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Critical Inquiry
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Gyan Prakash
1875, denounced this and other Hindu rituals as manifestations of superstitious beliefs invented by priestcraft and contrary to the scientific wisdom contained in the Vedas, which it considered the authentic source of
Hinduism. The orthodox Hindu intellectuals of Vazirabad took exception to the Arya Samaj's relentless attack on shrdddha as unscientific and
illegitimate, and agreed to a debate. The disputation was held in May
1895 to answer the question, Should the ancestral ritual propitiate only
the living or both the living and the dead? Pandit Ganesh Datta Shastri,
arguing the orthodox case, wrote an essay in Sanskrit defending the ritual
against the Arya Samaj, which was represented by two scholars who
536
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Critical Inquiry
jointly wrote an essay on the subject.2 The two sides disagreed on the
impartiality of the Indian Orientalist judges and forwarded the essays to
Max Muller at Oxford for arbitration. Muller replied in September 1896,
stating that ancestor worship, found among both Aryan and non-Aryan
nations, arose "simply from a very natural human feeling to give up
something that is dear to us, to those who were dear to US."3 No one
asked if the departed came back to eat the offerings made. The shraddha
encompassed both the departed and the living; the ceremony was held
when remaining members of the family partook of a meal offered to both
the living and the dead. Soon, however, superstition took over and people
began to believe that the departed returned in bodily shapes to partake
of the offerings, and "then the scoffers began to say that the Shraddhas
were absurd because the departed spirits were never seen to consume
them or benefit from them."4 Muller then quoted from the Vedas to establish that the ceremony honored both the dead and the living. Apparently the Arya Samajists, stung by Muller's verdict, responded by hiring
drummers who paced up and down the town, drumming the charge that
the letter was forged.
2. [Ganesh Datta Shastri], ShAstrdtha beech arya Samaj aur Pandit Ganesh Datta Shastri
[The Disputation between the Arya Samaj and Pandit Ganesh Datta Shastri] (Lahore, 1896),
pp. 1-16, provides details leading up to the disputation and the personalities involved.
3.
Quoted
in
ibid.,
p.
19.
4.
Quoted
in
ibid.,
p.
20.
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The criticism of indigenous traditions was not new; contrary to British beliefs, Hindu religious practices included lively traditions of critical
thought What was new, however, was the invocation of science's authority
in the critique of religion and society. The beginnings of this authority
reconfigure the flawed body of contemporary Hinduism in the immaculate shape of ancient Hindu science, and Hindu intellectuals reached
back for the ancient knowledge of the Hindus to recover the space of the
modern nation. Such efforts were reinforced by the findings of European
Orientalists and Indian scholars showing that the ancient Indian culture
could rightfully boast of significant achievements in fields ranging from
mathematics to medicine. Elaborating, substantiating, and seizing on
these findings, Hindu intellectuals claimed that their ancient religion dis-
covered and incorporated scientific truths, that science was Hindu. With
science signifying religion, culture, and the nation, not just laboratory
practices, the representation of the modern nation as the return of ar-
chaic Hindu science became a compelling and enduring trope in the nationalist imagination, a trope that survives powerfully into the present.
What are we to make of the cultural representation of the modern
nation as the return of ancient solidarity? How should we understand the
representation of the signs of the modern nation- science and reasonin the images of the archaic? Benedict Anderson reminds us that to
"think" the nation in the myth of origins is to forge a compelling sense of
contemporary collective belonging that "loom[s] out of an immemorial
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Critical Inquiry
past, and, still more important, glide[s] into a limitless future."5 From this
point of view, the composition of modern India with the artifice of an
archaic Hindu science was an attempt to create an undivided origin for
the contemporary nation, to authorize it as the recovery of an original
unity and purity. Science became an instrument of this project because
its authority permitted the Hindu intellectuals to reshape and resituate
religion as the embodiment of eternal and universal laws. As Hindu reviv-
how the recounting of the nation's defeat and divisions punctuates the
continuistic narrative of progress and evolution.
Homi Bhabha suggests that the divided practice of cultural representation is intrinsic to the narration of the nation.7 Pointing to a tension
5. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Refections on the Origan and Spread of Nationalism
6. Drawing on Walter Benjamin, Anderson calls this sense of cohesion and simultaneity
"homogenous, empty time" a form of temporality that replaces the medieval conception of simultaneity-along-time. It permits people who do not know each other
to imagine that they and their actions are linked together by synchronicity, that they
form a nation because they are temporally coincident-they occupy the "homogenous empty time." [Ibid., pp. 30-31]
7. See Homi K. Bhabha, "DissemiNation: Time, Narrative, and the Margins of the
Modern Nation," in Nation anzl Narration, ed. Bhabha (London, 1990), pp. 291-322; hereaf-
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Just such a loss of homogeneity and holism is entailed in the representation of modern India as the return of the archaic. For, how can the
modern nation emerge continuous with the past when it is evoked as a
form of return, as a repetition of the past? The notion of an organic nation, developing harmoniously and continuously in accordance with its
tradition, is necessarily alienated when the present appears as a palimpsest of the past, when the modern nation is expressed as a belated realization of the "before." In such a representation the past appears not as an
origin but as an anteriority. Unlike the organicist notion, which draws an
unbroken line between the origin and the present, the idea of the modern
nation as the return of the archaic introduces a sharp break between the
past and the present; the past irrupts, it does not evolve, into the present.
As the contemporary national self emerges in the differential sign of the
"return," as its time is expressed in the repetition of another time, an
alienating otherness becomes the necessary mode of enunciating the filllness of the nation. In this sense, the representation of the modern nation
as the return of the archaic disrupts the language of origins and organicity and invokes the past as anteriority, as an otherness in which the identification of the national self occurs.
The representation of the modern nation as the return of the archaic, then, constitutes a profoundly disjunctive process a process that
entails the evocation and displacement of the mythic past, a linear history,
8. Renan writes, "a nation's existence is, if you will pardon the metaphor, a daily plebiscite, just as an individual's existence is a perpetual affirmation of life" (quoted in "D," p.
310). Renan's essay, "What Is a Nation?" from which this quotation is cited, is reprinted in
the same volume; see Ernest Renan, "What Is a Nation?" trans. Martin Thom, in Nation and
Narration, pp. 8-22.
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541
and a homogeneous people. This is not to restate the familiar refrain that
origins are never undivided but always split. Nor is it to cotlclude that
the "reality" of heterogeneous cults and sects explodes the "myth" of the
present as the double and repetition of the past rather than as its growth
and fulfillment readied the discourse to invade every contemporary context and every facet of people's life; the contemporary arena of divided
and contending cultural traditions and social forces became available for
the recuperation of the nation, for the project to "recover" it in the image
ancient Hirldu science during the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries.
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(Aryans) spread across northern India during the late nineteenth century.
His teachings and magnetic influence led to the establishment of the Arya
Samaj, which quickly made its mark among educated Hindus, particularly in Punjab.l Asserting the superiority of Vedic Hinduism over all
religions, the Arya Samaj's mission was to restore a pristine and classical
Vedic religion cleansed of such "corrupt" accretions as priesthood, the
caste system, idol worship, child marriage, and prohibitions on widow
remarriage and female education. This vision of a pure, scientific Hinduism of the Vedas was based on the authority and originality that Dayanand claimed for the Vedas as science. Dayanand advanced this claim
relentlessly in his writings, speeches, sermons, and in several debates he
staged with orthodox Hindu pundits, Christian missionaries, and Muslim
theologians.ll Brazenly charging his opponents with ignorance and superstition, he claimed that whereas modern science confirmed the Vedic
understanding of the universe, other religions violated the elementary
principles of reason. The Vedas were superior to other texts and traditions not only on this account, but also because they were the oldest.
The historians of all nations on the earth unanimously attest that
"genuine history." Such a claim on behalf of the Vedas and for the Aryas'
right to represent their nation's history could not be confined to philosophical matters but had to extend to the daily practice of Vedic religion
if the modern Hindus were to be refashioned in the image of their scientific forebears. This meant that the Vedic rituals- of which homa, or the
sacrificial fire, was the most important-had to be represented as scien-
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543
one's person and to offer clarified butter in a meal. The knowledgeable do not destroy and waste them in fire.
(Answer) If you knew the laws of matter which state that a sub-
is because fire breaks matter into fine particles which mix with and
are carried by air to great distances, and negate pollution.'2
To suggest that the Vedic homa purified the atmosphere by fragment-
ing matter into fine, light particles was to throw science the sign of the
modern nation into the ordeal of the Vedic fire. Science emerged from
this sacrificial fire with an ancient Hindu rationality, staging the practice
of Vedic rituals as the performance of the modern Indian nation. Such a
performance of the nation appealed to educated Hindus, who flocked to
the Arya Samaj and found the subjectivity of modern India signified in
its Vedic rituals.
The authority of the Vedas as science and as a sign of the nation was
part of a general revaluation and positioning of the Hindu past as an
expression of the nation. The idea of Hindu science, developed initially
by Orientalist research, became pervasive in elite Hindu culture by the
late nineteenth century, extending beyond the circle of religious reformers. Widely circulated by middle-class journals and pamphlets, the authority of Hindu science was endorsed by philosophers and scientists.
Consider, for example, the writings of P. C. Ray, the well-known Bengali
chemist and influential teacher at Presidency College, Calcutta, where he
12. Dayanand Saraswati, Satydrtha PrakAh [The Light of Truth], 2d ed. (1882; Delhi,
1963), pp. 55-56. So firm was the belief in the efficacy of the sacrificial fire that when an
editor of a newspaper suggested that McDugall's powder, instead of butter, be used as a
disinfectant, the Arya Samaj responded,
We pity this knowledge of the Editor with respect to the Hom philosophy of the
Aryas.... We will simply ask the learned Editor to state what obnoxious gases there
are in the atmosphere and how does McDugall's powder clean the atmosphere of
them. The truth is that he believes this powder to be a disinfectant at the most because it is so regarded by English Science. The ancient Scientific world with him has
no existence. ["Editorial Notes," The Arya Patrika, Lahore, 7 Dec. 1886, p. 6]
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13. See P. C. Ray, A Htstory of Hindt4 Chemistry from the Earliest Times to the Miile of the
S?:cteenth Century A.D., rev. ed., 2 vols. (Calcutta, 1904-25).
14. See Manindranath Banerjea, "On Ancient Hindu Conception of Ether," Proceedings of the Indian Association for the C?lltivation of Science 1 ( l 915): 62.
15. Review of A History of Hindu Chem2stry from the Earliest Ti7nes to the MidWle of the Six-
teenth Centurys.D., by Ray, Kayastha Samachar [Kayastha News] 6 (Nov. 1902): 431.
16. See Ray, Antiquity of Hindu Chemistry bA Lecture Delivered by Dr. P C. Ray, D.Sc.] (Calcutta, 1918), p. 3.
17.
18.
Ibid.,
Ray,
p.
12.
Pursuit
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Crztical Inquiry
While Ray made an eloquent plea on behalf of Hindu chemistry, others rose to the defense of Ayurveda, a system of medical ideas and practices first set out in the Vedas and elaborated subsequently in other
treatises, most notably in Caraka-sanhita and Susr7lta-sanhita. Ayurveda
had come under increasing attack as quackery by the practitioners of
Western medicine, but it was defended spiritedly as science not only by
Ayurvedic practitioners but also by those who regarded it as Hindu science.l9 One such able and influential defender was G. Srinivasa Murti, a
Tamil Brahmin Sanskrit scholar and a doctor trained in Western medicine. Srinivasa Murti's combination of classical Sanskritic erudition and
modern Western education drew him to theosophy.20 The Theosophical
Society, since the establishment of its headquarters in Madras in 1882,
was quick to win influence among the Tamil upper-caste elite, first under
Madam Blavatsky and Colonel Henry Steel Olcott, and then under Annie
Besant's leadership, because its heady mixture of the occult, mesmerism,
and positivism authorized its strong Flefense of ancient Brahminical wisdom. Functioning in this milieu, Srinivasa Murti was well positioned to
provide a scientific justification for Ayurveda when he was appointed in
1921 by the Madras government as the secretary of a committee charged
to study indigenous medicine. In the report he submitted in 1923, Srinivasa Murti defended Ayurveda and the Hindu scientific method.2l His
purpose, however, was not to render Ayurveda identical to Western science. Thus, as he showed resemblance and convergence, he also asserted
the irreducible difference of Hindu science. He did so not only by claiming that Hindu methods were superior to Western methods but, more
interestingly, by refuting the charge that Ayurveda's intimacy with religion and philosophy crippled its scientific status. Srinivasa Muri wrote,
To understand this position, we must first realize that, to the Hindu,
"Philosophy" was not a matter for mere speculation or intellectual
19. Accounts of these attacks and a vigorous defense of Ayurveda appear in Kaviraj
T. S. Ram. Bhishagratna, In Defence of Ayurveds (An Answer to ffie Attack of A?lrueds by Dr. 77 M.
Nadir, M.D.) (Cachinnate, 1909). The author was a senior physician at the Vivekananda
Ayurvedic Hospital, Cachinnate. See also Shaukat Rai Chaudhary, Aytlrveda Ka Vaagyanik
Swaroop [The Scientific Structure of Ayurveda] (Kangri, 1918), pp. 2-3, for an account of
criticisms levelled against Ayurveda.
20. Srinivasa Murti went on to head the Government School of Indian Medicine, established in 1925, and served in that capacity until 1942. For biographical details on Srinivasa Murti, see "Doctor G. Srinivasamurti A Memoir," in The Doctor G. S"nivasamurti Birth
Centenswy, ed. the Doctor G. Srinivasamurti Foundation (Madras, 1987), pp. 1-10, esp. pp.
2-4.
21. See G. Srinivasa Murti, "Secretary's Minute," Report of the Commattee on Indtgenous
Systems of Medicine (Madras, 1923). This was resubmittedS in a slightly revised form, as a
report to the Committee on Indigenous Systems of Medicine, Government of India, and
published as Srinivasa Murti, Science a7uS the Art of Indun Medicine (Madras, 1948); hereafter
abbreviated S.
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What enabled the claim for the ineluctable difference of Hindu science was the prior existence of a modern Indian nation; at work was a
national subject that asserted the right to represent India in Vedic science. And yet, it was Hindu chemistry that produced and legitimated the
subjectivity of the modern nation; modern India came into being as it
listened to the appeal of Govinda and Somadeva "after a lapse of 7, 8, or
10 centuries," to the utterance of"the chemist Nagarjuna some 1000
years ago." Thus, even as Dayanand, Ray, and Srinivasa Murti gave themselves the right to represent India, it was their pronouncements that authorized this right through a "fabulous retroactivity."22
23. Derrida evokes something similar in writing of the undecidability in the constative
and performative structures of utterance. See ibid., pp. 8-12.
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Critical Inquiry
25. "Some Suggestions in Connection with Dayanand Anglo-Vedic College," Arya Patr7ks, Lahore, 3 May 1887, p. 3; emphasis mine.
26. See Dayanand, Satydrtha Prakdshn pp. 368-69.
27.
See
ibid.,
pp.
369-406.
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How could such false beliefs overpower the true knowledge of the Vedas?
According to Dayanand, Puranic Hinduism was victorious because
people, "naturally prone to indulgences of imagination and ignorance,"
were unable to live the difEcult life imposed by the science of the Vedas.
As people succumbed to the bewitching charms of poetry, "science gave
way to the spell of mythology, which soon spread over the world with the
speed of electricity" (quoted in W p. 235). Ridiculing the Puranic mythology, Dayanand wrote, "for instance, Baly, a monkey king of Mysore, wrestled with Ravan, the ten-headed giant king of Ceylon, and, having got
the monster under the armpit, forgot to take him out for six months.
They don't tell us if he was given regular rations all the while" (quoted in
X p. 239). Such stories told by the Puranas were more likely to appeal to
our "degenerate sense" than the dry, abstract truths of the Vedas and
produced idolatry and fanciful notions of incarnation. As a result, wrote
Guru Datta Vidyarthi, the militant Arya Samaj leader,
In the cold light of reason and science of the Vedas, Puranic Hinduism,
whose myths, legends, and deities formed the stuff of the daily popular
religion, appeared childish. Puranic Hinduism had managed to pervert
even the meaning of Vedic philosophy; "instead of being regarded as universal text-books" of science, the Vedas became a religion-a body of
"certain creeds and dogmas."
This sense of the decay and loss of the science of the Vedas animated
the Arya Samaj's powerful reformist critique of Puranic Hinduism and
plunged it into numerous controversies. These critiques and controversies were not inconsequential debates on arcane theological matters but
vital contests concerned with the project to create a new national subject
in the regenerated Arya. Aimed at renewing the Aryan personality by
refashioning daily life, this project drew inspiration from Dayanand's
Satyartha Prakash, much of which was devoted to outlining rules of daily
living. Dayanand's bitter denunciation of astrology as superstition, for example, was animated by the concern to diminish the influence of priest-
28. Pandita Guru Datta Vidyarthi, Wisdom of the Rish2s, or Complete Works of Pandita Guru
Datta Vidyarthi, ed. Swami Vedananda Tirtha (Lahore, n.d.), p. 99.
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549
hood on the daily life of the Hindus. He argued that once people gained
the true knowledge of the physical world contained in the Vedas, they
would cease to depend on the priests and astrologers who hoodwinked
the ignorant by attributing diseases and misfortunes to planetary influences.29
Arya: Okay, let us assume that they shed their gross bodies to
reenter this world, as they did earlier to depart from it upon their
death. I assume that just as we cremate a lifeless body, so do they in
the world, or else the blood would cause the body to rot. If this is the
case, then it seems you have committed a murder by performing a
shraddha, because now they are neither in the other world nor here.
Where will they go now?
Pauranik: No, my view is that they live in fine, spiritual bodies.
They do not need gross bodies. Therefore, they can travel as they
please.
Arya: This is impossible because, if they did not leave this world
of their own will, how can they now travel as they please? Besides,
you believe in rebirth. If they left their bodies here, who will be
reborn?30
Admitting his error, the Pauranik amends his argument, stating that ancestors do not reenter this world to accept the offerings made in the ritual; rather, the food offered to the Brahmin in the shraddha ceremony is
carried across to the ancestors. The Arya then moves to clinch the argument:
Arya: This is very doubtful. If the fluid from the food consumed
by the Brahmin is sent across, then it will not turn into blood, and
29. See Dayanand, Satydrtha Prakash, pp. 23-24.
30. The Arya Samaj, Mritak Shrdddha Khandan [An Analysis of the Propitiation of the
Dead] (Lahore, 1893), p. 3.
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.
550 Gyan Prakash
the Brahmin will die. If it transforms into blood and reaches your
ancestors, then they are guilty of drinking the blood of the Brahmins, committing their murder. Besides, the Brahmins should become weak from the lack of blood, but we observe instead that the
Brahmins fed during the shraddha become strong and healthy from
the fifteen days of feasting. So, your argument does not make sense.
Nor can you say that your ancestors consume the food offered them
by inhaling the Brahmin's breath, because they could not possibly
survive breathing the foul air, that is, "carbonic acid gas," that we
exhale.3l
son, but the Arya's refutation of the Pauranik's beliefs is strained. An uncertainty surrounds the authority of the Arya Samaj's knowledge, as it
ies? How can they be reborn? Does food turn into blood before its consumption by the ancestors? Such questions are rigged with the intent to
establish the power of the Arya Samaj, but to fulfill this intent the Arya
first had to allow the Pauranik to cut into the discourse, permitting his
ancestors to gnaw at its authoritative core. Only then, after the Arya had
expIored and exhausted every one of the Pauranik's explanations, contorting his discourse to follow the mythic meandering of the bloodthirsty
and Brahmin-murdering ancestors, could the Arya display the sign of his
authority. Distortion and vulgarization of the opponents' explanations"it seems you have committed a murder by performing a shraddhaS' were
practiced in order to recover, to renarrate the Aryan nation lost in differ-
ence. This strategy turned the Puranas into the enemy of the Vedic nation
and accused them of having caused its loss through myths and
tantasles.
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Critical Inquiry
33. Ray, Pursuit of Chemistrw in Bengal [Calcutta University Extension Lecture, Delivered on
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Critical Inquiry
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a few could achieve, could benefit greatly from the external aids to observation developed by Western science. This scheme constituted, in his
view, the statement of ancient wisdom in the language of modern science.
He illustrated his view with the example of Jagdish Chandra Bose, the
Bengali scientist whose research in plant physiology had won much acclaim.
With the aid of his marvellous instruments of great delicacy and precision he demonstrated to an astonished world that the response to
stimuli of both the so-called living, (e.g., animals) and the so-called
non-living (e.g., plants) were so strikingly similar as to suggest one
common Life animating both Kingdoms of Nature; but, he was never
tired of proclaiming from the house-tops that what he demonstrated
was nothing new but was only part of that Ancient Wisdom which
our great forefathers taught many millennia ago on the banks of the
Ganga. This is certainly true. [S, p. 81]
Srinivasa Murti then described the ancient Hindu theories that converged with Bose's demonstration, concluding that Bose's instruments
not acknowledge the double movement he performed; he remained unaware that translation produced the signification of Ayurveda as the untranslatable sign of the Indian nation.
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C7atical Inquiry
36. Jawaharlal Nehru, The Divscovery of India (New York, 1946), p. 218. Nehru wr
During the first thousand years of the Christian era, there are many ups and
in India, many conflicts with invading elements and internal troubles. Yet
period of vigorous national life, bubbling over with energy and spreading
all directions....
Yet even before that Golden Age [the period of the Gupta empire, fou
through seventh centuries A.D.] had come to a close, signs of weakness and
become visible.... In the south there was still vitality and vigor, and this last
some centuries more; in the Indian colonies abroad there was aggressive an
blooded life right up to the middle of the next millennium. But the heart see
petrify, its beats are slower, and gradually this petrifaction and decay spread
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modern nation arise from an ancient "logic-chopping" people; that a secular polity spring from the religious. Such an ambivalent form of the
nation's composition dissolves the dichotomies of modernity and tradition, science and superstition, rationality and irrationality, and enables
the project to constitute an expansive and encompassing national subject;
it impels the swamis and the scientists alike to deliver thundering sermons and to pen sober scholarly treatises that represent the modern nation in the image of the archaic.
tion, not its denial. It is there, in the disturbing intimacy with myths and
metaphysics, that the modern nation looms out of nowhere in the conditional and uncertain image of archaic Hindu science. But the contingency
and belatedness of the nation's arrival also opens a space for the return
of other knowledges, other untimely pasts. It is interventions in such a
space of representation that hold the possibility of redirecting the nation's
authority away from authoritarian constructions.
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