Race, Racism, and Discrimination: Bridging Problems, Methods, and Theory in Social

Psychological Research
Author(s): Lawrence D. Bobo and Cybelle Fox
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 66, No. 4, Special Issue: Race, Racism, and
Discrimination (Dec., 2003), pp. 319-332
Published by: American Sociological Association
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Social PsychologyQuarterly
2003,Vol. 66,No. 4,319-332

Race,Racism,andDiscrimination:
Bridging
Problems,
Research*
Methods,andTheoryin SocialPsychological
LAWRENCE D. BOBO
CYBELLE FOX

HarvardUniversity

Scholarsspanningthesocialsciencesand They immediatelyentail the labeling and

humanitieswrestlewiththe complex and social learningof groupcategories,identity,
beliefs,and relatedcognitivestrucoftencontestedmeaningsofrace,racism,and feelings,
in turn,are expressedin
soci- tures.These factors,
In all of thisenterprise,
discrimination.
retaina specialclaimto illu- lines of interactionand behaviorthatflow
ologistsrightly
and reconstitute,
or come to
minating processes of group boundary from,reinforce
systems
ofracialinequalityand transformthose social categorizations.In
maintenance,
patterns addition,such categorizationshave direct
ideologies,and attendant
supporting
forthestructure
and basic conof intergroup behavior (Jackman 1994; implications
That is,race,1
Lamont 2000). Mainstream sociological ditionsof social organization.
are also, and
on racism,2and discrimination3
has focusedprincipally
research,
however,
perhaps
most
fundamentally,
bases and
of
race,
racism,
manifestations
thestructural
as theychar- mechanismsof hierarchicaldifferentiation
and discrimination,
particularly
relations(Wilson1978). thatshape theorderingof socialrelationsas
acterizeblack-white
Sociologistshave made signalcontributions wellas theallocationof lifeexperiencesand
of modernghettojob- lifechances(Zuberi2001a).
to the understanding
lessnessand poverty(Wilson1996),of racial
1 We conceiveof race,or morebroadlyethnoracial
residentialsegregation(Masseyand Denton
as historically
contingentsocial construcin accu- distinctions,
disparities
1993),andoffundamental
mulatedwealth(Oliverand Shapiro1995).In tions.These distinctionsor categorizationswillvaryin
configurationand salience over time (Collins 2001;
somecriticalrespectsthisworkhas expanded Omi 2001) as well as by important
with
intersections
com- age, class, gender, and sexuality (Cohen 1999).
to includemultiracialand multiethnic
parisonswithrespectto bothkey economic Similarly,the practices and policies of government
(Lichter and Oliver 2000; Smith 2001; play a major role in the understandingand social
Waldinger1996) and residentialoutcomes effectsof these categories (Nobles 2000). Although
such categorization may invoke consideration of
(Charles 2001; Emerson,Yancey,and Chai physicaland biological markerssuch as hair texture,
degree,however,the skin tone and color, and other observable markers,
2001). To a surprising
embedded neithertheseindicianordeep primordialimperatives
microsocialprocessesnecessarily
in these structural
analysesare stilllargely give ethnoracialcategoriestheirsocial significance.
2 We conceiveofracismas a set ofinstitutional
conunaddressed.
ditionsof group inequalityand an ideologyof racial
Yet thebasicsocialprocessesinvokedby domination,in whichthe latteris characterizedby a
thetermsrace,racism,and discrimination
are set ofbeliefsholdingthatthesubordinateracialgroup
quintessentiallysocial psychologicalphe- is biologicallyor culturallyinferiorto the dominant
ignoreor downplaythis racial group.These beliefs,in turn,are deployed to
nomena;sociologists
prescribe and legitimize society's discriminatory
basic insightat the discipline'speril.These treatmentof the subordinate group and to justify
concepts concern the meanings of social theirlowerstatus(See and Wilson1989;Wilson1973).
3We thinkof discrimination
as a "complex system
groupingsand how thosemeaningscome to
guidepatternsofrelationsamongindividuals of social relations"(Pettigrewand Taylor 1990:688)
actions,subtleor overt,"thatserve to limit
recognizedas membersof particulargroups. involving
the
or economic
of
* Direct correspondence to Lawrence D. Bobo,
Department of Sociology, Harvard University,
Cambridge,MA 02138;bobo@wjh.harvard.edu.

social,political,
opportunities particular groups" (Fredricksonand Knobel 1982:31).
Discriminationmay be eitherdirector indirect,and
may have both short-and long-termconsequences
(Pettigrewand Taylor1990).

319

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320

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY

advancethe impetustoward
To further
For thesereasons,sociologistsand social
devoted
have
stripes
several
of
thisspecialissuenowunitesthree
"bridging,"
psychologists
"the problemof goals in seekingto increasesocial psychologreatenergyto unraveling
generaltheo- gy's understandingof processes of race,
race."4Yet broadand powerful
still racism,and discrimination.
ries of race,racism,and discrimination
One keygoal of
eludeus (See andWilson1989;Winant2000). thisvolumehas been to encouragebridges
some argue,have been acrossmajorsubareas,methods,
Social psychologists,
and theories.
distinctions The challengeofbuildingmoregeneraltheoslowto examinehowethnoracial
mayinfluencewhathave been regardedas rywillbe metonlyinsofaras studiesacross
otherwise general social psychological an array of "middle range" theories are
thelit- broughtintodirectdialogueon the various
processes(Huntet al. 2000).Certainly
eraturecontainsa numberof distinctand problems,
questions,and methodsofanalysis
vital clustersof intellectualactivity:some
that typically distinguish and organize
statusand
focuson problems(e.g.,minority
domainsofsocialresearch.
performancein school), some on method
A second goal has been to encourage
(e.g.,surveysof racialattitudes),and others
scope. More and more
of multiethnic
work
on theory(e.g.,statusexpectationstatesthereachingbeyond the
not
only
is
research
ory).One consequenceis thatthefieldis not
also adoptinga stratebut
divide
black-white
so muchbalkanizedas composedof several
comrichmultigroup
and
of
simultaneous
gy
disparate,mutuallyinsularintellectualcomparisons.
munities.
workthat
Our thirdgoal is to highlight
As a result,a keychallengeforscholarship in this area is to reach beyond the adopts a target-groupor minority-group
For too long,social psyboundaries of customary and specific frameof reference.
and theo- chological researchhas tended to assume
methodologies,
researchproblems,
or disadries.Theoreticaladvancesoftenemergefrom thattheviewsof thosein minority
especiallythose vantaged positions were derived entirely
innovations,
methodological
methodsof investiga- from,or simplya maladaptiveresponseto,
whichbridgedifferent
tion.The domainofrace,racism,and discrim- perspectivesand impositionson the partof
ination,forexample,has taken important thedominantgroup.
stepsto addressthe influenceof contextual
variablessuch as groupsize and degree of
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL
economic inequality (Kinder and PROCESSES OF RACE IN MAJOR LIFE
Mendelberg 1995; Quillian 1995) and to
DOMAINS
modeling(Quillian
make use of hierarchical
Even thoughwe lackbroad,generalthe1996; Taylor 1998), and of survey-based
how race,racism,and dis(Bobo andKluegel1993;Kinder ories specifying
experiments
we
operate,at least,fortunately,
and Sanders1990;Schumanand Bobo 1988; crimination
Snidermanand Carmines1977), as well as possessmajortheoretical
approachesinvarilinkingin-depthinterviewswith surveys ous domainsofsociallife.Strongresearchlit(Krysan1999).Each ofthesestepshas deep- eratures exist in these domains. The
ened ourknowledgesignificantly.
to thisspecialissue offercriticontributions
schooling,
ofideas on identity,
extensions
cal
4 A numberof recentreviewsfromdistincttradiorganizations,
and
achievement
processes;
tions,coveringfargreaterterrainthanwe may hope
interpersonal
and workplaces;
to addresshere,deservenote.Criticalassessmentsof labormarkets,
the survey-basedliteraturecan be found in Sears, interaction
acrossthecolorline;socialstrucHetts et al. (2000), Bobo (2001), and Krysan(2000).
theoriesofprejudice;
turaland psychological
Assessmentsofimportantstrandsin theexperimental
ofthenew
effects
and
the
social
and
political
literaturecan be foundin Banaji and Hardin (1996),
Blair and Banaji (1996), Dovidio (2001), and Fazio
We examine brieflyeach of
immigration.
and Olson (2003). Relevant qualitative studies are
these domains and discuss how the new
reviewedby Bonilla-Silva(2001), while Dawson and
researchreportedherehelpsto advanceour
Cohen (2002) provide a cogent assessment of
knowledge.
researchon race in politicalscience.

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RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION

Identity,
Schooling,
andAchievement
Processes

321

highand highschools,and PalestinianArab

Israelihighschools),andwithmultiplemethods (open-endedsurveysand experimental
perfor- manipulations).
Extensiveresearchon schooling,
has shownthatnegmance,and achievement
ative culturalstereotypesabout racial and Organizations,
Labor Markets,
and
ethnic minorities can exert debilitating Workplaces
effects on minority youths' academic
achievement.A classic in the field,Ogbu's
Anotherbodyof researchexaminesthe
sug- influenceof race,racism,and discrimination
(1986,1992) oppositionalculturetheory,
lead minority
stu- in labor markets,
geststhatlow expectations
workplaces,and organizadentsto feelambivalentaboutschooland to tions.Manystudieshavedocumented
thedisinthebeliefthataca- advantaged position of blacks and other
disengageacademically,
demic achievementis the sole purviewof racialand ethnicminorities
in thecontempowhitesand thattheirownhardworkwillnot raryurban labor market(Waldinger1996;
deliverthe expectedrewards.Minoritystu- Wilson1996).The reasonforthisdisadvandentsthendiscouragetheirpeers fromsuc- tage,especiallythe significance
of race,has
ceeding academically,or "actingwhite,"a been contested intensely.William Julius
findingthat recentlyhas been called into Wilson (1978) argued famouslythat the
and Downey importance
question (Ainsworth-Darnell
ofraceindetermining
blacks'life
1998; Carter2003; Cook and Ludwig 1997; chances was declining relative to class.
Gould 1999;Lovagliaet al 1998).
economistsand othersocial scienSimilarly,
Other research helps to explain why tistshave predictedthatthedemandsof the
minority
studentswho are alreadyengaged competitivelabor marketwould eliminate
in relationto theirmajori- racialdiscrimination
intheworkplace(Evans
stillunderperform
typeers.Steele's (1997) pioneeringworkon and Kelley 1991;Nee, Sanders,and Sernau
threathas foundthatwhennega- 1994).
stereotype
tive stereotypesabout a group are made
Despite theseassertions,
numerousstudamongmem- ies show thatcontemporary
salient,academic functioning
workplacedisbersof thatgroupis impaired.Studentswho criminationremainsa significant
concern.
are alreadydisengagedare notsusceptibleto Employersoftenexpressstereotypical
views
stereotypethreatbecause theyhave long ofblacks,rateblackworkersas havingweaksince stopped trying.Indeed, Steele has er hard and softskillsthanwhiteworkers,
is and openly acknowledgetheirown use of
shownthattheeffectof thesestereotypes
stu- discriminatory
mostperniciousamongthose minority
and screeningprorecruiting
to acade- ceduresduringthehiringprocess(Kirschendentswiththedeepestcommitment
and a strongmotivation
to manandNeckerman1991;Wilson1996).As a
micachievement
achieve.
result,employershire blacks at far lower
In thisspecial issue,Oysermanand her ratesthanwhites,even withcontrolsfordifcolleaguesbuildon theseworks,probingthe ferencesin levelsofeducation(Holzer 1996).
betweenracialand ethnicidenti- Discrimination
based on gendercompounds
relationship
forwomenof
ty schemas and academic disengagement. issuesof racialdiscrimination
This paper, which covers importantnew color,whoreportexperiencing
"doublejeopground,helpsto explainwhichstudentsare ardy"(Suh 2000). Reportsof discrimination
of do not appear to varymuchby social class,
bestable to overcometheharmful
effects
and whichstudentsare althoughthefrequency
ofsuchreportstends
negativestereotyping
mostlikelyto succumb.Usingthreeseparate to increase withrisinglevels of education
studies,Oysermanand colleagues test the (Bobo and Suh 2000).
In thisvolume,Harlow concentrates
on
theoryacross multiple racial and ethnic
groups (African Americans, Latinos, thefamiliarsettingof theuniversity,
explorAmericanIndians,and PalestinianIsraelis), ingthewaysin whichrace influences
profesin multiplesettings(a low-incomeminority sors' experiences in, and perceptions of,
classrooms.Her focusis not
middleschool,ruraland reservationjunior undergraduate

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322

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY

actuallevelsof prejudice(Bonilla-Silvaand
Forman2000).Furthermore,
researchdating
back to the 1950shas demonstrated
a raceof-interviewereffect:respondentsadjust
theirresponseson questionsconcerning
race
race (Hyman
accordingto the interviewer's
1954).In partthismaybe the resultof concerns about social desirability:individuals
attemptto minimizetensionduringan interaction,and therebyavoidtopicsor responses
thatmightoffendanotherparty(Hatchett
and Schuman1975). In day-to-dayinteractions,Cose (1993) suggestedthatblackmiddle-class professionals were not always
completelycandid withwhitesabout their
rage regardingracism and discrimination
because theyunderstoodthatvoicingthose
feelingswouldangeror alienatewhites.
It is a mistake,however,to assumethat
the "truth" will be revealed only when
respondents
speakwitha personofthesame
race.Researchindicatesthatblacksmayface
opposingpressuresto declaregreaterattachmentto theirracial group or supportfor
race-based social policies when speaking
Contactand Interpersonal
Interactions
witha black interviewer
(Anderson,Silver,
A thirdbodyof researchhas focusedon and Abramson 1988). Furthermore,the
the degree of contactand interpersonalor "merepresence"of a blackinterviewer
may
intimaterelationsbetweendominant-and trigger
theoppositeeffect,
whites'
increasing
members(Allport1954; reported racial resentmentor negative
subordinate-group
Pettigrew 1998). Fertile and powerfully stereotypes(Devine 1989; Dovidio et al.
cumulativeworkhas examined,forinstance, 1997;Wittenbrink,
Juddand Park1997).
theindividual-level
(Meyer2000) and social
In thisvolume,Krysanand Couper use
psychological
processesinvolvedin creating innovative experimental simulations to
and maintaining
patternsofracialresidential understandmore clearly the mechanisms
segregation (Bobo and Zubrinsky 1996; behindrace-of-interviewer
effects.
BymanipCharles2003;Farleyet al 1994;Quillianand ulatingan interviewer's
race in botha "live"
Pager2001).Thisresearchis especiallynote- and a "virtual" interviewwith black and
worthyforits multiethnicscope (Charles whiterespondents,the authorscan distinwith- guishbetween(on one hand)effects
2000),itsuse ofsystematic
experiments
on racial
in surveys(Emerson et al 2001; Zubrinsky attitudesand social policypreferences
that
and Bobo 1996), and its linkingof open- resultfromthe"merepresence"ofa member
ended responsesor qualitativeinterviewing ofa different
racialgroupand (on theother)
withtraditionalsurveydata (Krysan2002a, thosewhichderivefromthe social interac2002b;Krysanand Farley2002).
tionitself.
Much attentionhas been givento the
are candidabout TheoriesofWhites'RacialAttitudes
degreeto whichindividuals
their opinions on racial matters.Recent
researchhas shownthatwhites'survey-based
Despite whites'tendencyto avoid makresponsesto attitudesabout issues such as ingovertly
raciststatements
(especiallyinthe
affirmative
intermarriage,
action,or the sig- companyof AfricanAmericans),it would
be a mistaketo assumethatwhites'
nificanceof discriminationin blacks' life certainly
chances sometimesmay understatetheir racialattitudeshave not changedin thelast
on the content or impact of employers'
stereotypes,but ratheron how students'
stereotypesof theirprofessorsaffectthe
demands of the job. Using in-depthinterviewswithblackand whitefaculty
members,
Harlow examineshow racial stigmaaffects
blackprofessors'
"emotionwork."In particular she considershow students'assumptions
about competencycan create the need for
workor,
additionalimpression
management
emotionallaborthatshieldsproconversely,
fessors'self-concepts
fromnegativepercepHarlowpushestheanalysis
tionsbystudents.
thewaysin whichdouble
further,
examining
blackfemaleprofessors'
jeopardyinfluences
experiences and demands. Her research
pointsto dynamics
thatmayoperatein many
organizationalsettingsor contextswhere
blacks(or membersof otherhistorically
disadvantagedminority
groups)occupyhigherstatus positions than consumersor other
employees who belong to the dominant
group.

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RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION

323

half-century (Schuman et al. 1997). over immigration

(McLaren 2003; Quillian
Nonetheless,despite a markedincrease in 1995), and of Native American treaties
their support for formal racial equality, (Bobo and Than forthcoming)
have yielded
whitesremainquitereluctant
to supportfed- strongempiricalsupportforthistheoretical
eral policies thatwould bringabout these reasoning.
Contributing
to thisdebate,Hughesand
goals.For morethanthreedecades,scholars
belongingto threemain schoolsof thought Tuch attemptin thisvolume to adjudicate
theoriesto explain between social-psychologicaland socialhaveproposedcompeting
this paradox (Sears, Sidanius, and Bobo structural
theoriesofracialattitudes
byusing
2000).
repeated cross-sectionsof national survey
The firstset of theories,at heart,are data to evaluatetheincidenceof genderdifsocial-psychological; they all share the ferencesin whites'racialattitudesand policy
racismhasnot preferences.If prejudice is learned, the
assumption
thatold-fashioned
disappearedbutratherhas been replacedby authorsreason,andifitis inparta productof
a newand different
brandofracism,various- gender-specific
socialization,ratherthanof
lycalledsymbolic
racismorracialresentment competinggroup interests,then we might
(Henryand Sears2002;Sears,van Laar,et al. find significantdifferencesin attitudes
1997), subtle versus blatant prejudice betweenwhitemen and whitewomen.To
(Pettigrewand Meertens 1995), or other addressthispossibility,
HughesandTuchconformsofracism(Feagin2000).Proponentsof duct an extensiveanalysisof high quality
these theoriescontendthatwhites'opposi- nationalsamplesurveydata.Whereitis reletionto affirmative
actionor to votingfora vantto do so, theyalso can directlytestthe
blackcandidateis due largelyto theirnega- distinct
gendersocializationhypothesis.
Their
tive stereotypes
or affectregarding
African resultsdifferin important
waysfromthose
Americans. Despite some disagreement reportedin otherrecentwork(Johnsonand
about the exact contentof thisnew racism, Marini1998).
proponentsof these theoriestend to share
Accordingto the thirdand finalmajor
thebeliefthatit,likeitsold-fashioned
coun- theoretical
stance,sometimeslabeled princiis transmitted
fromone generation
terpart,
to pled politics,whites' oppositionto liberal
the nextthroughearlychildhoodsocializa- racialpoliciesis rootednotin anynewracism
tion.
norincompeting
groupinterest,
butratherin
A second set of theories,called social- race-neutralvalues and ideologies such as
structuraltheories,differsfromthe firstin fairnessor individualism(Snidermanand
thatit takescompetinggroupinterestsseri- Carmines1997). Althoughthese ideologies
ously.These theories,whichincluderealistic certainly
playa role-indeed,thedebateusugroupconflicttheory(Key 1949;Levine and allycenterson thesignificance
or meaningof
Campbell1972) and sense of groupposition thatrole-empiricaland experimental
stud(Blumer1958;Bobo 1999),generallymain- ies have linked whites' racial attitudesto
tainthatindividualsidentify
withtheirown oppositionto a widearrayofexplicitly
racial
racial or ethnicgroup,that group conflict policiesincludingbusing(Bobo 1983),affirand that mative action (Bobo 2000; Oliver and
emergesfromcompetinginterests,
dominantgroupsdevelopand propagateide- Mendelberg 2000), bilingual education
ologies thatmaintainand even legitimize (Houvouras 2001; Huddy and Sears 1995),
theirhighersocialstatus(Jackman
and Muha federal aid to blacks (Kinder and
1984; Sears, Sidanius,and Bobo 2000). In Mendelberg1995), and residentialintegrathese models,prejudiceis not an irrational tion(Bobo and Zubrinsky1996;Farleyet al.
psychological
dispositionamenableto curing 1994;Schumanand Bobo 1988). Racial attithroughpropersocialization.Rather,preju- tudes also influenceevaluationsof political
dice emergesfromcompetition
and struggle candidates in many contexts,not merely
over real or symbolicresourcesand privi- when candidates of differentracial backleges.Studiesof keylocal electoralcontests groundscompete(Callaghanand Terkildsen
(Kaufman1998),of theimpactof groupsize 2002). Racial attitudeseven taintwhites'
on racialattitudes(Taylor1998),ofstruggles preferencesforpolicies that appear to be

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324

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY

raciallyneutralbut have become racially gistshave been hard at workstudying

continged in public discourse (Valentino, temporary
patterns
ofidentity
formation
and
Hutchings, and White 2002), including change,social adaptation,and the broader
ofthis"newimmigration."
approachesto fighting
crime(Hurwitzand societaleffects
Issues ofidentity
(Alba 1990;Tuan 1999;
Peffley1997; Johnson2001; Mendelberg
1997)as wellas welfare(Gilens1999;Peffley, Waters1990) and of the hostsociety'sreaction to thisnew wave of immigrants
have
Hurwitz,
and Sniderman1997).
For attitudesaboutwelfareand crimein been a matterof particularconcern.Studies
particular,negativestereotypesof African have documenteda rise in anti-immigrant
Americansas lazy,welfare-dependent,
or sentiment(Sanchez 1997) and have linked
somehowculturally
morepronethanwhites raciallymotivatedviolenceto the growthof
to violenceplaya prominent
role in whites' the black, Asian, or Latino population
oppositionto these policies.Paradoxically, (Green, Strolovitch, and Wong 1997;
1993). Empiricalstudieshave
Brezinaand Winder'sarticlein thisvolume Pinderhughes
suggeststhatwhites'negativeculturalstereo- shownthatperceptionsof Asians', blacks',
competition
types of blacks are reinforcedby blacks' Latinos',and whites'intergroup
lowersocioeconomicstatus,theverycircum- forvalued economicand politicalresources
evenif
consequential,
stancethatmanyliberalracialpolicieswere existand arepolitically
of suchperceptionsis
designedto redress.The authorsmoveon to the absolutestrength
reveal the social-psychologicalprocesses generallyonlylow to moderate(Bobo and
behindsuchcircularreasoning,
framing
their Hutchings1996; Bobo and Johnson2000;
approach withRidgeway's (1991) "status Esses, Jackson,and Armstrong1998;Esses,
construction
theory."Using nationalsurvey Jackson, et al. 1999; McLaren 2003).
thelinkbetween Impressivecase studieshave emergeddisdata,theyfirstdemonstrate
instancesofinterethwhites'perceptionof blacks' low socioeco- sectingandinterpreting
nic
conflict
the
1992 Los Angeles
including
nomicstatusand whites'beliefthatblacks
riots
(Baldassare
the
1990Red Apple
1994),
have a poor workethic;subsequentlythey
in
and occurboycott
Brooklyn
(Kim
2000),
howstatusgeneralization
illustrate
processes
evenegalitarian-mindedrencesin variousothersettings(Morawska
operateto influence
In doingso,Brezinaand Winder 2001). The potentialforminoritycoalition
individuals.
and the obstaclesto such formaon how formation
extendan important
lineof thinking
lay or popular ideas about broader social tion also have attractedrecent attention;
stratification
processesinfluencethedynam- someworksuggeststhatthesharedstatusas
couldbridgedifferent
ethnoracial
ics of ethnoracial relations (Hunt 1996; minorities
groups
(Garcia
2000).
Kluegel 1990; Kluegel and Bobo 2001;
Another line of researchhas focused
Kluegeland Smith1986).
on thenewimmigrants'
moreexplicitly
expeon
in
which
riences
and
the
are
ways
they
TheEffects
and DynamicsofImmigration
being incorporatedintoAmericansociety.
American society is undergoingpro- Early theoriesof immigrantassimilation,
foundpopulationchangesdue to rapidimmi- based on theexperiencesofEuropeanimmirates(Zuberi grants,assumedfairlyrapidand concurrent
grationand differential
fertility
andeffects processesof economic,political,and cultural
2001b).Researchon thedynamics
of immigration
on Americansocietydates assimilation.
line"assimilation
This"straight
back,ofcourse,to theearliestefforts
byU.S. model assumed that over time,the immiW.E.B.Du Bois's "The grants'childrenand grandchildrenwould
sociologists,
including
PhiladelphiaNegro" and muchof the early move up the economic ladder and would
ChicagoSchoolworkbyRobertParkand his become more similar to mainstream
peers. With Hispanics now the nation's Americans.The new immigrants'experiand in view of ences, however, belie these now-dated
largestethnoracialminority,
continuedhighrates of immigration
from assumptions.Research on currentsecondrevealsa morecomAsia,LatinAmerica,and manyotherpartsof generationimmigrants
the globe,sociologistsand social psycholo- plex process of "segmentedassimilation"

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RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION

325

(Portesand Rumbaut2001;Portesand Zhou probe the content,salience,determinants,

these and mutability
ofAsian and Latinostudents'
1993). More thanthe old immigrants,
In thesepatnew arrivalsdifferfromone anotherin a ethnoracialselfidentification.
search
for
indications
about how
backterns
they
educational
ways
including
varietyof
willbe incorporated
ground, skills, wealth, familystructure, thesegroupsultimately
knowledgeof English,and skincolor.Also intoAmerica'sracialorder.
in the ways in which
thereare differences
CONCLUSIONS
policiestreatvariousgroups,in
government
the native population's reactionsto their
Sociologistshave done muchto examine
coand inthesizesoftheimmigrants'
arrival,
the
material
economicand politicalconseAll of these elements
ethniccommunities.
of
quences
socially
recognizedmembership
influence socioeconomic outcomes and
in
particular
ethnoracial
categories.In themdeterminehow or even whetherimmigrants
do not
such
differences
selves,
however,
willbe integratedinto and acceptedby the
how
such
categorizaexplain
people
develop
hostsociety(Portesand Rumbaut2001).
howtheyimbueethnoraon seg- tionsand identities,
One componentofthisliterature
or whenand how
cial
with
groups
meaning,
forfocuseson identity
mentedassimilation
draw
on
salient
beliefs,and
they
identities,
mation and change, examining how the
in anyparticularcontextor setting.
feelings
peculiarhistoryof Americanrace relations
Nor does theexistenceofa setofinstitutioninfluencesethnoracial self-identification
when a
MaryWaters(1999) al conditionsor outcomesexplain
amongnew immigrants.
of racializedsocial interactionmay
pattern
holdonto
showshowWestIndianimmigrants
be enacted routinely,
challengedopenly,or
their ethnic national identityand resist
transformed
It is preciselyin
profoundly.
adoptinga black American identityin an
answerto these typesof questions and at
socialstatusand
to avoida stigmatized
effort
these points that the social psychologyof
to staveoffwhattheyperceiveto be downrace,racism,and discrimination
becomesan
Yetbecausetheyhavefewtanwardmobility.
elementofanycompletesocioindispensable
gible ties to the West Indies and are
logicalanalysis.
in a culturethatis fixatedon racial
immersed
In themostgeneralsense,thearticlesin
categorizationand antiblack stereotypes,
this issue exemplifythe core ambitionof
theirchildren(especiallythosein poor and
social psychologicalresearchon race.They
families)adoptblackracialidenlow-income
explore how society and social structural
tities more readily.Portes and Rumbaut
conditionscreateindividualspossessingpar(2001) examine how second-generation
ticulartypesof ethnoracialidentities,
beliefs,
in south Florida and southern
immigrants
value orientations,
and thelike.At
attitudes,
theyfind
Californiacome to self-identify;
the same time,theyshow how individuals
in
thatmanyresistthe pressuresto identify
attributes
possessingracializedpsychological
panethnicterms.Experiencesof discriminaand outlooks then interactand behave in
tion,theyfind,encouragetheseteensto cling
and reinforce,
waysthatvariouslyinstantiate
whereaslivingin an
to theirnationalidentity,
or challenge and transform,
extantsocial
identifiarea encouragespanethnic
inner-city
structures
ofrace.5
cation.
For example,in Brezina and Winder's
In this volume, Sears and colleagues
workon perceivedeconomicdisadvantage
formaissuesofidentity
tacklethesedifficult
and howsuchperceptions
translateintonegtion and change among the "new immigrants,"witha focus on Latino and Asian
S In one of the more cogentdefinitions
of the core
youthsattendinga leadingpublicuniversity. problem for social psychology,Dorwin Carwright
These youths,the authorsargue,represent maintainedthatsocial psychologyis concernedwith
deservespe- "how society influencesthe cognition,motivation,
the futureelitesand therefore
cial consideration.
Using an impressivesix- development,and behaviorofindividualsand,in turn,
influencedby them"(1979:91). This conceptualizawave longitudinalsurveyof Asian, black, is
tion of the field is embraced effectivelyby James
Latino,and whitestudentsat theUniversity House (1977,1981), Melvin Kohn (1989), and Ralph
of Californiaat Los Angeles, the authors Turner(1988), amongmanyothers.

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326

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY

ative personalitystereotypesabout blacks,

the authorsillustratethe flowfromsocial
structuralconditionsto individualperceptions,and thento a patternofnegativeracial
and beliefs.
Thatis,thisworkcan be
attitudes
howsocialstrucread as showingprincipally
ture shapes individualmakeup. Similarly,
Oysermanand colleaguesshowhowthepossessionofmoreelaborateracialself-schemas
equip membersof dismaymoreeffectively
advantagedgroupsto achievehighlevelsof
academic performance:theirworkcan be
read as showingprincipallyhow individual
The former
makeupshapes social structure.
exampleillustrateshow individualpsychoracial
logicalmakeupandprocessesreinforce
hierarchy and disadvantage; the latter
how individualpsychological
demonstrates
existmakeupand processesmaytransform
and disadvantage.
ingracialhierarchy
The articlespresentedherealso exemplilinesof developmentfor
fythreesignificant
thefutureofresearchin thisarea.First,some
engages
of theworkspringsfromor directly
or minority-group
perspeca target-group
tive.Studiesof the natureand dynamicsof
prejudice,longthecore of socialpsychological researchon race,racism,and discriminaon how
tion,have focusedoverwhelmingly
dominant-groupmembersview and treat
or minority
group.
membersofa subordinate
membersmatInsofaras subordinate-group
tered,it was largelyas personsdamagedby
createdbymembers
theviewsandconditions
of thedominantgroup(hencetheClarkand
Clarkdollsstudiesandan abundanceofwork
in self-esteem).6
seekingracialdifferences
see work
Now,however,we increasingly
thatpoint
perspectives
comingfromminority
to modes of adaptationand understanding
"frombelow." These perspectivesare not
merelyreactiveand indicativeof damage
Such
inflicted
bysystemsof racialhierarchy.
adaptationsinvolvethe potentiallypositive
effectsof the search for
and transforming
social
and progressive
positivesocialidentity
6 For an excellenthistory
ofscholarshipin thisvein,
see Daryl Scott's importantassessmentof social scientific and policy approaches to the African
Scott
Americanexperience(Scott 1997).In particular,
shows how the assumptionof psychologicaldamage
has underminedantiracistthinkingand trulyequalitariansocial policy.

change(Lee 2002).Harlow'sresearchon the

ofracein thecollege
emotionalmanagement
suchprocessesdirectly.
classroomillustrates
Oysermanandcolleagues'researchon racialethnic self-schemasexplores even more
explicitlypatternsof creativetarget-group
responseto prevalentnegativeracialstereotypes.
Second, some of the workincludedin
and
thisissuebuildsnewtypesoftheoretical
methodologicalbridges;this encouraging
trendis long overdue.Thus,for example,
withwhiteand
Harlow'sin-depthinterviews
blackfacultymembersis notmerelya probstudyofraceinthecollegeclasslem-focused
room. It is also a theoretically rich
of
of Goffmanian
stigmatheory,
deployment
Arlie Hochschild's ideas about emotional
symbolic
labor,and especiallyof Strykerian
interactionismand identitytheory.Thus
Harlow'sworknotonlybuildson otherinnoto
vativedescriptive
and typologizing
efforts
(e.g.,
understand
processesof discrimination
Bobo and Suh 2000; Feagin 1991),but also
providesthe theoreticalconceptsand logic
necessaryforhigherlevelsof generalization.
The sametheoretical
reachcan be seeninthe
whicheffectiveworkofBrezinaandWinder,
researchon thesources
lylinkssurvey-based
to theoriesofstatusconofracialstereotypes
struction(whichwere derivedlargelyfrom
laboratoryexperimentson task-oriented
smallgroups).These authorstake a further
someoftheworkstillneedstep:theyspecify
ed to moredirectlytestthe mechanismsof
at workin movingfrom
statusgeneralization
perceivedeconomicdisadvantageto a belief
in stereotyped
negativetraits.
Similarly,
Krysanand Couperofferinnoinsight
and theoretical
vativemethodological
inworkthattheymighthavepursuedmerely
meaas a narrowquestion:howto accurately
withnewcomputertechsureracialattitudes
as
thesurveyinterview
nologies.By treating
a socialinteraction,
theyshowmorethanthe
advantagesand disadvantagesof different
technologiesforaskingrace-relatedquestions.Theyalso simulateand experimentally
and meainteraction,
manipulatecross-racial
With
sure a largebatteryof racialattitudes.
thesedata theynotonlyshowwhenand why
the interviewer'srace mattersin personal
in addiinterviews;
versuscomputer-based

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RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION

327

tion,theyactuallyhelpto specifycontempo- theyfindonlya fewoccasionson whichgenracialattitudes;

eventhesespecifrarytensionpointsin black-whiterelations deraffects
(e.g.,beliefsabout the prevalenceof racial ic cases usually are quite limited in
Thisfindingappearsto rep- magnitude.Their workobviouslydoes not
discrimination).
resenta majorchangefromearliererasinthe precludethe possibilityof moresubstantial
whenthevery genderingof the expressionof racial attistudyofblack-white
relations,
goals of integrationand nondiscrimination tudes,givenothertypesofoutcomemeasures
would have been the mostsensitivetopics or other contextsof group relations.For
dividingwhitesand blacks,not whethersig- example,we possess both qualitative evinificant
racialdiscrimination
stillexisted.
dence (Kennelly 1999; Wilson 1996) and
Third,in someoftheworkin thisspecial more quantitativeconfirmation
(Bobo and
issue,the authorsconductmultipleethnora- Johnson2000) thatwhitesstereotypeblack
cial groupcomparisons
or helpto clarify
how men and black women in differentways:
racemesheswithcriticalintersectional
issues black men oftenare seen as less reliable,
ofclassandofgender.The workofOyserman moreaggressive,
morethreatening,
and more
and colleaguesand of Sears and colleagues involvedwithcrimeand drugs.On theintermoves well beyondthe black-whitedivide. sectionofraceand class,BrezinaandWinder
Oyserman and colleagues offeranalyses showhow ideas about groupsocioeconomic
based on experimentswithblack, Latino, attainmentinfluencethe developmentof
American Indian, and Palestinian Israeli racialstereotypes.
youths;the researchis even cross-national.
Our understanding
of the dynamicsof
Sears and colleaguesaddressa provocative race,racism,and discrimination
is enriched
question:whetherrecentAsian and Latino by studies that aim to bridge otherwise
are likelyto followthe"straight- insularintellectualcommunities
immigrants
definedby
lineassimilation"
modelor a moreracialized narrowlyfocusedproblems,singlemethodmodelofintegration
intoAmerican ologies,or particulartheoriesof the middle
minority
society.Theirworkshowsboth the salience range.The researchreportedin thisissue,by
andthepoliticalcharacterofethnicidentities engagingin multigroupand cross-national
in a large longitudinalstudyof youthsat a comparisons, using mixed or multiplehighlyselectivepublicuniversity.
Yet it also methodresearchdesigns,and takingseriousreveals thatthese identitiesare not trans- lya target-group/minority-group
perspective,
formedbythecollegeexperienceintohighly pointsus towardimportantnew advances.
to panethnicor quasi- We are most likelyto make large strides
politicizedattachment
racialgroups.Instead,althoughethnicidenti- towardformulating
well-specifiedgeneral
ty does not break down over the college theoryin race, racism,and discrimination
yearsforAsian or Latino youths,it remains whenresearchstrategiesaimed at building
centered stronglyon national ancestry thesetypesofbridgescontinueand flourish.
groupsratherthanon homogenizing
panethnic categories.Thoughtheirdata are more
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LawrenceD. Bobo is theNormanTishmanand CharlesM. DikerProfessorofSociologyand

actingchair
He is also currently
AmericanStudiesatHarvardUniversity.
ofAfrican
andAfrican
of the
ofAfricanand AfricanAmericanStudiesand actingdirector
of Harvard'sDepartment
book Prejudicein
ProfessorBobo is coauthorof theforthcoming
WE.B. Du Bois Institute.
Politics:PublicOpinion,GroupPosition,and theWisconsinTreatyRightsDispute (Harvard
on a studytitled"Race,Crime,and PublicOpinion."
he is working
Press).Currently
University
and a docCybelleFox is a PhD candidateinsociologyandsocialpolicyatHarvardUniversity,
Programon Inequalityand Social Policy.Her curtoralfellowinHarvard'sMulti-Disciplinary
and thepoliticsofredistribution.
centeron race,immigration,
rentresearchinterests

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