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For Halbwachs, it is the particular nature of the group and its collective
experience that shapes its collective memory. The particular nature of a
groups experience creates a shared memory and identity. As a result,
every group has its own collective memory and that collective memory
differs from the collective memory of other groups.
Halbwachs also focuses on a certain kind of memory in his analysis of
this phenomenon. He focuses on memories of lived experiences or
moments from the past, such as a childs first day at school, a trip to
London, or the experience of reading a particular book. Halbwachs explicitly describes collective memory as memory of lived experience when he
explains the difference between collective memory and history. The criterion that Halbwachs uses to distinguish collective memory from history is
the detail and richness with which one can reconstruct an event or a scene
from the past. History books present the past in a schematic way that does
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not resemble the memory of past lived experience: Cest en ce sens que
lhistoire vcue se distingue de lhistoire crite: elle a tout ce quil faut
pour constituer un cadre vivant et naturel sur quoi une pense peut sappuyer pour conserver et retrouver limage de son pass (118).
Halbwachs makes a distinction between knowing a list of dates, which
he would call history or abstract knowledge of the past, and reconstruction of past lived experience, which he would call memory. According to
this description, collective memory is intimately tied to a particular
group, since it is the product of the groups own past experiences.
Halbwachss focus on past lived experience and his description of collective memory as part of a groups identity are interrelated, because personal identity is closely tied to this particular kind of memory. According
to Halbwachs, a group becomes conscious of its identity through an
awareness of its own past: Le groupe, au moment o il envisage son
pass, sent bien quil est rest le mme et prend conscience de son identit travers le temps (139). A groups identity and existence depends
on this particular collective memory of its own past: when the nature of a
groups collective memory changes, the group itself ceases to exist. The
members of that group form a new group with a new identity:
Par dfinition, [la mmoire collective] ne dpasse pas les limites de ce
groupe. Lorsquune priode cesse dintresser la priode qui suit, ce
nest pas un mme groupe qui oublie une partie de son pass: il y a, en
ralit, deux groupes qui se succdent. (13132)
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modern etiquette (8288) and the rituals and dress of French society during the French Revolution (613), for example, as instances of procedural
social memory. This collective memory consists of shared social practices
rather than mental representations.
In order to understand how groups remember collectively, we need
both cross-cultural and culturally specific concepts of collective memory.
The semantic model of collective memory described earlier does not tell
the whole story of early modern collective memory, but to judge from
dictionaries and texts of the period, this was the most typical articulation
of group memory in early modern France. It must have shaped the ways
that these societies remembered and their attitudes toward their memories. Despite the fact that this early modern concept of collective memory
surely does not account for all of the different forms of group memory
that existed during that period, it shows us that the early modern understanding of memory is quite different from our own.
SMITH COLLEGE, NORTHAMPTON (MA)
Notes
See Jean-Pierre Vernant, 10918; Marcel Dtienne, 1527; Michle Simondon, 12227.
I have limited my analysis of prehalbwachsian collective memory to texts dating from
the late sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth century, because interest in and
descriptions of personal memory started to shift in the late-eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and these changes have a direct impact on Halbwachss theory of collective memory.
For details on the shifting interest in and descriptions of memory from the early modern to
the modern period, see below.
My analysis of the prehalbwachsian concept of collective memory started with a lexicographical survey using a selection of dictionaries dating from the seventeenth to nineteenth
centuries and the ARTFL database. For a complete list of these lexicographical sources, see
the bibliography below.
3
I use the word group here to refer simply to more than one person and not to any kind
of social unit, such as a family, community, or nation. As will become apparent, this is an
important distinction to make when comparing halbwachsian and prehalbwachsian collective memory.
4
On the relationship between memory and heroic glory, see Dtienne, 2127. The heroic
figures immortalized by epic poetry served as models (exempla or paradeigmata) for ethical
behavior; see Werner Jaeger, vol. 1, 2841. On the evolution in the concept and use of exemplum from Roman Antiquity to the Middle Ages and beyond, see Donald Early, 3043; JeanMichel David; Jacques Berlioz; and Karlheinz Stierle.
5
The concept of poetic glory and its relation to memory was codified by Pindar and
Horaces odes, see especially Pindar, Pythian 6, and Horace, Odes 3.30.
6
On the relationship between memory and immortality in Archaic Greece, see Simondon,
12227, and Vernant, 117 ff.
7
Some early modern writers took this notion of immortality more seriously than others;
on Ronsards conception of glory and poetic immortality, for example, see Franois
Joukovsky, 20410.
8
In addition to the ethical criterion for inclusion in collective memory, Montaigne, for
example, gives two others: chance (62728) and strangeness (276). Despite the fact that such
1
2
802
descriptions of collective memorys dynamics are quite interesting in their own right, they
are not part of the most typical articulations of the period.
9
In previous editions of La Mmoire collective, this was the first chapter. See Grard
Namers preface for a brief account of this books publishing history, 712.
10
Endel Tulving developed the distinction between semantic and episodic memory thirty
years ago (Elements of Episodic Memory, esp. 3457), and since that time, many cognitive scientists have adopted and developed this terminology. Similar distinctions were proposed
in twentieth-century philosophy of mind and epistemology, some of which Tulving drew
on. See, for example, Bertrand Russell, 15787; Gilbert Ryle, 27279; A. J. Ayer, 14998; and
Norman Malcolm, 20321. For earlier examples of this distinction, see Augustine,
Confessions 10.8-12; Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae 1a.79.6; and Henri Bergson, Matire
et mmoire, 8396. Douglas Herrmann lists a number of other texts in which this distinction
appears.
11
For an explanation of the three memory systems discussed here, see Endel Tulving,
How Many Memory Systems Are There? For a comparison of episodic and semantic
memory, see Tulving, Episodic and Semantic Memory. These distinctions are sometimes
referred to using other terms: on implicit versus explicit memory, see Daniel Schacter; on
the terms cognitive memory and habit memory, see Paul Connerton, 2225.
12
Interest in episodic memory grew starting in the late-eighteenth century and continued
to grow through the nineteenth century. See Jean-Franois Perrin, 8391, and Christopher
Salvesen, 3945. William James was perhaps the first psychologist or philosopher to explicitly single out memories of past experiences as the most important type of memory. He
actually claims that this is the only type of memory that truly deserves to be called memory
(612). James did not consider this to be an innovative view on memory: he claims that his
description was commonly found among philosophers and quotes passages from Christian
Wolffs Psychologia empirica (1732) and James Mills Analysis of the Phenomenon of the Human
Mind (1829) to illustrate his claim; but if we look at the entire sections devoted to memory
in these two books, we find that Wolff focuses primarily on semantic forms of memory and
that Mill treats semantic and episodic memory as two different types of memory, without
privileging one or the other.
13
See Le Geste et la parole II: la mmoire et les rythmes, chapters 7 and 9.
Works Cited
Lexicographical sources
Acadmie franaise. Dictionnaire de lAcadmie franaise. 7e d. Vol. 2. Paris: F. Didot, 1878.
. Dictionnaire de lAcadmie franaise. 6e d. Vol. 2. Paris: F. Didot frres, 1835.
. Dictionnaire de lAcadmie franaise. 5e d. Vol. 2. Paris: J. J. Smitz, 1798.
. Dictionnaire de lAcadmie franaise. 4e d. Vol. 2. Paris: La Veuve de B. Brunet, 1762.
. Dictionnaire de lAcadmie franaise. 3e d. Vol. 2. Paris: Jean-Baptiste Coignard,
1740.
. Dictionnaire de lAcadmie franaise. 2e d. Vol. 2. Paris: Jean-Baptiste Coignard,
1718.
. Dictionnaire de lAcadmie franaise. 1re d. Vol. 2. Paris: chez Jean-Baptiste Coignard, 1694.
ARTFL. Robert Morrissey ed. <http://humanities.uchicago.edu/ARTFL> consulted August,
2003.
Bescherelle, M. Dictionnaire national; ou, Dictionnaire universel de la langue franaise. Paris:
Garnier, 1856.
Dochez, Louis. Nouveau Dictionnaire de la langue franaise. Paris: Fouraut, 1860.
803
804
. Mmoire collective. La Nouvelle Histoire. Ed. Jacques Le Goff et al. Paris: Retz,
1978. 398401.
Perrin, Jean-Franois. Le Chant de lorigine: la mmoire et le temps dans les Confessions de JeanJacques Rousseau. Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1996.
Pindar. Odes. Trans. Richard Latimore. Chicago: Chicago UP, 1976.
Ricur, Paul. La Mmoire, lhistoire, et loubli. Paris: LOrdre Philosophique-Editions du
Seuil, 2000.
Ronsard, Pierre de. uvres compltes. n.p.: Pliade-Gallimard, 1994. Vol. 2.
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Du contrat social/Ecrits politiques. n.p.: Pliade-Gallimard, 1964.
Russell, Bertrand. The Analysis of Mind. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1921.
Ryle, Gilbert. The Concept of Mind. 1949. London: Hutchinson and Co., 1963.
Salvesen, Christopher. The Landscape of Memory: A Study of Wordsworths Poetry. London:
Edward Arnold, 1965.
Schacter, Daniel. Implicit versus Explicit Memory. MIT Encyclopedia of the Cognitive
Sciences. Ed. Robert Wilson and Frank C. Keil. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1999. 39495.
Simondon, Michle. La Mmoire et loubli dans la pense grecque jusqu la fin du Ve sicle av. J.C. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1982.
Stierle, Karlheinz. LHistoire comme exemple, lexemple comme histoire. Potique 10
(1972): 17698.
Tulving, Endel. Episodic and Semantic Memory. MIT Encyclopedia of the Cognitive
Sciences. Ed. Robert Wilson and Frank C. Keil. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1999. 27880.
. How Many Memory Systems Are There? American Psychologist 40.4 (1985):
38598.
. Elements of Episodic Memory. New York: Oxford UP, 1983.
Vernant, Jean-Pierre. Mythe et pense chez les Grecs: tudes de psychologie historique. (1965)
Paris: La Dcouverte, 1996.