Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Eighteenth Century
Author(s): Avigdor Levy
Source: Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Jul., 1982), pp. 227-249
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4282890
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army was a special domain, one in which the sovereign authority first
prevailed; and military administration ... served in many ways as a
proving ground for other governmental operations. In every case the
State had to overome obstacles in order to create effective armies.2
Students of Ottoman military institutions would surely find these remarks
highly evocative. True, the Ottoman empire was subject to conditions and
developments which differed considerably from those prevailing in the
European states forming the subject of Corvisier's study. But the basic issues
and tensions of state-military relations appear remarkably similar.
Ottoman military reform, like that of contemporary European states, was
motivated and shaped by a combination of external and internal factors.
From the second half of the seventeenth century external challenges had
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vezir. Inherent to the Ottoman social order was a high potential for political
decentralization and even fragmentation. But a succession of capable and
active rulers insured the predominance of the Center and the effective
operation of the system as a whole.3
description. The first half of the seventeenth century, a period in which four
sultans were enthroned while still minors, was particularly unstable. Now
power was increasingly exercised by competing members of the royal family,
courtiers and favorites. This, in turn, led to a growing fragmentation of the
central authority and intensified factionalism among the ruling elite as a
whole. The chains of authority having become blurred, central control over
the bureaucracy and the military weakened, corruption abounded and strong
centrifugal forces emerged.4
It is now generally accepted that in addition to dynastic difficulties,
Ottoman decline was the outcome of several clusters of interrelated factors economic, demographic, technological, military, political and so forth. Some
of these have not been fully explained, as yet, while others are the subject of
ongoing controversy. In general, students of Ottoman history are at pains to
distinguish the primary from the secondary causes. By contrast, however, the
works of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ottoman writers suggest that
the contemporaries had a more definite view of the causes of Ottoman decline.
Their works indicate a general belief that the state still possessed the necessary
resources, human and material, to hold its ground, although, perhaps, not to
recapture its previous position of primacy vis-'a-vis its neighbors. The
weakening of central authority was conceived by them as the most important
single factor responsible for the disintegration of the state, with all other ills
force, effective and free of abuses. The reformed army, in turn, would support
the central government against centrifugal forces, re-establish law and order,
and defend the state against its external enemies. Eliminating corruption in
the military would also have important beneficial effects for the treasury and
the economy in general.6
It is not our purpose here to consider the merits of the contemporary
Ottoman view, but rather to examine its practical application. Indeed, these
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these in the seventeenth century were Sultan Murad IV (1623-1640) and the
grand vezirs of the Koprulu house who held office, with some intervals, from
tighter control. The financial administration was put in better order. Strong
attempts were made to restore a greater degree of central control over the
provinces; and the armed forces were disciplined and improved.8 It is
important to note, however, that the thrust of these reforms was to resurrect
the old Ottoman institutions which had fallen into decay, and restore to them
the measure of effectiveness which they were believed to have possessed
during their zenith. True, from time to time, reforms which represented
departures from the 'pristine' institutional models were, in fact, introduced.
But these were essentially regarded as changes in detail, while the avowed
their names officially inscribed on the rolls thereby becoming eligible for pay.
The increase in numbers did not represent any accretion in military strength
but rather the contrary - growing corruption and the disintegration of the
army as a fighting force. In addition, the inflated muster rolls became a
crushing burden on the treasury. In the case of the timarli troops the process of
disintegration operated in different ways. Due to legitimate needs for funds,
but mostly because of administrative laxness and corruption, increasing
numbers of military fiefs were abolished and their income diverted for nonmilitary purposes. In addition, fief-holders found ways to avoid military
rendering military duty was constantly on the decline. The salient features of
restorative military reform were intended, in brief, to reverse these trends. The
paid army corps were purged of those who did not render active military
service. The remaining troops were then brought under tighter discipline and
their training improved. The decrease in numbers also helped to ease the
burden on the treasury. For the feudal troops reform usually meant measures
intended to increase the numbers of active soldiers and improve their
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effectiveness. The rolls of these troops were examined and attempts were made
military fiefs which had been previously abolished were actually restored for
their original purpose.
In addition, however, restorative reformers also introduced technological
improvements borrowed from Europe. They imported and manufactured by
imitation improved models of artillery pieces, new types of small firearms and
Ottoman soldiers, however, rejected the use of the pike and the bayonet
despite repeated proof of their superiority. The reason for this appears to have
stemmed from the fact that unlike other arms the effective use of the pike and
bayonet required the adoption also of new western tactics, such as deployment
in close order squares and oblongs. This, in turn, necessitated changes in the
military structure. And organizational changes threatened vested interests in
the old military corps and the civilian segments of society associated with
them.'2 Thus while they adopted the use of other aspects of western military
technology, the Ottoman soldiers rejected the pike and the bayonet as 'infidel
arms', and their objection to institutional change was expressed in culturalreligious terms.
Moreover, it would appear that reformist leaders, even when they favored
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the last of the Koprului vezirs Amcazade Huiseyin Pa5a (1697-1702) and their
aftermath could well serve as an example of such a pattern. Following the
disastrous Ottoman defeats at the end of the seventeenth century and the
Treaty of Karlowitz (1699), Hiiseyin carried out extensive restorative military
reforms. He purged the Janissary corps and reduced their numbers from
70,000 to 34,000 men. He also disciplined the other paid military corps and
corrected some of the more glaring abuses in the timarli forces. He paid careful
attention to the administration of the navy and constructed a fleet of galleons
on contemporary Venetian models. But immediately upon Huiseyin's
dismissal many of his reforms were undone. Abuses once again quickly
became rampant as demonstrated by the rapid increase in the numbers of
sufficient. On one hand, the deterioration of the old order had progressed too
far. In addition, recent technological advances, and the development of new
tactics gave rise in the West to new branches, especially in the services of the
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(1717-1730)
and one each to Paris, Moscow and Poland. He instructed all his emissaries to
(September 1730). The uprising had been nurtured for some time by a
depressed economy and a more visible socio-cultural polarization brought
about by the new life-style of segments of the elite. The rebellion was touched
off, however, by the Ottoman defeat in the war with Iran and the hardships
suffered in its wake by the Istanbul populace and the army. The deep-seated
causes of the revolt were essentially economic and social, although their
articulation was rendered in religious and cultural terms, and the mob's
vengeance was directed against the manifestations of westernism.'7
The Patrona revolt made such an impact on Ottoman society that for
actually put into effect several projects discussed under the fallen regime. He
continued to support the activities of Ibrahim Miiteferrika, as well as those of
another convert, the French nobleman and officer Claude-Alexandre Comte
European officers who also converted to Islam. With their help he carried out
reforms that were innovative in nature but remained limited in scope.
Corps of Bombardiers (Humbaraci Ocagi) and increase its strength from 300
to 1,000 men. He was to organize and train this unit in the European manner
so that it could become a model for the reorganization of the entire Ottoman
army. When, at the beginning of the new drill, the Sultan reviewed the
reformed unit, he was so favorably impressed that he expressed his desire to
increase the corps to as many as 10,000 men. In fact, however, even the initial
number of 1,000 was not completed due to opposition on the part of the
Janissaries. At the end the new unit of Bombardiers remained at the same
strength as the old one - 300 men. Throughout Bonneval's lifetime, however,
it continued to train on western models.'9
In addition, Bonneval helped establish a modern School of Mathematics
(Hendesehane) for military purposes. He was instrumental in modernizing the
cannon foundry (tophane), the powdermill (baruthdne), the arsenal (cebhdne)
and the small Corps of Miners (Lakimci) and Artillery Transport (Arabaci).
But it is important to note that these reforms were applied only to small, and
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the most technical, military branches. Bonneval also advocated the reform of
the infantry and the cavalry which constituted the bulk of the Ottoman armed
forces. He recommended the modernization of the Janissary corps by
breaking up the large regiments into smaller tactical units and increasing the
ratio of junior officers to men. But the Janissaries were able to resist these
changes.20
In addition to opposition on the part of the old military, there were other
factors which inhibited Bonneval's efforts. The French embassy considered
him a turncoat and throughout this period acted to undermine his position.
Another major obstacle stemmed from the fierce rivalry within the Ottoman
ruling elite itself. Bonneval was first recruited in September 1731 by Grand
Vezir Topal Osman Pa?a (September 1731-March 1732) who gave him
considerable latitude and support. But when shortly afterwards Osman was
deposed, the new Grand Vezir Hekimoglu Ali Pa?a (March 1732-July 173
association with the previous regime. It was only in the beginning of 1734 that
Ali recognized Bonneval's usefulness and allowed him to continue with his
military activity.2' But when Ali fell out of office in the following year,
Bonneval's work was, once again, disrupted. He regained some of his former
influence during the short tenure of office of Grand Vezir Muhsinzade
but he never regained his former influence. From 1739 until his death in 1747
his duties were essentially confined to the administration of the small Corps of
Bombardiers.22
The first tentative attempts to introduce western-inspired military reform
were part of sporadic efforts to re-establish a strong central authority. It is
significant that the two grand vezirs who gave Bonneval the widest latitude,
Topal Osman and Hekimoglu Ali, were also those who most fervently
attempted to follow in the footsteps of the Koprtiluis. Their chief ambition was
to strengthen the position of the grand vezir vis-a-vis other foci of power at the
capital as well as to reassert the authority of the center over the provinces.
Osman did it with brute cruelty 'covered .. . with the mantle of justice',23 while
Ali resorted to more subtle methods giving the impression that 'moderation
... [was] his governing principle'.24
Osman's achievements during his short term of office were remarkable. He
succeeded in restoring order and security to the capital following an extended
stamping out the numerous uprisings in Anatolia and initiated a comprehensive reform in the timar system. He attempted to re-establish central
control over the financial affairs of Egypt and he considerably improved the
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disciplined modern army could well serve their political objectives. At the end,
however, neither succeeded in attaining them and they were dismissed because
assistants the Ottomans had a small, but qualified, team of European officers
who could have directed the reforms as required. The reforms failed
essentially for lack of a determined and stable leadership that could sustain
them in the face of strong popular opposition. The court, while not taking a
direct lead in affairs of government, acted to prevent the office of the grand
vezir from becoming too powerful. This was achieved by a variety of means:
terms of office were kept short; key government offices were rotated among
political rivals known for their bitter mutual hostility; and, on occasion,
reforms in the civilian administration and the military.29 But he was reluctant
to introduce western-inspired measures. He is credited with having said 'I am
afraid that we shall be unable to re-establish order if we once break the
In the last third of the eighteenth century the Ottoman empire was involved in
two of the most injurious wars in its history; the first against Russia
(1768-1774) and the second against a coalition of Russia and Austria
(1787-1792). Although the Ottomans generally enjoyed numerical superiority
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warfare.32 The territorial and political losses suffered in these conflicts were
staggering. The first of these wars saw the introduction of a new dimension in
the Ottoman empire and its wider political and military ramifications.
Consequently when, in 1768, hostilities broke out between the Ottoman
empire and Russia, Louis XV offered Sutan Mustafa III military assistance.
But the war had such a destabilizing impact on the government that it was
slow to respond.34 It did, however, accept the services of one French agent
Hungarian origin, was an artillery officer in the French service. In 1755 he had
been sent to Istanbul on official duty and during the course of his stay there he
gained the respect of the sultan's court. During the war years of 1768-74 de
Tott's help was enlisted for a variety of military endeavors marking the
beginning of an extended era of French official or semi-official military and
technological assistance to the empire. De Tott helped establish a new cannon
foundry and improved the designs of Ottoman cannon carriages. Under his
according to the French regulation of 1765.4' But in 1781, following the death
Janissary pressure the new unit was temporarily disbanded. Aubert and his
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Istanbul. This time the field artillery unit was expanded to 2,000 men and the
original 250 cannoneers were appointed as officers and instructors to the new
recruits. As a result of regular training, the corps made good progress and its
cannon teams were capable of firing eight to ten shots per minute. With the
establishment of this unit a departure from previous administrative practices
was introduced with the purpose of strengthening government control over
the military. The old corps were supervised only by military commanders who
had the title of aka. Now a system of dual control was introduced. In addition
to the aga, a civilian superintendent (nazir) was appointed to supervise the
corps' administrative and financial affairs and report directly to the grand
vezir's administration.42
exaggeration, perhaps - that at least 300 French officers and engineers were
employed by the Ottoman government.44 Indeed French assistance was
substantial: French engineers improved numerous fortifications and set up
new batteries; they cast cannons and mortars according to French models,
and shipwrights built new vessels according to modern design.
Nevertheless, Franco-Ottoman relations were, at times, tenuous. In March
1784, the French suggested that the Duke of Luxembourg establish
Ottoman suspicion that the French actually intended to secure for themselves
an island-base in the eastern Mediterranean. The proposal was therefore
politely rejected.45 In addition the French mission suffered from some of the
basic difficulties which were to plague most foreign aid programs in modern
history. Language and culture barriers placed obstacles on the successful
progress of the mission's work. Behind the back of the reformist grand vezirs
many of the religious leaders denounced the presence of the infidel officers in
Istanbul. Contempt was sometimes the lot of those Ottomans who attended
the lessons of the French instructors or were associated with them in any way.
Public disapproval was so strong that the French officers did not dare to wear
their uniforms in the street. Ottoman bureaucrats of intermediate and lower
ranks regarded the French workers with suspicion. Leroy who was assigned to
the naval arsenal reported in despair that 'each piece of wood, each pound of
nails ... is an object for negotiations'.46 On the other hand, some Frenchmen
found it difficult to adjust to the new and foreign work conditions. Captain
Saint-Remy who was assigned to the cannon foundry had to be recalled due to
clashes with the Ottoman staff.47
The western-inspired reforms of this period were accompanied by intensive
restorative measures. Aside from the reform-minded reigning Sultan
Abdulhamid I, three leaders were most instrumental in applying these
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1774; and again July 1774-April 1789).48 The first of these three, Seyyid
Mehmed, gave particular attention to the old Artillery and Bombardier corps.
He required them to train regularly and purchased for them modern
European equipment.49 Halil Hamid's efforts were more comprehensive, and
he endeavored to revamp the entire military establishment. He ordered that
each military branch be identified by special uniforms and prohibited civilians
from wearing the same garb. This last order remained largely on paper, but he
did succeed in purging the Janissary corps and eliminating from their ranks
some of the most troublesome elements.50
who used to live on board their ships. During winter, when naval operations
were suspended, it was the practice to dismiss the sailors to their homes. The
result was that many of them failed to show up for service in the following
spring thereby forcing the naval authorities to recruit each year a large
number of unseasoned sailors. To enhance professionalism Cezayirli Hasan
wanted to build permanent barracks in order to keep and train the seamen
throughout the winter months. This plan was opposed by many. One of its
bitter enemies was the reform-minded Halil Hamid. The grand vezir feared
that the new barracks, proposed to be constructed at the naval arsenal in the
attempts to counter the disruptive impact of the foreign wars and strengthen
the central government. Seyyid Mehmed gave great consideration to
reforming the central administration, by appointing capable men to key
positions and doing away with the pernicious practice of needlessly rotating
provincial governors.52 Both Seyyid Mehmed and Halil Hamid were
concerned with the decline of the government's control over the provinces and
the rise of independent provincial rulers. They issued decrees which placed the
authority to confirm the nomination of local notables (ayans) in the hands of
the grand vezir, rather than the provincial governors, as had been the practice
before. When this proved to no avail another grand vezir Koca Yusuf Papa
(January 1786-June 1789) finally took a radical step and attempted to outlaw
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agitation eventually resulted in Halil Hamid's dismissal (31 March 1785) and
later execution.56
For the time being the presence of the French mission was tolerated mainly
because a new war with Russia seemed imminent. But without Halil Hamid's
strong leadership the drive for military reform had dissipated. In the fall of
1787 another Ottoman-Russian war indeed broke out and when it became
apparent that the Habsburgs, to whom the King of France was now related by
marriage, were about to join Russia, the French government withdrew its
mission.57 The second phase of western-inspired reform had come to a close.
The reforms of the 1770s and 1780s were on a wider scale by far than those
convert to Islam. This evoked conservative criticism. But at the same time, it
was a clear indication of a wider consensus among the ruling elite regarding
the necessity of western-inspired reform. Yet, with all their boldness, the
reforms affected only the most technical and numerically small military
branches. The main body of the Ottoman army, the infantry and the cavalry,
remained as antiquated as it had been.
The limited results of this second phase are attributable to the same factors
which militated against the success of the first: opposition on the part of the
old military corps and their civilian allies and the extreme divisiveness among
the ruling elite. But it would appear that at this stage economic constraints had
become more prominent than in the past. If we are to accept Charles Issawi's
statement that 'until the 19th century, labor was by far the most important
factor of production',58 then the paucity of the Ottoman state revenue was
indeed outstanding when compared to those of contemporary European
governments. With a population estimated at close to twenty million in the
(kuru~), equivalent at that time to about 4.5 million British pounds.60 If thes
figures are correct, then in the following decades state revenues continued to
decline. Stratford Canning, writing in 1809, reported that 'before 1794', and
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presumably by the end of the 1787-92 war, the revenue 'did not exceed
20,000,000 piastres'.6' New taxes introduced in the reign of Selim III produced
an additional income of 'something short of 30,000,000 piastres'. But due to
the devaluation of the Ottoman currency, Canning estimated that at the time
of writing, in 1809, it scarcely equalled 2.25 million British pounds, 'a sum
very far indeed below their wants, and which, when compared with the
enormous extent of the Ottoman Empire, betrays in a strong light the mismanagement which exists in the manner of collecting it'.62 By comparison,
Britain, with only 9.5 million inhabitants in 1787-90 had an average annual
revenue of 16.8 million pounds, while France with a population of 24 million
had revenues equal to 18 million pounds in 1787 and 24 million pounds in
1789.63
renewed efforts to rejuvenate the old military corps. The most significant
reform in this sphere was an administrative measure intended to bring all the
old military corps under closer civilian supervision. This was in effect an
extension of the principle of dual control first introduced in the previous reign
and applied to the new branch of field artillery. Under Selim all the military
corps were assigned civilian inspectors who were in charge of their corps'
financial administration and were to report directly to the grand vezir's
administration.
In carrying out his military reforms Selim was assisted by many European
military and technical advisers. The Ottomans asked for, and received, a large
French mission. But learning from past experience they also recruited, on an
individual basis, Britons, Swedes and Italians.
It is striking, however, that Selim's measures exhibited little direct
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schools. This was due to the fact that upon ascending to the throne Selim
brought to power his own 'team' paying at first little attention to the policies
undertaken under the previous regime. Only in the navy was a measure of
continuity maintained.67
Selim was an able ruler who won considerable support for his policies
among the ruling elite. He even succeeded in gaining the cooperation of the
eighteenth century the centrifugal forces within the state had become too
now came from the local notables (ayans) of the Balkans, especially in such
centers as Ruschuk, Silistre, Vidin and Yannina. In the last decades of the
eighteenth century these notables had become increasingly wealthy, powerful
and independent.68 Selim's efforts to re-establish some central control over the
provinces by means of a rejuvenated system of checks and balances that would
curb the centrifugal forces had failed miserably.69 In addition to the provincial
opponents whose formidable power was a recent phenomenon, there were all
deadly rivalry even among those who believed in the need for reform.70 Faced
with mounting opposition at a critical point Selim himself proved to be
lacking in determination. His half-hearted attempt to extend the conscription
to the New Order Army to his Balkan provinces was defeated by the local
notables in the summer of 1806. The notables then took the initiative and
entered into an alliance with the Janissaries of Istanbul and other opponents
of reform. By May 1807 this powerful coalition was able to bring about the
Sultan's deposition and the abolition of his reform policy. The New Order
Army was dissolved and many of its officers and supporters killed. The new
merely for Ottoman ability to infuse new strength in the military, but for the
very viability of the state. Following the establishment of the new force Eton
wrote:
The mere institution of this militia is an important event; and Selim may,
respectable in Asia.7'
Consequently, the collapse of Selim's reforms was seen not merely as a setback
to military modernization. More significantly, it was an indication of the
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As we have seen, the impulse for military reform stemmed from two sources:
first, the need of the central government to maintain, or restore, its control
over the bureaucracy and the military and suppress the centrifugal forces
threatening to break up the state from within; and second, the necessity to
defend the state against external enemies. Both motives were inherent to the
Ottoman traditional political system, and they were also closely interrelated.
For failure in foreign wars undermined the political and moral foundations of
the state. In the eighteenth century the external threat forced military
reformers to adopt increasingly western models. This could hardly be
attributed to changes in political or cultural attitudes. It was rather the
were themselves modernizing factors in their own realm. Perhaps the most
noted example of this narrow, self-serving attitude to reform was the case of
writings they explained that the Holy War against the infidel was one of the
foremost duties of believers. To strengthen the army of Islam by every means
was, therefore, an important religious obligation. To learn from the infidel
enemy was legally permissible on the basis of the Islamic principle of
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reciprocation (mukabele bi-l-misl), or fighting the enemy with his own means.
To prove this point these religious leaders cited passages from the Koran and
precedents from the life of the Prophet Muhammad and of medieval Islamic
history.74 But these 'liberal' religious leaders apparently represented only a
small segment of the higher clergy. It is likely that the majority of the clergy,
elements which were opposed to reform - for whatever reason - could count
on gaining the popular sentiment by appealing to traditional values, however
vaguely formulated. This, in fact, was the greatest asset of the political
opponents of reform. But 'conservatism' - however it may be defined generally remained an inchoate force requiring direction and leadership to
realize its potential. Ottoman society rejected westernizing reform in the reign
of Selim III, but the same society accepted it, in a definitive and irreversible
manner, less than two decades later, in the reign of Mahmud 11 (1808-1839).
During this span of time, as far as can be ascertained, there had been no
perceptible changes in religious doctrine or in popular outlook and values. It
would appear, therefore, that while 'conservatism' remained a constant
condition, the determinative variables for the failure of eighteenth-century
reform must be searched for elsewhere.
The first cause for the failure of reform appears to stem from the weakness
of its 'ideological' underpinnings. In western and central Europe the rise of
modern armies was part of a wide-ranging social and political transformation.
It resulted in the consolidation of the power of the state and the concomitant
reduction of the authority of intermediate bodies, such as guilds, towns and
provinces. The rise of modern European armies was, therefore, identified with
social and political change and was promoted by those centripetal forces
seeking it. The modern army thus testified to the growing ability of the central
government to reach wider areas of societal activity. By contrast, in the
Ottoman empire the forces promoting military reform were those which
espoused not only the restoration of a traditional political system, but also the
conservation of the existing medieval social order. It is significant that reformminded rulers usually reinforced the observance of the traditional sumptuary
laws which imposed a strict dress code on persons of different religions, classes
was wide consensus, although little cooperation, among the ruling elite
regarding the desirability of restorative reform, the issue of westernization
tended to split and narrow that consensus.
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Of the six sultans who reigned from 1703 to 1807, three - Ahmed III,
Mahmud I and Mustafa III - were competent monarchs within the accepted
norms of Ottoman statecraft, and two - Abdulhamid I and Selim III - may
be characterized even as energetic. All five indicated an interest in western-
inspired military reform. Still none of them made a sustained attempt to attain
politicians, leading members of the clergy and, above all, the sultans
themselves feared the aggrandizement in power of the grand vezirs. To avoid
this, throughout the eighteenth century, appointments to this office, with few
exceptions, were of short duration. In the 68-year period from October 1730 to
August 1798 no less thn 48 times were appointments made to this office,
although some appointees served more than once. As a result during this
period the average term of office was about 17 months. It is an interesting
observation that during the early years of each reign tenure was exceedingly
short. The single exception to this rule was the reign of Mustafa III
(1757-1774). Upon ascending the throne Mustafa found and kept in office the
able statesman and man of letters Koca Ragib Mehmed Pa?a (January
grand vezirs, such as the Koprulu family which during the previous century
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244
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grand vezir could emerge as strong centers of government. The grand vezir's
short term of office did not permit the introduction and maintenance of longterm state policies. This was further aggravated by the endemic factionalism
characteristic of the Ottoman elite. Consequently although there was some
limited consensus among the ruling elite regarding the desirability of westerninspired reform actual cooperation on its implementation was little or nonexistent.
The failure of the center to reassert its authority facilitated the resurgence of
centrifugal forces in the provinces. The latter became increasingly more
powerful and independent as the eighteenth century progressed attaining the
high point of their strength in the last decade of the eighteenth century and the
first decade of the nineteenth. As a group the notables of the northern and
western Balkan provinces were more powerful and independent than the local
rulers of Anatolia because of two important factors. They were in control of
agriculturally rich land and geography placed them in a favorable position to
and social interests and they were, therefore, to be found in the forefront of
any movement opposed to reform. They were the group most directly
threatened by reform and they were the ones who opposed it most vigorously
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and the Balkans.80 It is striking that Mahmud's reign began under conditions
that from every 'objective' perspective - economic, demographic, political were inferior to those prevailing throughout the eighteenth century. But, to
paraphrase Nur Yalman, the period of disintegration and dissolution which
ushered in Mahmud's reign, provided the necessary background and
opportunity for the rise of a new charismatic leadership.8' In the Ottoman
context such leadership could be provided only by a member of the royal
family. Two conditions made it possible for Mahmud to discard the
traditional style of rule and take direct control of governmental affairs:
necessity and ability. In the eighteenth century these conditions, apparently,
never coincided.
NOTES
A note on transliteration: Ottoman-Turkish names and terms are transliterated by using present-
day Turkish spelling. In words of Arabic origin the final b and d are preserved (katib, not katip;
2. Andre Corvisier, Armies and Societies in Europe, 1494-1789, tr. Abigail T. Siddall
(Bloomington, Indiana, 1979), 61.
3. On Ottoman institutions at their zenith consult the following recent works: Halil Inalcik,
The Ottoman Empire: The ClassicalAge, 1300-1600, trs. N. Itzkowitz and C. Imber (London,
1973); M. A. Cook (ed.), A History of the Ottoman Empire to 1730(Cambridge, 1976), 1-102
(Chapters by M. A. Cook, H. Inalcik and V. J. Parry); Stanford J. Shaw, History of the
Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, volume I: Empire of the Gazis (Cambridge, 1976),
1-167; Peter F. Sugar, Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule (volume V of the series A
History of East Central Europe, Seattle, 1977), 3-183; Bistra A. Cvetkova, Les Institutions
Ottomanes en Europe (Wiesbaden, 1978), 1-77.
4. For an excellent short discussion of the decline of the Ottoman dynasty and its impact on the
state see Cook, 103-156 (Chapters by V. J. Parry), and especially pp. 133-38. On Ottoman
decline in general see: Shaw, History, I, 169-298; Sugar, 187-288; Cvetkova, 78-117.
5. Cf. Bernard Lewis, 'Ottoman Observers of Ottoman Decline', Islamic Studies, 1 (1962),
71-87; Lewis V. Thomas, A Study of Naima (ed. Norman Itzkowitz, New York, 1972), 94-96;
Halil Inalcik, 'The Ottoman Decline and its Effects upon the Reaya', in Henrik Birnbaum
and Speros Vryonis, Jr, Aspects of the Balkans: Continuity and Change (The Hague, 1972),
346-47; M. (agatay Ulucay, 'Koci Bey', Islam Ansiklopedisi (henceforth abbreviated as IA),
VI, 823-31; M. Cavid Baysun, 'Naima', IA, IX, 44-49; Shaw, History, I, 290-93.
6. Walter Livingston Wright, Jr, Ottoman Statecraft: The Book of Counsel for Vezirs and
Governors of Sari Mehmed Pasha, the Defterdar (Princeton, 1935), 110-15, 142-48.
7. Another Koprulu, Nu'man Papa, served as grand vezir in 1710, but for two months on
Century Islamic History (Carbondale, Illinois, 1977), 27-31; Ismail Hakki Uzunqar,ili
Osmanli Tarihi, vol. III, part II (Ankara 1954), 275-77; vol. IV, part I (Ankara, 1956), 1-9;
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246
MIDDLE
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STUDIES
Middle East (Oxford, 1975), 195-217; and in the same volume V. J. Parry, 'La Maniere de
Combattre', 218-56; also see idem, 'Materials of War in the Ottoman Empire', in M. A.
Cook (ed.), Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East (Oxford, 1970), 225-27; idem,
'Warfare' in P. M. Holt et al. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Islam, vol. II (Cambridge,
1970), 835-36.
12. The Ottoman historian Cevdet identifies the intermediary officers of the Janissary corps as
the most obstinate opponents of reform. He refers to them as the 'Janissary Elders' (ocak
eskileri). Through the control of administrative positions in the individual regiments (ortas),
these men were best able to profit from various illegal activities and also were conveniently
positioned to influence and control the majority of men under their command. Many of
these intermediary officers were also affiliated with, or even leading members in, various
guilds thereby able to mobilize also the support of part of the urban classes. Cf. Ahmed
Cevdet, Tarih-i Cevdet, IX (1292/1875-76), 11-12.
13. Grenville, Observations, 16, 24-25; Baron de Valentini, Traite de la guerre contre les Turcs,
tr. L. Blesson (2 parts, Berlin, 1830), I, 19-20; sharp increases in the strength of European
armies occurred following the close of the Thirty Years War, in 1648. Cf. Samuel E. Finer,
'State - and Nation-Building in Europe: The Role of the Military', in Charles Tilly, ed., The
Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, 1975), 101.
14. Orhan F. Koprulfi, 'Huseyin Papa Amcazade', IA, V, 646-50; Uzunqarfih, Tarih, IV, I, 7-10
idem, Osmaili 1'e:'leti Teskildtindan Kapukulu Ocaklari, I (Ankara, 1943), 491, 617.
15. Faik Re5it Unat, 'Ahmet III Devrine ait bir islahat takriri', Tarih Vesikalarl, I (1941),
107-121; ?agatay Uluqay and Enver Kartekin, Yuksek Muhendis Okulu (Istanbul, 1958), 15;
A. H. Tanpi1iar, XIX Asir Turk Edebiyati Tarihi (2nd ed., Istanbul, 1956), I, 10-11; N.
16. Selim Nuzhet Gerqek, Turk Matbaacilhki, I - Muteferrika Matbaasi, Istanbul, 1939; l'Abbe
Toderini, De la litt&rature des Turcs, tr. l'Abbe de Cournand (Paris, 1789), III, 219-32 and ff;
17. Shaw, History, I, 238-40; Robert W. Olson, The Siege of Mosul and Ottoman-Persian
Relations, 1718-1743 (Bloomington, Indiana, 1975), 65-88; for a detailed study see Munir
Aktepe, Patrona Isyanl (1730) (Istanbul, 1958).
18. Cf. 5erif Mardin, 'Center-Periphery Relations: A Key to Turkish Politics?', Daedalus
102, no. 1 (Winter 1973), 175.
19. Mehmed Subhi, Mustafa Sami and Hiiseyin Sakir, Tarih-i Subhi Sdmi ve 5ikir (Istanbul,
1197/1782-83), 58b; Uzunqarsili, Kapukulu, II (Ankara, 1944), 119; Heinrich Benedikt,Der
Pascha-Graf Alexander von Benneval, 1675-1747 (Graz-Koln, 1959), 95, 114-15.
20. Subhi, Sami ve 5akir, 58b-59b; Ahmed Ata, Tayyarzade, Tarih-i Ata (5 vols., Istanbul,
1291-93/1874-76), I, 158; Uzunqar5li, Kapukulu, II, 118-20; Uluqay and Kartekin, 17-19;
Abduilhak Adnan-Adivar, Osmanli Turkelerinde Ilim (Istanbul, 1943), 161-62, 182-83;
Osman Ergin, Tdrkiye Maarif Tarihi (5 vols., Istanbul, 1939-43), I, 49-50; Septime Gorceix,
Bonneval Pacha (Paris, 1953), 161; Benedikt, 114-15; H. Bowen, 'Ahmad Pasha, Bonneval',
The Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed., Leiden, 1954 to date; henceforth abbreviated as El), I,
291-92.
21. Mary Lucille Shay, The Ottoman Empirefrom 1720 to 1734 as Revealed in the Despatches of
the Venetian Baili (Urbana, Illinois, 1944), 37.
25. Subhi, Sami and 54kir, 34 a-b; Uzuncarsiti, Tarih, VI, 1, 325-26; Joseph von H
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31. Toderini, III, 214. For a discussion of this 'period of reaction', see Berkes, Secularism,
51-69.
34. Uzunqar?ili. Tarih, IV, I, 479; Hammer, Histoire, XVI, 279 and ff.
35. Uzunqar?lli, Tarih, IV, I, 480; Adnan-Adivar, Ilim, 181n.
36. The old school, although never officially closed, had stopped operating by now. Francois de
Tott, Memoirs of Baron de Tott (2 vols., London, 1785), II, 179.
37. Mustafa Nuri, Netdic-ul-Vukuidt (4 vols., Istanbul, 1294-1327/1877-1909), IV, 7;
Uzunqarqth, Tarih, IV, I, 481-83; Ergin, II, 265-66; Toderini, I, 162-65; Leonce
Choiseul-Gouffier, La France en Orient sous Louis XVI (Paris, 1887), 98.
38. The text published in 1786 consisted of the collected lectures, translated into Turkish, of the
French instructor Jean de Lafitte-Clave. Its title: 'Principles of Knowledge Concerning the
book contains 93 folios and 13 plates. Cf. Uzunqar;ill, Tarih, IV, I, 485-86; Pingaud, 99;
Abdulhak Adnan-Adivar, La Science chez les Turcs Ottomans (Paris, 1939), 155.
39. Pingaud, 84.
40. This unit was referred to at the time as Sur'at topcusu, literally meaning 'speed artillery'. The
Ottoman military historian aevket explains this term as meaning the same as sahra topcusu,
or field artillery. Cf. Mahmud aevket, Osmanli Tekildt ve kiydfet Askeriyesi (two parts,
Istanbul, 1325/1907), II, 4.
41. A. Manucy, Artillery Through the Ages (Washington, D.C., 1949), 10-12.
42. Cevdet, II (1292/1875), 192-93, 283-85; Nur, IV, 5-6; Uzunqarilli, Kapukulu, II, 67-
Hamit Paaa', Tarkiyat Mecmuasi, V (1936), 213-67; a summary is found in his Tarih, IV, I,
477-84.
51. Uzunqar5lih, Tarih, IV, I, 476-77; Cevdet, III, 2-3; William Eaton, A Survey of the Turkis
Empire (2nd ed., London, 1799), 85-90.
58. Charles Issawi, 'The Ottoman Empire in the European Economy, 1600-1914. Some
Observations and Many Questions', in Kemal H. Karpat (ed.), The Ottoman State and its
Place in World History (Leiden, 1974), 107.
61. Cited in Charles Issawi, 'Population and Resources in the Ottoman Empire and Iran', in
Thomas Naff and Roger Owen (eds.), Studies in Eighteenth Century Islamic History
(Carbondale, Ill., 1977), 388-89, note 46.
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248
MIDDLE
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62. Ibid. This information appears to tally with Ottoman estimates of state revenues in the 1820s
and 1830s. An informed Ottoman source Kececizade Izzet Molla estimated the annual
revenue in 1827 at 200 million kurus. (See his Ldyiha, ms. no. K. 337 in the Cevdet
Manuscript Collection, Belediye Library, Istanbul, p. 64.) This amount was equal to about
3.5 million British pounds (Cf. Charles White, Three Years in Constantinople, etc., 3 vols.,
1846. Vol. II, pp. 74-76, contains a table of the rates of exchange of the British pound to the
Ottoman kuruv, from 1814 to 1843).
Nafiz Pa?a who served as Finance Minister during the reigns of Mahmud II and
Abdulmecid I estimated the annual revenue in the late 1 830s at 300 million kurui (Nuri, IV,
114) at that time equal to about 3 million British pounds. The complexities of Ottoman state
finances cannot be discussed here. It should be noted, however, that the Ottoman
government was the recipient of 'income' also in kind and in services. With the possible
exception of the last estimate which is supported by sketchy evidence found in the archives
(for example: Topkapi Saray Archives, Istanbul, register no. D 3086 and document no. E
3082), the figures quoted above cannot be considered as conclusive. They do, however,
indicate a remarkable consistency and the derived 'curve' corresponds to our information
regarding the strength of the central government and its ability to control sources of
revenue. In the absence of more reliable information, the following summary may be of
interest:
Annual
Revenue in million
Nafiz late 1830s 300 3.0 Nominal revenue increase, but probable decline in real value. Renewed
65. Stanford J. Shaw, Between Old and New: The Ottoman Empire under Sultan Selim III,
178 9-1807, Cambridge, Mass., 1971; and his more specialized articles: 'The Established
Ottoman Army Corps under Sultan Selim III (1789-1807)', Der Islam, 40 (1965), 142-84;
'The Origins of Ottoman Military Reform: The Nizam-i Cedid Army of Sultan Selim III',
Journal of Modern History, 37 (1965), 291-306; 'Selim III and the Ottoman Navy', Turcica:
Revue d'Etudes Turques, I (1969), 212-41.
66. Cf. Enver Ziya Karal, Osmanli Tarihi, V. Cilt: 1789-1856 (2nd ed., Ankara, 1961), 69.
67. Eton, 98-100; Uluqay and Kartekin, 34-41; Ergin, II, 273-76.
70. Thomas Naff, 'Introduction', in Naff and Owen (eds.), op. cit., 12.
71. Eton, 100-101.
72. Stanley Lane-Poole, The Life of the Right Honourable Stratford Canning (2 vols., London,
1888), I, 49.
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74. Uriel Heyd, 'The Ottoman Ulema and Westernization in the Time of Selim III and Mahmud
76. Cevdet, III (1303/1886), 67; Shaw, Old and New, 175.
77. Wright, Turkish text, 12-13. Among modern scholars Berkes has well captured in a concise
Khalifa (Caliph) ... did not imply successorship to the Prophet ... The Ottoman
ruler did not claim divine nature or any prophetic attribute; but he was viewed as
being different from other mortals since he held the highest position in the divine
arrangement of the world . .. not the person but the position was invested with value.
[The Sultan] had no personal charisma....
81. Nur Yalman, 'Some Observations on Secularism in Islam: The Cultural Revolution in
Turkey', Daedalus, vol. 102, no. 1 (Winter 1973), 164.
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