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Modern Asian Studies
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Modem Asian Studies 43, 4 (2009) pp. 815-869. 2008 Cambridge University Press
doi: 1 0. 1 0 1 7/S0026749X07003447
First published online 9 October 2008
Email: as 543@cam.ac.uk
Abstract
This paper explores how Sri Lanka might fit into Victor Lieberman's theory
of Eurasian history. Lieberman's work to date has focused on the 'protected
rimlands' which he sees as sharing the same historical path from a milieu of
warring little kingdoms to increasingly large, solid states. But what happens in
a land, such as Sri Lanka, which can be considered 'protected' before 1500, and
'unprotected' thereafter? Political integration and boundaries are first discussed,
followed by ethnic and historical awareness before 1500. The third section
sketches the chronological development of Buddhism before 1500, while the
fourth considers the impact of the European interruption, and the fifth briefly
looks at the results for 1600-1800. Along the way, some problems with applying
the notion of 'early modernity' to Sri Lanka are disclosed.
Introduction
This paper should be seen as opening up areas of discussion rather than providing
815
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as integrative history, transfer studies and transnational history, for which see Bayly
et al. 2006.
Asia, for which see also Blackburn 2001; Reid 1988-93: ii. 194-196; Godakumbura
1966; Raymond i995;Andaya 1999: i94;Sirisena 1978. Two examples worth further
exploration: first, the attempts by the Toungoo king, King Bayinnaug of Burma (r.
1551-1581) to seek the tooth relic from Kotte and Kandy (see Couto 1993: 108, 199,
211-4, 244-250). Second, consciousness of the origins of the Theravada tradition in
Sri Lanka are reflected in the widespread notion in Siam and Burma at this time that
Buddha had come to them from Ceylon, see Conceio Flores 1995: 132; Kaempfer
1996: 64, 108.
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the same path, but their route is uncertain and wavering, and can
double back on itself or disappear into the bush for long stretches of
time.10 By contrast the route of protected rimlands is rather linear,
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direct political control beyond the nuclear zones, but in which the
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the fifth century Sri Lanka was exposed to incursions from across
the straits, and from 900-1500 AD, the course of Lankan history was
heavily influenced by its vulnerability to subcontinental powers such as
16 Lieberman 2003: 80. He has begun this task with some concluding observations
in his 1997b paper.
!/ Lieberman 2003: 80.
18 For example, the way Anuradhapura apparently (we have to be wary of our
inevitable reliance on chronicles here) flourished in the first four centuries AD, and
then suffered serious instability due to external attacks in the fifth-seventh centuries
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Indeed, it was only after 1500 that the sea became more of a
conduit than an obstacle and the island was rendered magnificently
unprotected, standing as it did athwart the sea-lanes connecting the
eastern and western halves of the Indian Ocean. Moreover, by this time
the centre of political gravity had moved to the least topographicallyprotected and most commercially-interesting part of the island: the
city of Kotte was located on the southwest coast surrounded by spicegrowing hinterlands. One could say, in other words, that the dynamic
Pattern G.19
Long after this present essay was written - but shortly before it
was published! - I saw an extract from Lieberman's work-in-progress,
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21 Or if this seems too long a period to be 'pivotal', one could hone in further on the
mid-twelfth to early-thirteenth centuries. If one is interested in the formation of an
inclusive and relatively homogenous Sinhala culture, some might see the eighth-ninth
centuries as crucial.
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minded scholars have set out to deconstruct such stories and their
23 Nissan 1997.
4 My definition of histoncism (as opposed to traditionalism ) was given in
Strathern 2004. See also Eagleton 2006: 26 '. . . historicism: instead of passing
absolute judgements on things we should return them to their historical contexts'.
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We shall not proceed too far here into the underlying reasons as
to why this basic pattern should have been reproduced across many
parts of Eurasia. One of the most plausible in a priori terms is the
effect of climate. Lieberman points to the warming of the northern
hemisphere during the Medieval Climate Anomaly of c. 850/9001250/1300, which may have enhanced agrarian production in the
protected rimlands and so laid the basis for charter florescence.
During the subsequent climatic downturn there was a marked shift
of economic activity from the charter core to peripheral regions,
which naturally had a destabilising effect. Across the rimlands and
China too, one sees severe political disruption and dislocation from
c. 1 250-1450. 26 This chronology captures almost exactly the rise of
Polonnaruva, its disintegration in the early thirteenth century and
the subsequent period of petty princelings and centrifugalism before
28 For example, was the pattern and nature of monsoon activity affected? I am sure
there must be scholarship in existence that could help us here, but since this thought
came to me late, I have not sought it out. To judge from Lieberman (MSS), there were
no key knock-on effects of climate in Southern India. How might climate change (if it
was established in Sri Lanka) impact on an agrarian economy partially sustained by
a sophisticated irrigation system? Perhaps (this is no more than a throwaway notion)
the irrigation system was so finely tuned to particular climatic circumstances that it
was particularly vulnerable to change.
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Whatever the reasons, Sri Lanka fits the pattern, which is also
discernible in the nature of the regime that now arose in the new
centre of Kotte, a city located less than 10 km from the sea. The rapid
30 We shall see that some aspects of the trade-oriented early modern polity (for
which, see, for e.g. Subrahmanyam 1988, 1998) are not readily applicable to Sri Lanka,
and it maybe that the importance of trade to earlier states has been underestimated.
31 On the decline of Kotte, see C. R. De Silva 1995: 12; compare Lieberman 1987:
about whether these formations should be seen as merely sub-species of the Indie
segmentary state, or whether there is something distinctively Buddhist and Asokan
about the political ideology and practices of Theravadin states that distinguishes them
from their Indian cousins. However in Lieberman's forthcoming volume (MSS), we
receive an illuminating account of the origin of this form of statehood in the Gupta
empire. Lieberman suggests that 'this model of multiple, nested sovereignties and
attenuated zones of influence provided a template for all later South Asian - and
33 See Andaya 1999: 75 on Burma and Thai examples. The principles of succession
in Arakan (or Mrauk-U, Guedes 1994: 203) and Siam (Kaempfer 1996: 36) seem
very close to those in Sri Lanka.
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grandeur of the royal image, particularly at the rites of tributepresentation, was critical. Royal blood never lost its significance, and
so it was possible to bind sub-rulers to the centre through marriage,
or replace them with closer family members after pacification.
too).35 In this context, for example, the great swiftness with which
Mayadunne was able to undermine Bhuvanekabahu VTFs (15211551) authority in the 1540s, as he sucked more and more local
chiefs into his orbit and redirected the flow of revenue towards
34 Andaya 1999: 101 (in the context of discussing a later period), and see 78, 94.
35 Hence Yoneo Ishii's (1993) description of Ayudhya from the fourteenth century
till its fall in 1569 is remarkably apt for sixteenth-century Kotte. See too Reynolds
1995: 428-429.
00 For example, in the space of a few years, Bhuvanekabahu VII first contemplated
installing an unruly son on the Kandyan throne and then marrying a Kandyan princess
himself. See Strathern 2007a: Chapter One, and compare Charney 1999: 14 on
37 On Nandabayin: Pimenta 2004; Reid 1988-93: ii. 282; Guedes 1994: 197-211.
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the military in Sitavaka after his patron's death, but then defected
to Kotte and thus helped to engineer the Portuguese conquest of
the lowlands.39 Whether by virtue of some conjunctural force or by
simple coincidence, the Lankan kingdoms' experience of external
interference had ended in the same collapse as mainland states such
as Ayudhaya and Pegu.40 It was only from the 1590s onwards that
the imposition of a 'foreign conquest elite' would appear to wrench its
history off in another direction entirely.
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damage they inflicted on local nobility.43 What was there to unknit? The decaying fabric of Anuradhapura. Ineluctably drawn to a
perspective on the whole of two millennia, Polonnaruva can appear
as a transitional phase between the Anuradhapura era and the more
heterogeneous polities of the second millennium. In the reflections of
Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva may have been greatly assisted by trade revenues.
(Perhaps it was the rise of highly effective foreign maritime trading groups such
as the Arabs from the seventh century onwards that led to the particular aspects
of regression in Lanka?). Rogers also advises that we need a periodisation capable
of emphasising the contrasts between the state of the later Anuradhapura period
(eighth-ninth centuries) and that flourishing in the earlier centuries of the first
millennium.
42 Measures include the removal of princely power over Dhakkinadesa and Rohana
so that the whole country came under Parakramabahu's personal rule, and the
establishment of king's courts in the regions, see Liyanagamage 1968: 34-42; C.
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The feeling remains then that there is more to this sense of continuity
47 See Goonewardena 1977: 13. There was also a strategic rationale for wanting
to defeat any foothold, no matter how small, that could function as a gateway for
Portuguese power.
In this sense, there is an intriguing comparison with the Maldives, as C. R. de
Silva (2001-2002) has shown.
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yoke and drawing the whole island under his rule through an epic
retelling of the reign of Dutugamunu (161-137 BC) who was supposed
to have been the first king to manage this feat. In the tenth century the
island was brought under a single royal canopy by the Okkaka kings,
who promulgated an interpretation of the vamsa texts that heralded
their special genealogical descent from mahasammata, and unique claim
I as its hero and forsakes any real drive towards regional ('world')
49 See Walters 2000: 129, on how 'a unified Sri Lankan polity [was] justified
genealogically'.
DU Walters 1993: 47, the commentary is the Vamsatthappakasini. Pollock 1998: 52,
also appears to refer to this, and on p. 56, (and see p. 42), he evokes a sense of natural
political limits in terms of his thesis of vernacularisation, which we shall address
below: 'The image of "(limited) universal sovereignty" inherited from the imperial
world may have survived in some sense and even been actualised through periodic
looting adventures to distant lands, but lasting dominion was no longer sought beyond
the enlarged core'. Incidentally, this sits a little oddly with Subrahmanyam's (1997:
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its shores. As a comparative aside we need only remember the regular attempts of
English (and then British) rulers to assert their power in the continent or further
overseas throughout a history spanning the medieval monarchy, the early modern
dynastic state and the full-blown nation-state of the industrial era.
55 See also Collins 1998: 68: 'a sense of territorial boundedness arose which is both
rare before modern times and analogous, at least in this respect, to nationalist views
of legitimate power: it may in this respect be called a kind of proto-nationalism'.
This did 'not usually lead to imperial ambitions beyond the island', and this contrasts
with the much more shifting reality in Southeast Asia. See too pp. 20, 85. However,
Lieberman notes that the Burmese had a pretty consistent geographic image of their
land, consisting of the irrawaddy basin and perimeter highlands.
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w If scholars such as Mary Elizabeth Berry (1997) complain of the lack of evidence
for capturing something as elusively abstract as 'cultural integration' in Tokugawa
Japan, how much more impoverished ought the historian of Sri Lanka to feel?
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from the Sigiriya site of the eighth and ninth centuries reveals a
Sinhala literary culture in which a quite surprising variety of social
groups participated: courtiers and villagers, men and women, monks
and laymen.68 Charles Hallisey sees the fullest realisation of literary
Sinhala around the turn of the millennium.69 In one sense then,
some sort of vertical integration was probably achieved early on in
comparison with Southeast Asian societies; in another sense one might
only detect a directed administrative push towards homogenisation in
64 On Buddhism see below. Roberts 2004: 9, 23, 29-30 emphasises the unity of
language.
55 Pollock 1998.
66 In his forthcoming book, Lieberman (MSS). Thus in Europe it occurred earlier
in Ireland and England than in France and Italy; in South Asia, Tamil country and
the Deccan saw a flourishing vernacular literature before that of North India.
67 Hallisey 2003: 695, sees this as 'part of a process aimed, in part, at standardising
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lent a place, often a subordinated one, within an overarching sociopolitical framework rather than being immediately assimilated.71 By
rather than simply erase it, the latter was promoted over the long
term by the organic forces of 'Buddhicisation' and 'Sinhalacisation'
(as particularly explored in the work of Tambiah and Obeyesekere).
If the etic question is beset by lack of directed analysis, the question
of self-conscious identity is beset by an abundance of controversy. We
can begin by being clear that ethnicity is not defined here as implying
72 See Nevill: Or. 6606(77. Ill), in Somadasa 1987-1995, for a fascinating oral
history of one such vanniyar chieftain, Kandure Bandara and his successors.
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the latter half of the first millennium and the first two centuries of
the second.74 One disputed text from the tenth century, the Dhampiya
Attuva Gatapadaya, apparently asserts that the term for the 'Sinhala' (or
helu) language is derived from the name for the residents of the island,
which is in turn derived from the dynasty ruling over them.75 However,
even the most historicist of the disputants, Gunawardana, admits that
two imperatives: to place the throne out of the reach of the native aristocracy while
at the same time establishing a powerful moral connection between themselves and
the traditions of the island's inhabitants that Cola or Tamil pretenders could not
match. The former was achieved through insisting on ksatriya lineage, while the latter
was effected by adherence to Buddhism. See Walters 2000: 145 on the title 'Kalinga
Wheel-Turning Monarch (cakravartin)\ Liyanagamage 1968: 58, refers to a record of
Queen Lilavati attaining the sovereignty of tri-simahala (a tripartite division of Lanka)
in the last few years of the twelfth century.
/b Not all of this was necessarily as innovative as it may appear: the emphasis on
the Buddhist identity, for example, was probably an explicit statement of an ancient
but previously implicit principle. Indeed, it is strongly suggested in the inscription of
that none but Bodhisattvas would become kings in Lanka. As for ethnicity, remember
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shared with much recent historicist work. Towards the end of this
This may seem like a striking statement to make, but then the
antiquity and persistence of the Pali and Sinhala chronicle traditions is
such a striking and unusual fact. If Polonnaruva seems to some today as
a reform or revival of civilization, it is a sentiment that finds its echo in
the perspective of the late twelfth/early thirteenth century Culavamsa,
which compares Parakramabahu I with Dutugamunu (circa, secondthat Gunawardana is the most 'revisionist' of the disputants: Dharmadasa would set
a tenth-century cap on the development of an inclusive Sinhala consciousness.
79 Strathern (forthcoming).
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allowed its ruler to trace his descent all the way back to Vijaya and the
Anuradhapura kings and is clearly dependent on the Pujavlaliya for its
reading of the vamsas^ In the 1580s, the Sitavaka Hatana reminded its
Paranavitana 1999: verse 447. The later Rajasinha Hatana compares the
Portuguese to Demala (Tamil) armies who sacked the city of Anuradhapura, see
Roberts 2004: 134.
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91 Although the Sinhala sense of lineage and cultural and linguistic continuity was
arguably stronger even that the Byzantines with Rome.
y^ Lieberman 1997a: 460. For more on war and competition as leading to ethnic
consciousness, see Moore 1997: 595 on twelfth-century Europe.
y A comparative glance towards Japan may be instructive here, because it had
geopolitical seclusion (which promoted an early distinctive culture and continuous
traditions of overlordship) and a relative absence of real struggle with external forces.
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spread throughout the land and ordinary people were brought into the
Theravada world by entering into exchange with the village-dwelling
monks, giving alms, listening to sermons andjatakas, participating in
merit-making rituals, absorbing Buddhist art and going on pilgrimages
I shall merely offer some initial pointers and make the observation
that the unusual continuity from antiquity is even more marked
94 Lieberman 2003: 38 provides a summary, and see the beginnings of each chapter
for application to regions.
95 Reid 1988-1993: ii. 193-194; Lieberman 2003: 58, 62; Reid 1993: 16. Also
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Mahaviharan Orthodoxy
By taking us right back into the heart of the first millennium in this
way, Reynolds and Hallisey's formulation allows to appreciate how Sri
for Lanka?
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It was around this time that Sri Lanka played host to the revival of
Pali - and therefore the cultivation of the Pali imaginaire in Collins'
terms - which began with the commentarial work of Buddhagosa in
the fifth century AD.98 One particular Theravadin lineage, that of
the Mahavihara nikaya, came to prevail. In one sense, this was in fact
a victory for orthodoxy itself, since the Mahavihara, when set aside
the other two Sinhala nikayas, the Abhayagiri and Jetavana, had an
unusual preoccupation with the purity of doctrine." In the ninth and
tenth centuries AD, various kings began to promote the Mahaviharan
lineage above the others and align themselves firmly with its rhetoric,
a movement which reached its culmination in the abolition of other
lineages in the twelfth century.100 With all due regard for 'historicist'
insistence on the mutability of ideology embodied in subsequent texts,
Localisation
island of Sri Lanka and its kings had been ordained to preserve the
dhamma. This is clearly a key ideological component of the general
localisation of Buddhism that Reynolds and Hallisey describe, and it
is present as early as the Mahavamsa, most strongly in the symbolic
98 Walters 2000: 119.
99 Gunawardana 1979: 50; Walters 2000: 124.
100 Walters 2000: 146 refers to this exportable package as the VAP
(Vamsatthappakasini) worldview, although he is concerned to differentiate this tenthcentury formulation from the Mahavamsa.
applied profitably to the case of Sinhala ethnicity. The role of a vernacular literature
is critical to Hastings' analysis.
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19956: 223.
Hallisey 2003: 731-732 on twelfth-century attempts 'to mark out within this
larger identity the separate positions of the Cola and Sinhala monks'.
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We already mentioned that Sri Lanka fits tolerably well into Sheldon
atop which lies Buddha's footprint marking Lanka as autonomous by virtue of his
consecration of it.
comments here. See also Hallisey 2003: 692, 707, 732; Deegalle 2003: 153-155.
Buddhists'.
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Royal Control
Gunawardana 1979: 137, and see p. 167, 346, and on the development of
festivals and religious ceremonies, 225-241.
117 Hallisey 1988, Reynolds and Hallisey 1989: 19. The emergence of aBuddhicised
moral community by the tenth century, at least in Anuradhapura itself, is suggested
by the revolt by 'the army and the citizens' when King Udaya III challenged the rights
of a monastery to offer asylum: Gunawardana 1Q7Q: 208-21 1.
118 Lieberman 2003: 35.
9 These were drawn more from the provinces than from the monasteries at the
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'head of the Buddhist order', and over subsequent centuries there were a number of
hierarchs with sufficient authority to act as secular power brokers: Liyanagamage
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century is then plausibly represented as a revival or a restoration, a particularly successful execution of very long-standing principles of royal
conduct. The surviving records of katikavata (or vinaya rules) issued in
his reign, for example, follow the Dambadeni Katikavata closely.128
126 Liyanagamage 1968: 22. The Dambadeni Katikavata was exported to Siam:
Tambiah 1976: 176.
127 Uangasinha 1992: 101-104.
128 Uangasinha 1992: 108-109.
uy G. R. De Silva 1995: 33. Although these two fraternities are known to have
existed since the thirteenth century: Uangasinha 1992: 56.
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all levels of religious practice.135 But the Kotte kings did not align
themselves consistently with calls for a rigid, exclusive orthodoxy.
onward', and nor is there any real indication that Lankan Buddhists
became more concerned with 'textually oriented forms of Buddhist
practice and identity than they had been since at least the twelfth
and perhaps the fifth century'.136 In one sense the inter-dependent
notions of orthodoxy and heresy are very old parts of the Sinhalese
mental furniture, in that Pali and Sinhala texts have long argued
about what constitutes right or wrong religious thoughts and deeds,
pure or impure traditions and lineages, and are to be found castigating
village, one might emphasise how, even late in early modern mainland Southeast
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137 Smith 1978, pp. 1 19-120, 137-139; Gunawardana 1979: 162-163; Holt 2004:
33-45-
Strathern 2004, 2005. Note that even today when a form of Buddhist
Holt 2004.
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This is one reason why the history of Sri Lankan Buddhism over
the second millennium does not take on a progressive or teleological
character, and why the chronicle tropes of decline and revival, or the
structuralist conceits of oscillations over the longe dure - apparently so
suspect in their ahistorical patterning - yet retain some appeal.140
1999: 51), one wonders if this is because they have adopted a Lankan genre that is
genuinely ancient?
141 Bayly 2004: 42.
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Beyond these Theravada states, this was also the way of things
in much of the rest of the Indie world into which the monotheistic
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but their own. What lies behind this divergence with the Southeast
Asian experience? Lieberman tells us that, 'by and large, the chief
mainland states were too removed from the chief sea-routes, too
immune to naval pressures, and too well integrated to exhibit the same
sensitivity to European pressure as their archipelagic counterparts'.150
As we have remarked, as a general explanation it makes sense simply
to see Sri Lanka an honorary member of the archipelago. The matter
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In some ways Kotte had the worst of both the archipelagic and
mainland worlds. It belonged, analogically, to the latter in that it
seems to have derived the bulk of its revenue from the command
and one protected by its own navy.153 While there was clear intent
to exploit the value of cinnamon, neither Parakramabahu VI nor
any of his successors had the maritime ambitions of his illustrious
twelfth-century namesake. Yet neither could the sixteenth century
kings of Kotte draw on a reservoir of agricultural resources of similar
magnitude to their counterparts in Burma or Ayudhya. Indeed, some
parts of the island were rice-deficient, and the island as a whole was a
net importer of rice.154 This dependency was a useful leverage for the
Portuguese patrolling the Sea of Ceylon.155
What Sri Lanka did have in common with many Southeast Asian
islands was an attractive high-value crop, cinnamon, and a location
in the middle of 'chief sea-routes'. It was this that earmarked it as
151 C. R. De Silva 1995: 60, estimates that even a fairly generous estimate would
render trade accountable for less than 25% of royal receipts.
152 Sri Lanka exported cinnamon, gemstones, elephants, sandalwood and its trees
were useful for the ship-building industry. Flores 1998: 90-95; C. R. de Silva 1990;
Kiribamune 1987; Kulasuriya 1978: 150. Queyroz: 318, gives interesting information
on the dues available from ports in Kotte.
153 Guedes 1994: 42; See also Subrahmanyam 2005a: 67 on the mercantilism of
Toungoo Burma.
154 C. R. De Silva 1995: 50, explains this issue skillfully.
155 Flores 1995.
l Thus its vassalage (as opposed to alliance) was insisted upon and it received a
fortress in 1518 (which was soon dismantled however).
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point here is that the Portuguese revolt was crushed without any
reprisal from Goa. And the Portuguese at Siriam were useful at other
times as a counter-balance to regional pretenders.157
In the 1590s, the Portuguese in Sri Lanka abandoned their policy of
indirect rule for one of major territorial conquest. We cannot embark
here on the reasons behind this move, almost unique in the Portuguese
nb And the conquest models of the Philippines and Brazil: Flores 2001: 10;
Subrahmanyan 1990: 138-147, 20050: 198; Rubies 2003: 423; Boxer 1969: 121,
125; Biedermann 2005: 447-504.
ny One factor here is simply legal: Dharmapala's startling bequest of his kingdom
to the Portuguese crown in 1580.
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161 Reid 1988-1993: ii. 261; Lieberman 2003: 154-164, 179-181 on the shift to
Pattern G in Burma.
162 Which had been elaborated by King Trailokanat (r. 1448-1488), Ishii 1993:
181-186. On King Naresuan's, reforms see: Reid 1988-1993: ii. 261; Reid 1993: 186;
Lieberman 2003: 271, 277-281, 337. They include obliging senior princes to remain
at capital, appointing triennial governors by 1687, increase of royal servicemen,
inflation of the king's royal persona, the fact that the succession was normally settled at
Ayudhaya itself through factional contests in which ministers exerted major influence.
163 See Queyroz 1992: 99. Sitavakan forces were using firearms by the 1530s and
regularly so by the 1 560s. On the history of firearms in Sri Lanka, see Wickremesekera
2004: 92-94.
IO* See Gouto 1993: 339, 290-291, on the use 01 Javanese, Kaffir and renegade
Portuguese mercenaries in the 1587 siege of Colombo.
1DJ C R. de Silva 1995: 97; Cunha-Rivara 1057-1077: 210-217; and see
Alessandro Valignano's comment (Perniola 1989-1991: ii. 72) in 1575 that Rajasinha
'has a more powerful fleet than we have' in the Sea of Ceylon.
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And indeed this was roughly the predicament of the only real
candidate for Pattern C status, the Kingdom of Kandy whose rebirth
came right on schedule in the first years of the seventeenth century. By
this time the Portuguese were in command of the whole of the lowlands
and the great bulk of the cinnamon trade. Kandy might be imagined
166 G. R. de Silva 1995: 92. Recently, C. R. De Silva (2007) has suggested that the
evidence on whether Portuguese intervention gave rise to an 'early modern state' form
in Sri Lanka is scanty, but does point to 'some evidence of the growth of a standing
army with related pressures for a more efficient collection of revenue'.
167 Biedermann 2005: Chapter Six. See Queyroz, pp. 425, 429, 440; Couto 1993:
266, for signs of Sitavakan promotion of maritime trade and overseas diplomacy.
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quite able to play the various monotheistic groups off one another.
Again, the re-founder of Kandy, Vimaladharmasuriya I (1594-1604)
affords an excellent illustration of the transferral of 'early modern'
skills, for his military apprenticeship was spent fighting for the
Portuguese under the baptismal name of Dom Joao d'Austria. When
he assumed power in Kandy, he fortified the city, formalised the use
seaborne commerce.172
all its dependent regions, perhaps 220,000) but emphasises that it was rather unurbanised. The city itself may have had a population of something like 10,000 and was
confined - or had been reduced by the 'scorched-earth' invasions of the Portuguese to its political, religious and military functions.
lu One means of circumnavigating this obstacle was to become a haven for Muslim
traders expelled from the lowlands: see Dewaraja 2005.
173 Lieberman 1997: 529. Incidentally, in the interests of 'connected history', there
are intriguing similarities between the arguments the Portuguese deployed against
Vimaladharmasuriya (for example, that it was legitimate to depose him because he
was a tyrant and foe of Christianity) and the characterisation of the 'Black King' of
Siam, Naresuan.
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such procedures as centrally-regulated examinations for the Sangha at least until the arrival in mid-eighteenth-century Sri Lanka of the
Siam Nikaya from Ayuddhya.179 'Connectedness' would ensure that
the hiatus of development was overcome at this point, and Sri Lankan
Buddhism once more assumed a more obvious place within the larger
flow of Theravadin history.
war-poem genre. For a contrary view, see Rogers 20040, which sees the 'political'
Sinhala identity before the nineteenth century as incapable of arousing meaningful
solidarity between different castes and classes.
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region - Sri Lanka now having become part of this exposed zone - we
find the same effect produced by Christian imperialism.183
im And 'their greatest occupation is soldiering, and they enjoy peace only as an
accident, and war is the custom', Queyroz 1992: 21-23.
lbD See Strathern 20070: Chapter Ten and Conclusion, which also discusses the
reliability of Portuguese mediation. One doubts whether this role of the Vijaya myth
was a product of the Portuguese period itself. See the Simhavalli Kathava (Nevill: Or.
6611(204), in Somadasa 1987-1995), composed between 1480-1500, for the story
of Simhabahu in ballad form.
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is only that in the archipelago the Dutch would become the major
conquest elite, while in Sri Lanka the Portuguese would institute
a rare policy of conquest. If we wanted to single out one island in
particular, perhaps the most fruitful analogy here would be Java, whose
people were culturally closest to the mainland states by virtue of their
with the rest bunched along the eastern and western extremities.
186 On the broader question of such 'transcendentalist intransigence' see Strathern
2007^.
189 Andaya 1999: 74; Reid 1988-1993: ii. 17; Pollock 1998: 53 (Java appears here
an exemplary case of a Sanskritised culture 'vernacularising' at the beginning of
the second millennium). Yet Java's exposure to Muslim power in the first instance
and then the forces of Dutch and British imperialism, combined with a stubbornly
fragmentary political system (sustained by its awkward internal geography) meant
that no one political centre was able to extend its reach over the whole island or
maintain stability for long (Carey 1997; Lieberman 1997a: 457-458). Disintegration
rather than integration was the result. Again, much of this sounds familiar. But Kotte
and its successor states had much stronger traditions of administrative rule to draw
on, not to mention a more resilient and fundamental enshrinement of Indie culture.
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The only major difference between Sri Lanka and the other protected
rimlands in this phase remains the very early flourishing of civilization
in the northern zone and the subsequent striking sense of continuity
ent of the Chinese 'charter' period, the Han (third century BC), and
Polonnaruva equivalent to the second period of imperial unity, the
Song (960-1 279). 190 Of course, the analogy quickly runs aground if
one is concerned with the respective extents of land and population
brought under political unity, or what 'unity' actually entailed in
administrative terms, to mention only a couple of many points of
contrast.
1 Q1
were not distant enough from the mainland for the sea to form an
insuperable barrier - therefore there were more than enough threats
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From 1500, the sea shifts more from a military barrier (to both
invasion from without and expansion from within) to a military
conduit. In England this conjuncture presented an opportunity, as it
would soon be able to expand its influence in the outside world. And in
Sri Lanka, lacking a navy and politically fractured, it became a threat.
One is tempted to see how well Japan would fare in this category,
given that these three islands are moored off the western, southern
and eastern coasts of the Eurasian landmass.195 If Japan was by far
the most protected of these islands, Sri Lanka was the least. Combine
this with Sri Lanka's inheritance of the Indie system of hierarchical
kingship (a.k.a. 'nested sovereignty', 'galactic polities'), and it is clear
why all-island unity was comparatively rarely achieved in Sri Lanka
and why it was not in a position to take advantage of the post- 1500
conjuncture.196
What did result, however, was a sense of continuity, both subjectively
belongs to the early eighth century. If it seems incautious to wave a flag for future
research in this way, I can at least report that this paper is in some ways an extended
reply to a question which I raised for myself in Modern Asian Studies some time ago
(Strathern 2005) about the comparability of mainland Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka's
second millennium.
194 If one can compare King Alfred's (8489-899) translation project with the
that indigenous rule survived until 1500 (indeed, in the highlands till c. 1800), its
vulnerability from c. 900 is indicated by the fact that the successive political centres
tended to last for shorter periods of time. Anuradhapura remained the principal
centre for c. 1000 years, Polonnaruva for c. 250 years, Kotte for c. 150 years, Sitavaka
for c. 70 years. Then we have, under quite different circumstances, Kandy.
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