be
part of a necessary and even divinely ordained pattern.
Yet, despite the differences between these concluding episodes,
critics and literary historians have projected Ariostos imitation of the
close of the Aeneid back onto the entire final duel. Even more remarkably, this maneuver is presumed to affect the last nine cantos, on which
Ariosto supposedly imposes a teleological design to make his poem
arrive at Virgilian closure. The final octave is retroactively made to
direct virtually the last fifth of the Furioso. Ariostos adaptation of the
Aeneid throughout his poem belies these claims. The parts of Virgils
poem that Ariostos imitations appropriate never determine the shape
and content of the contexts in which they are embedded; on the contrary, they are modified to fit and to contribute to the language and
ethos of chivalric romance.
How the imitation of the Aeneid in the closing lines of Orlando
furioso colors the entire last episode, and also supports the claim that
24 At 46.134 Ariosto does allude to the duel between Tydeus and Agylleus in Statiuss Thebaid (6.888 93, 902 3), but he often makes such allusions to, or borrows
extended similes from, ancient epic poems in his descriptions of chivalric duels.
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the last part of the poem takes an epic turn, illustrates the power and
prestige of the Aeneid as a subtext in Ariostos poem. But one must not
be blinded to the intertextual reality, namely, that much more of the
romanzo tradition has gone into the form and matter of the last episode
and, similarly, into the last fifth of the poem. Ascribing an epic turn
to the final cantos is a broader instance of privileging Virgils text and
exaggerating the epic dimension of the last episode. Just as readers
maintain that this last episode is Virgilian, so some look for and foreground epic aspects of the last part of the poem when, in fact, romance
form and content continue to characterize it.25 To be sure, the last nine
cantos contain, as do prior ones, parts derived from or inspired by
Latin poetry, but these parts are fully integrated into the romance fabric. Prominent among them are the recurring imitations of the Aeneid
grafted innestati, as the Italians say on the narrative. These graftings enrich the poem but do not modify its generic identity.
Ariostos conjoining of his imitations of Virgil (and also of Ovid)
to the traditional vernacular matter of the romanzo was one important way that he revitalized, some would say ennobled, the genre. But
the romanzo as Boiardo bequeathed it already had an in-built capacity
to absorb different kinds of poetry. The permeability of late quattrocento romance, the possibility it offered of including and combining
what we today perceive as different generic codes, had to be one of its
most attractive features for Ariosto. Before and in Ariostos time these
generic differences and their combination were not yet preoccupying
25 Here, for example, is a simplistic reduction of Burrows nuanced account of
how the later stages of the Furioso turn to Christianized epic: As Burrow reminds
us, Ariosto made substantial revisions to the poem, revisions that steer it towards
epic resolution of martial and Christian conquest. That this denouement for both
heroes, in the final analysis, is specifically epic in nature is made clear by allusions
to both Homer and Virgil. Thus, Orlandos fury is channeled away from matters of
love to matters of war when his friend Brandimarte is killed in battle, an echo of
the death of Patroclus and Pallas. . . . Similarly, Ruggieros warrior credentials are
highlighted when the poem ends not with his union to Bradamante, but with his
subsequent defeat of the pagan Rodomonte. His decision to kill Rodomonte is one
of pious self- defense . . . but it is nonetheless compared to Aeneas slaying of Turnus.
Ariostos detailed revisions, then, demonstrate how the digressions of romance must
be raised only to be defeated in order to satisfy the demands of Christianized epic
(Adeline Johns-Putra, The History of the Epic [New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006],
64 65).
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