Epigraphs in The Battle of Kadesh Reliefs

/ EPIGRAPHS IN THE BATTLE OF KADESH RELIEFS
Author(s): Anthony J. Spalinger and '

Source:
Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies /
:-
Vol. HAYIM and MIRIAM TADMOR VOLUME / (2003 / pp. 222*-239* ,) "
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EPIGRAPHS IN
THE BATTLE OF KADESH RELIEFS
Anthony J. Spalinger
The University of Auckland
New Zealand
Discussions of Egyptian warfare have given short

shrift to small, often laconic captions accompany
ing Pharaonic military reliefs.1 Although the data
they contain about locations and personal names
How many cities located on a hill or a tell reappear
have provided much grist for the historian's mill,
usually in the negative. The identity of such for
in Ramesside war reliefs, and can one find explicit
differences in their representation? Excluding
Ramesses II's Kadesh campaign, the answer is
the information remains undervalued because
tresses was vested in the accompanying name,
these snippets have been misinterpreted as mere

decoration for the long war records they glossed.
although particular facts might also be carved in

hieroglyphs beside the generic scene. The caption
to the depiction of the arrival of Egyptian rein
forcements at Kadesh is the classic example where
the epigraphs provide considerably more informa
tion than mere background. At the Ramesseum
and Luxor, Ramesses II is said to have fought for
Scholarly research has neglected to examine the

purpose of such epigraphs. The well-developed
story of Ramesses II at Kadesh is a useful place
to begin such a study.
Why were such epigraphs written? What was
memorialized and what was edited out? Often we
possess more than one pictorial representation of

a battle scene, and the citations are not always
consistent. Place and time were the two decisive
factors. The city under siege or about to be taken
(Kadesh, Tunip) had to be identified and the

topography described: forests (Rebawi), rivers
(Orontes), fords. The reason underlying such an
two hours without his armor.3 This caption may

well be a reference to a literary complement that
has not survived. It would not be uncharacteristic
of Ramesses for this exploit worthy of record

for its singularity and its personal aspect not
to have been given the full treatment. Indeed,
Gardiner recognized the Kadesh Bulletin as
"clearly no more than one of those legends which
notations was a desire to commemorate each vie
served to explain the accompanying reliefs."4 The
tory as unique. The date was almost as important.
counterclaim runs that the Bulletin exists in more
Seti I's war records on the exterior northern hypo
than one version, contains literary formations, and
style court at Karnak, even while lacking a de
is quite lengthy and detailed.5
tailed textual rendition, nevertheless specified one
temporal reference to a campaign in regnal year

l.2 Inclusion of the time, however, was not de
rigeur. Of the many undated war reliefs of

Ramesses II, those dealing with his Trans
What were the sources from which the master
scribe and designer worked? Everything, down to
certain recurring geographical details in the por

trayals of Kadesh and its environs, implies that
drawings were made on the spot and distributed
jordanian campaign immediately come to mind,

as does the resultant difficulty in dating them
exactly.
tian forces abroad for the sole purpose of ensuring
Almost all of these cases are simple and
that not a single instance of Pharaonic valor would
straightforward. Verisimilitude was not a value.
to the carvers back home. The facts were regis

tered by army scribes who accompanied the Egyp
be lost to history. Their presence is felt in any
EPIGRAPHS IN THE BATTLE OF KADESH RELIEFS 223*
New Kingdom war record, with the tallies of

enemy slain, hands counted, prisoners taken, char
iots captured, and chattel seized. The recorder
adventure have happened. Without having seen it,

how could the Egyptians have retold it, with pen
and paper as well as with chisel? But owing to
scribe of the Egyptian army traversed the bloody
the paucity of written material, the scholar often
battlefield at the end of the first day's fighting at
(and unfortunately, sometimes exclusively) exam
Kadesh. He determined the names and ranks of
ines the pictorial depictions of military scenes.10
the enemy casualties, alive or dead, and made an

exact reckoning.
Who or what was perpetuated in the official
who was singled out for dishonorable mention in
records is another matter. The standard scenes
An apropos episode features the king of Aleppo,
the Kadesh Reliefs (R 40). Did his waterlogged

experience in the Orontes earn him a place in the
annals that he would not have merited simply by
always portray the king in the temple, his depar

ture, his arrival in enemy territory, the battle or
being king of an important Syrian city-state? There
chariot scene, the counting of the defeated, the
is a soldier, Nht-'Imn, whose role in the battle of
return home, and the reception by Amun-Re. None
Kadesh is unclear due to the fragmentary nature
of these are unique to any war, even though the

entire sequence need not be carved.6
What is interesting in the analysis of military
of the passage (R 22),11 like Mehy, a ts pdwt and

tiy hw of Seti I.12 Little is known of the latter; his
incident, the emphasis placed on certain deeds and
appearance in a relief of a military action of the

Pharaoh, however, may predicate a separate cycle
relating his heroic deeds on the battlefield. Thus,
the silence on other events that we know occurred.
Mehy's presence can be compared to that of
When parallel verbal and graphic representations

are examined together, the contrasts mount. How
Ramesses' shieldbearer Menna, whose character
texts is the variance in accounts of the same
ever, much of this effect was intentional, since the
two types were often designed to be viewed as a
in the Poem is significant. Both men remind us of
Thutmose IH's general Dhwty, who appears in the

story of "The Taking of Joppa," and perhaps even
pair, and so there was no reason to duplicate
of the personage of Khaemwaset depicted in
information. But what is the significance underly
Merenptah's reliefs of a Canaanite war.13 Hence,

it would not be speculative to conclude that the
ing names and events that were retained in one

place and not in another?
The exact memories that were publicized in the
official chronicles were also circulated in popular
relief of Seti I with Mehy is based upon an

anecdote of personal bravery and trustworthiness
that must have endured among the heroic narra
accounts. They were written down in sufficient

frequency and uniformity of style to constitute a
distinct literary subgenre, but they do not survive
tives of the day.
in quantity because of the fragility of the papyri

on which they were produced. Therefore, Egyp
tologists often have nothing left to examine but
the monumental records. A case in point is the
contained in P. Sallier III and the Chester Beatty
recent flurry of scholarship on Merenptah's Asi

atic campaign.
Yet New Kingdom literary reflexes of foreign
climes are not that difficult to pinpoint.7 While
The purely literary accounts still extant on pa
pyri include Ramesses II's "Battle of Kadesh,"

III,14 "The Taking of Joppa," an incomplete record
of Thutmose III in Asia, a yet unpublished Louvre

papyrus fragment that seems to recount a Libyan
war of Ramesses III, and the poorly preserved

account of the Apophis and Seqenenre conflict.15
In the New Kingdom, literary versions of military
the Doomed Prince and the Tale of the Two
actions were officially sponsored. Within the mo

numental accounts, sub-sections are marked, writ
Brothers are the most famous, others relating to
ten in a distinctive style that must be considered
the military aspects of Egypt in Asia are more

explicit.8 For example, from a battle relief of
a separate literary topos. Redford, for example,

has defined one major theme of "dissolution and
Ramesses II and additional data from P. Anastasi
I, Posener extracted a story of a man treed by a
restoration" that is clearly not a dry narration of

historical events.16 His analysis of Merenptah's
bear.9 Only in Asia could this purported mis
Libyan wars could be applied to the common
224* ANTHONY J. SPALINGER
introductions present in Thutmose IIFs Megiddo

campaign, Sethnakht's official victory stela, and
of course the historical record in the Great Harris
of the pylon includes events from the eighth regnal
year of Ramesses. Clearly, Episode II of Kadesh

which was carved there did not encompass the
entire space on the fatjade. Moreover, at the
papyrus.17
If many of the hieroglyphic narratives of war
Ramesseum the Poem is located on the front face
had literary antecedents or even literary passages,
of the north wing of Pylon II. Hence, it is directly
illustrations did not accompany them. The artistry
opposite Episode I, which is carved on the rear
is a source of different information owing to the
face of the north wing of the first pylon (R,

version). As the Poem was apparently to be in
eluded after Episode III (see below), its presence
presence of details and captions that, for the most

part, are not referred to in the texts. One can liken
the physical representations to film and the textual
separate from the first two episodes of R, makes
to a "voice over" that accompanies the images.
some sense.
Furthermore, certain elements vary in the depic
New Kingdom literary accounts, whether on
tions and thereby compound the anomalies be
papyri or on temple walls, shared more in common
tween and among parallel editions. With respect

to the Battle of Kadesh we possess three versions
from Luxor, as well as an original one, making a
with each other than with artistic representations.
total of four; two more from the Ramesseum (two
are palimpsests); one each from Abydos and Abu

Simbel (the latter compressed);18 and two from
Karnak.19 Space considerations, as well as the date
of the actual carving and the local or particular
interests of the master coordinator of the entire
project, have led to differentiation among these

versions.20 Major elements were often removed.
For example, Kitchen notes the absence of Scene
III (The Presentation) in the K, version.21 The

Bulletin normally would be placed next to (or
within) the first episode (The Camp and Council
of War); but at Luxor, the facade of the pylon
(north face, west wing: version L,) has the camp
above the Poem and the battle above the conclu
But like the depictions, they would vary from

place to place, even on various walls in the same
building. In K, Episode IV has been expanded into
two parts to show three rows of prisoners being
led by the king and his sons (R 63-90) with the
Theban Triad receiving them (R 91). The Poem is
located underneath this unique scene with addi
tional spoils placed before Amun, Mut and

Khonsu at the south-east exterior corner of the
Great Hypostyle Hall (R 92-97). (They corre

spond somewhat to the presentation of captives to
the triad at Abu Simbel in R 98-100.24) The earlier
event, the arrival of the Nacarn troops, is found on
the southern approach wall (west face) to the

Hypostyle Hall, but not too far along.25
In examining the relief captions, it is useful to
emphasize the Abu Simbel version because it is
sion to the Poem and the Bulletin (north face, east
complete, although compressed. One recognizes
wing)! Here symmetry between the east and west
the importance of the epigraphs without worrying
wings of the pylon was desired, a challenge espe

daily after the removal of an earlier version of
about any lost portions of the Kadesh battle.
the Poem (Lp) on the west wing.22 In addition, at

L3 the Poem has been moved away from its im
mediate connection to Episode II, the Battle, and
Nevertheless, the self-imposed limits of the com
position allow us to notice which items in the

battle were worthy of specific mention and how
the artists and designers transformed the material
Episode II has been inserted between them.
obtained from the field into their depiction.
Whether or not this was also due to space consid
The relief captions were listed by Kitchen, in

his Ramesside Inscriptions II, following Kuentz.
erations,23 it is obvious that as the pylons for L,,

owing to their location, must have forced a recon
struction of the basic artistic setup, they did so

equally for version R,.
The architecture and the availability of blank

walls forced certain layouts, and we can see this
most clearly at L, where the east wing (north face)
Episode I: The Camp and Council of War

1. R 1. There is a brief note whose purpose is
to identify the first division of Ramesses and to
orient the activity at the tent which was being
pitched around the king. Only R, parallels Abu
EPIGRAPHS IN THE BATTLE OF KADESH RELIEFS 225=*
Simbel. The scene at K, is a badly worn palimp

sest; K2 is in such poor condition that we cannot
important for understanding the course of events,
be sure whether this epitaph was in fact there. L3

probably included the scene, although this might
the Ramesseum and Luxor accounts of the battle
be questioned; R, and A have lost the scene.26 L,,

however, definitely omits the caption; beside the
camp a mere sketch is drawn. This Luxor version
but I am convinced that the divergence between

generated this difference.29
4. R 7. The Ramesseum (R!) version diverges
simply did not have enough room for the captions.
from that at Luxor < L,) once more by containing

this caption. R, places the remark above a chariot
The same may pertain to the absence of R 2-4
moving to the right; L,, on the other hand, encloses
there.
the king who is followed by his officers

between captions R 6 and R 8. The difference
appears mainly to do with the location of the
The caption is essential to the ensuing action

because it supplies the physical Sitz im Leben for
the pictorial account. The viewer must begin with
this notation in order to understand Episode I.
The similarity of R, and I coincides with the
Bulletin and the more cramped space there. R, has

it carved above the figure of Ramesses, whereas
in L! it is below and separate from Episode II.
horizontal band of hieroglyphs leading to the

(viewer's) left edge of the camp. Indeed, Abu
Luxor and Abu Simbel do not depict the king's

chariot being prepared for his attack upon the
Hittites, but with the Bulletin above the king in
Simbel is even more detailed than its parallel from
version I and R 5 there is no room for detail. Such
the Ramesseum.
was not the case in Lr
artistic representation: only these two contain the
Version R, currently stands alone in the artistic
2. R 2-5. Interestingly, only Abu Simbel main
representation of the chariot. I presume that R2
tains these captions, although the caveat regarding
and possibly A originally contained the scene
preservation holds here as in the previous case.
together with caption.
None of the captions is fundamental to the battle,
but the mention of the king's lion in R 2 and the
5. R 8. When we move to the important scene
beating of an Egyptian are not devoid of interest.27
of the beating of the Hittite spies, we are on firmer
Nonetheless, these details are minor.
No other extant exemplar contains the scene of
ground, historically speaking. Ramesses suddenly

discovered that the Hittite king and his troops were
the beaten man, although R, has the ox carts; both
close by and not to the north of Kadesh at Aleppo.
R, and L, depict the king's lion. Therefore, only

at Abu Simbel are the details made more explicit
R 8 had to be included because it was crucial. All
through these epigraphs. Perhaps an alteration was
made here from the original design.28 However,

in the Luxor exemplar the camp was drawn
smaller, leaving less space in which to carve these
epigraphs. One has the sense that the designers
of our extant sources preserve this text and scene:
A, L,, R,, and I. I am sure that the palimpsest

version K, contained it as well, and the recent
discovery by Prof. Murnane of this part of the
Bulletin (his version Kp) supports my inference.30
considered these captions secondary to the pic
6. R 9-10. Only R, includes the captions of
tures.
two royal fan bearers. The extant version at Luxor,
R 5, however, is parallel to the following cita

tion.
3. R 6. The name of the enthroned king appears
only at Luxor (L,). A, K,, K2, R, and L3 may have

preserved it; R 5 at Abu Simbel takes its place.
However, R1 definitely did not preserve it, despite
a parallel scene of the king faced by his own

chariot and officers. This detail is not overly
Lp lacks the respective labels, but some of the

figures in chariots can be discerned. (Note, how
ever, that it is a palimpsest.) There, the artists
included the enemy chariots at the corner of the
camp, but not the useful remarks of R 9 and 10
concerning the attack and subsequent flight of one
royal fan bearer, the king's son Prc-hr-wnm.f.

Version I can also be referred to, as in the middle
of the right-hand side of the north wall there
appears to be a close parallel to this scene.

R 9 refers to the instruction given by a fan
bearer to the king's sons to avoid the battle.31 R
located on a different wall, west (I) and south (II).
10 mentions Ramesses' third son, Prc-hr-wnm.f.32
from the north wall to the flanking east wall forms
From his titles (especially "first charioteer") we
an effective break as well.
Finally, in R,, even though the first episode is

mainly lost, the movement in the second court
know that this individual was there for combat
Episode II: The Battle
and not for training.

The information in the Ramesseum version is
K, (palimpsest) is virtually lost; a few portions of
supplemental to the depiction. Abu Simbel fails

to mention it because the picture of the camp is
K2 and A remain, while L3 is completely destroyed

(if we assume, as I think reasonable, that this scene
compressed and shows it only being partly entered
was originally present there).
by the enemy.
1. R 12. The first match consists of the two
7. R 11. This is the famous Nacarn scene in
Luxor versions (L, and L3) with Abu Simbel. A is
which those elite troops are arriving to stop the
missing, but we have the scenes of the two
Hittite onslaught. Its importance for a philological
Ramesseum variants. In fact, those versions are
understanding of the Kadesh Inscriptions cannot

be understated. It was studied by Hartman in his
hypothesis that the Ramesseum differs from Luxor
reasonably detailed, lending strong support to the
(L,, L3 , 2, R> and I contain the text.) It must
in more than one case. This example (and the

following three) depicts the rapid dispatch of
have been included in all the editions and not
officials south to inform the rear divisions of the
dissertation of the verbal patterns in this account.33
only because there is plenty of space to reconstruct
Egyptian army that their help was needed. Such
this crucial event. Even the small version I has it.
information is important for an understanding of
Gardiner noted that Abu Simbel is the best pre
the battle.
served and in fact contains some passages not

portion; I and K2 coincide by lengthening the
L, adds a few more words to the caption, and I

is the shortest. Space was not a hindrance for the
designer to have carved the lengthiest caption in
account and the end, whereas the two Luxor
all three versions, but the aesthetic factor in favor
versions separately dovetail within the middle of
of a large number of troops and chariots in L,

hemmed in the epigraphs. Free space on the upper
right side of the north wall of Abu Simbel gave
the artist room for striking impressions of the
found at Luxor.34 R,, K2 and I similarly omit a
the caption. (The Luxor variants sometimes "go

their own way," a fact noted earlier in the schol
arly literature.35) On the other hand, I, R! and K2
present a slightly different narrative for a while.
The lack of space does not appear to be the cause
of this discrepancy. Readers who could have ap
preciated these subtleties were few, if any. The
temple staffs may, in fact, have performed an
battle. Epigraphs for this and the following group
at the Ramesseum (versions R, and R2) were not

included, but we have to remember that the orig
inal designs were revised when they were overlain
by the king in his chariot.37 At Luxor and Abu
interpretation of the events for visitors.36

At Abu Simbel a horizontal band of chariots
Simbel the Pharaoh is not present in that location.

Furthermore, neither Ramesseum version includes
separates Episodes I (bottom) and II (top). K2 uses

the river as a partial means of demarcation, or, to
the motif of troops facing each other in that

position. Abu Simbel, on the other hand, has
be more precise, the end of the middle section of
chariots on the top coming from both sides located
the Orontes leading off to the right forms a barrier.
This aspect is even more starkly apparent at
above the city of Kadesh. L, divides the scene into

two sections. The west wall depicts chariots on
Abydos.
the left moving right and on the right moving left.
From most of the scenes, however, Episodes I

and II appear as if joined. In K2 they are split by
a doorway, whereas at Abydos each episode is
Here, the balance of troops above Kadesh does

not divide the scene into two roughly equal por
tions as at Abu Simbel, but the arrangement is
parallel. On the east wall the same scene together
worked with figures of fighting, has room for more
with R 12 is interpreted with troops coming from
commentary. R, and R2 have an even more expan

sive text, one that is narrative in tone.39 But one
behind and moving right, while in front of the

vizier a series of chariots proceeds ahead and so
to the extreme right.
can discern the initial plan for this epigraph by

analyzing the original scene with its separate cap
tion about the king in his chariot (R 20).
Abu Simbel has telescoped events. The individ

uals of R 13-15 and the vizier of R 12 appear to
have been shown leaving the battlefield, but the
presence of the original king in the chariot scene
with the rows of chariots turning away from the
city did not cause R 12 and R 13-16 to be
The final (or second) scene thus came to duplicate

that presented in the other Ramesseum version,
sacrificed at the Ramesseum. The designer of
R2, itself redrawn.40 In other words, both R, and
those two wall reliefs followed a policy that differs
R2 originally presented the same layout.
5. R 20. In R! a rhetorical passage on the king

in his chariot was removed and re-cut as chariotry.
to some degree from the other temples. The ab
sence of these captions in no way lessens the
6. R 21. At this point the royal chariot span is
impact of the military encounter. These small yet
identified in L" Rl R2 and an earlier version
pertinent details were already well remembered by
(another palimpsest), R2p.41 The Ramesseum is

once more consistent, even with the original carv
the astute viewing public. It was only that
non-royal personages could be omitted in the

historical record, whereas the king could not,
unless he was subject to a later damnatio
ing at R2. Abu Simbel avoided this epigraph due

to space limitations. It is not important in any case.
(Note that in Episode I, only R, provides the name

of the king's chariot span.)
2. R 13-15. That only version I encompasses

both the mention and depiction of the scouts is
due mainly to the arrangement of the full north
wall scene with these individuals about to scurry
7. R 22. What interested Gardiner in this older
away for help. But the L, variant (on the east wing
erased. This legend never unfolded at Luxor (L,)

or at Abu Simbel; and at the Ramesseum there
of the north face of the pylon) omits them for lack
epigraph was an individual Nht-'lmn, who actually
speaks.42 Evidence for Abydos being dubious, this
caption is present only at R2 and it was later
of space, The upper left portion of the scene
was not enough space for it to be included among
contains a register of soldiers moving right, pre

ceded by the figure of the vizier facing left and
then caption R 12 between them. There are stand
ard bearers, foot soldiers and one chariot. For all
these scenes.
the activities the entire depiction is rather small.
3. R 16. This caption merely gives the name

of the king; it is present in the two Ramesseum
versions, as well as Abu Simbel, but not at Luxor
Did the composer of this battle scene intend to

commemorate the bravery of a non-royal Egyp
tian? Or instead, was Nht-'lmn one of those fright
ened soldiers who was rallied by the heroic

Ramesses? It is unlikely that this humble soldier
performed a role similar to the impressive Mehy
during Seti's campaigning.43 I suspect that this
caption was intended to glorify the Pharaoh. It was
unimportant notation.
good though expendable propaganda. The reasons

for the erasure remain unclear. However, the call
4. R 17-19. Here, the two Ramesseum versions
"Come to me" which is partially preserved in the

text echoes Ramesses appealing to Amun-Re. In
(L!). The arrangement of L, again precluded this
agree in R 19, as might be expected, and distin

guish themselves from the one extant Luxor ren
dition (L,: R 17) and Abu Simbel (R 18). Luxor

contains a shortened rhetorical text referring to the
king in his chariot, whereas I, being less over
fact, the traces that can be read immediately there
after quote Ramesses (... .kwi).

R2 as a rule labels the fallen Hittites and their
allies by name and title far more often than the
other versions (see below). Perhaps we can infer
have served their purpose. There was no ulterior
the same practice here, namely, a desire to be as

specific as possible as to the participants in the
battle. I would also maintain that the people ere
motive for the later erasure.
ating these reliefs had in their hands a list of such
8. R 23-40. R, is the most fastidious in writing
particulars: names, titles, singularity of event, and
down the names and the titles of the defeated
the like. Whether or not they chose to include all
factors, among which the propaganda aspect fig

ured the highest, but which was impacted by the
artistic layout. Nonetheless, the absence of R 22
in the second variant at the Ramesseum (R,) may
imply that at a time subsequent to the completion
of R2 (and after recarving the original layout),
work on R, was still being executed. Hence, cap
tion R 22 was never included in that episode. This,
Hittites. For R 23, see Fig. 1. "Overkill" was how

Kitchen assessed the thrice-repeated epigraph and
carving of the Hittite king's charioteer in R 24.45
On some occasions R, dovetails with R2 but this
is not a rule by any means. Multiple battlefield
vignettes were added not merely because there
happened to be empty spaces.46 The other extant
temple series could easily have included them if
it had been desired. Likewise, the fragmentary
Abydos depiction preserves R 23 and R 24; how
however, is speculative. At any rate, I see the same
many others it included must unfortunately remain
such components depended upon a number of
original design employed for both Ramesseum
unknown. Abu Simbel, as well, contains R 23, 25
variants, and then the alteration on both being

accomplished under the same direction.
It is evident that R2 was redrawn considerably,
as Wreszinski demonstrated.44 During the recarv
and 33.
ing, earlier captions such as this one may no longer
The Hittite foes were identified by rank or

position and their names were rendered into Egyp
tian by army scribes with ad hoc accuracy.47 The
roll case of so many important men, among them
Fig. 1. A common caption in the Battle of Kadesh scenes (Ramesseum)
the king's brother, symbolized the debacle they
scenes do not. In this case R 42 (R,, R2 and I)
suffered at the Orontes. Citing the names and titles
of the defeated served to magnify the victory of
complements the brief notation at Luxor. The

Ramesseum variants not only coincide, but they
Ramesses. For this reason the same personages
are more fulsome than the rendition at Luxor
reappear more or less consistently throughout the
(R 41). Abu Simbel goes along with the two
monumental editions. The humorous drama of the
Ramesseum texts (but is shorter), thereby comple
king of Aleppo, for example, is present as R 40
menting the account of R 18 with respect to R 19.
in both versions of the Ramesseum.48
However, at Luxor (L,), although some Hittites

are shown being rescued from the Orontes, the
prince is absent. Instead, the artistic arrangement
10. R 43. The thr warriors of King Muwatallis

are introduced. Only R2, as might be expected, and
was constructed to emphasize the headlong plunge
I present this caption. Both versions count 18,000

men in the cramped epigraph; I is more detailed.
into the river. While the full setup of battle is well
Gardiner claims that the legend only occurs at Abu
drawn, the carnage and destruction are not vivid.
Simbel, but this is incorrect; we do not know
Individual drama is not the subject of this com

position, and the prince of Aleppo disappears. The
lost parallel of L3 probably would have been the
whether Abydos presented this section because the
scene is now too fragmentary.51 There can be no

reason for the absence of this notation at L, except
same.
the lack of enough space in front of the first group
Version I at Abu Simbel is a more complex and

pictorially detailed account of the battle, but it is
considerably more compressed than either of the
Ramesseum reliefs. In R 33, for example, I merely
soldiers.52 R, does not include these words, but

there is a colonnade interrupting the scene at the
right, leaving room for only the rows of soldiers.
In fact, this portion of the depiction is considera
indicates the name whereas R2 adds his title, the

"chief bowman." The absence of specific enemies
bly reduced in size in comparison to R2.

Of equal if not greater historical value is the
such as the luckless prince of Aleppo is under
following epigraph.
standable. Again, the artistic priority abridged the
11. R 44. The additional 19,000 thr are now
texts.
The reliefs at Abydos are in fragmentary con

dition. The brother and charioteer of the Hittite
king show up in the wall scenes of R 23-24. There

is no evidence that the other individuals so well
listed. A, fortunately, is still partly extant and K2
provides further information; L,, R, and I comple

ment them. Again, the first Ramesseum version
recorded in R2 were not also included in the
omits the caption, probably once more due to the

architectural interruption of the colonnade. Only
depiction of the battle. They belong here if any

where because Abydos was the first temple to be
warriors," thereby indicating that caption R 43 is
carved with the Kadesh account and, moreover,
related to this one.
there was more than enough space for these cap
Abu Simbel identifies these men as "other thr
Both R 43 and 44 provide striking information
tions.49 Abydos also contains the only Kadesh
about the number and disposition of the additional
reference to the word tprt, Babylonian "Lastkarre,"
enemy troops who remained on the east side of
"transport wagon" in R 47 with singular represen

tation of four heavily-laden carts all containing
food.50 It is not presumptuous to expect that Aby
dos laid out the full Kadesh battle, embellished
the Orontes. They are separate from the troops in
with events and actions not included in the stand
ard reliefs, and at least as many epigraphs as fill
riors. On the first day of fighting Muwatallis had

sent his massive chariot divisions across the ford
the Ramesseum.
to attack the Egyptians; that portion of the battle
9. R 41-42. Version L,, perhaps surprisingly,
was mainly equestrian. Perhaps the thr became

involved on the second day, when the Egyptians
refers to the Hittite king in R 41; the other extant
could have crossed the ford to the east and en
R 43 "in front of' the king; those in R 44 are

"behind him." They were guarding the Hittite
ruler, and they apparently were not chariot war
gaged in hand-to-hand combat with their oppo

nents (or vice versa). This, however, is specula
15. R 48. Additional Hittite personnel are only

at Abydos.
tive.
But the numbers of these thr remain suspect.
18,000 and 19,000, as integers, sound large, es

pecially when the Poem refers to 2,500 chariots
(P 84 and 132 with R 19): that hemmed in
16. R 49. The city of Kadesh is labeled, but

only I, L, and R, contain it. There are three
possible explanations as to why R, omits the name.
There is less space there than in R2. The scene
Ramesses at his camp.53 That account also speci

fies an additional 1,000 chariots sent as reinforce
itself is a palimpsest, and perhaps with the artistic
ments, which the Egyptians counter-attacked (P
there is a small portion missing on the top of the
153).54
depiction of the city, and it is possible that the

name of Kadesh was originally carved there.
If we add those two figures together and mul
alteration the city's name was ignored. Finally,
tiply by three occupants, then the total number of
Hittites on chariots comes to 10,500, a not unrea
For the artists and designers of the reliefs, the first
sonable tally. But combined with 37,000 foot
day's fighting was literally a field day. When
soldiers, the total of 47,500 foes is remarkable and
disaster seemed inevitable, Ramesses' struggle to

victory was high drama for the artist ... and for
the writer. Captions doubled the propagandistic
arguably false.55 The written allegation of these

numbers was intended to convey the impression
of the awesome size of the host.
value of the visual record created for the monu

ments.
12. R 45. Abydos and L, join at this point in

mentioning additional Hittite troops: the thr shield
bearers.56 Presumably many of these epigraphs
would be in A, if it were fully preserved. L,

includes R 45 (plus depiction) as the area is not
affected by any space limitations. The two

Ramesseum versions do not, but the reasons are
plain. R,, as we have seen, is compressed by the

colonnade, and R2 is missing certain portions to
the right.
13. R 46. This is a mere label over one Hittite
soldier. It is included in I (with the depiction).
From the inception, Episode II demanded

graphic elucidation because the scenes being pre
sented were not the stereotypical ones. While the
enemy citadel is rather generic in appearance, the
topography surrounding it is full of local color.
The cowardly Hittite king, drawn to appear as
static as his description in 65-66 in the Poem,
is a stick figure; but Ramesses smashing the char
iots of his foe is a heroic individual. The theme
of this episode is contrast, and it is dramatized in

the details. The master arrangement included as
many specific components as imaginable.
Episode III: Captives and Spoils

At this section the Ramesseum ceases to be a
14. R 47. This scene and caption, found no
source, for only the first two episodes were carved.
where else but at Abydos, is remarkable because

of the wagons (8).57 The relief text refers to a
With respect to R, this occurred because the ex
separate group of thr soldiers. Here is another case

where further information has been disclosed in a
relief without textual corroboration. One has the
recurring suspicion that the Abydos account is

independent from the others. Granted that these
pictorial details are minor here the facts refer
simply to the camp of the Hittite king and not to
the battle nevertheless, the split of I from the

other versions is distinct. Verisimilitude is, how
ever, heightened.
terior north and south wings performed their role
as complementary scenes. In like manner, the

depictions in the second court (R2) were set up to
encompass only the first two episodes. After all,
these were the most valuable, historically and

dramatically.
Similarly, the northern wall at Abu Simbel was
dressed to accommodate these two segments. A

few additional notations (R 50-52) and standard
scenes can be found: the king inspecting booty
and two brief notations. The grotto temple of Abu

Simbel did not have room for more on the north
wall, and it would have been too costly and time
consuming to construct extra space. Note that

Episode IV is even further curtailed: only R 98
100 can be linked with this final portion of the
that cannot be answered. One thing is relatively

sure: the Poem should have followed Episode III
and the Bulletin would have been directly con

nected to Episode I: see I (with only the Bulletin);
Kadesh account which is to be found on the west
A; both exemplars of the Ramesseum (with only

the Bulletin); and K2 (although here the presence
wall.
of the Bulletin is not assured).60 K, is an exception
Abydos had space for Episode III and the Poem,

after the interruption of a doorway; but only the
lowermost sections remain. Therefore, at this
in that the Poem is written under Episode IV.
point we rely heavily upon K, although about fifty
In L2 the Poem (written from the eastern door

way southwards around the corner) and the Bui
letin (carved on the south wall after the Poem)
percent of the scene is lost, as well as I and version
usually connected to and following Episode III
L3; the last is poor. Lp insofar as it is located on
can be considered to be related to the pylon
the exterior northern face of the temple's pylons,
scenes. Therefore, the best place where the (pre

sumed) missing Kadesh episodes could have been
carved (but was not) would have been to the south
parallels the arrangement of R,. K, appears to have
eliminated the third episode. L2 contains only the

Poem and Bulletin, but the expected accompany
ing reliefs were never carved. One moves from
the southern wall of the great hypostyle court past
the northern portion of the transverse wall (south
ern approach) leading to pylons VII-IX-X. On the

inside west side of that wall will be found traces
of the first episode but nothing of the third. Be

yond that wall and east of it there is Episode IV
(top) and the Poem (bottom).
The Poem thus appears with illustrations at L3
and without them at L2. The second version con
tains both the Poem and the Bulletin on the outside
of the Poem and Bulletin, in an area immediately

flanking the east wing of the 18th-Dynasty colon
nade.
In L3 the Poem is similarly located on the

exterior walls, but this time covering the west
faces and occupying the space at the colonnades
of Amunhotpe III. The Bulletin, interestingly

enough, may or may not have been carved to the
north.61
At Abu Simbel the upper register right side of

the northern wall presents the necessary scene
king in chariot and captives with some epigraphs
of the east and south-east walls of the court of
(R 50-52). The depiction is compressed and the
Ramesses II. Nevertheless, those two texts are not
Poem has been omitted.
simple complements of the fagade reliefs of Epi

sodes I and II. There was originally enough room
to include some reliefs, and Kitchen observes that
the fragmentary representations of I, A, K2 and L3.
these were to be expected but never carved.58

Insofar as the Poem is usually placed next to
(and following) Episode III (see L3, K2 and A),
Thus, with Episode III we are dependent upon
1. R 50-52. The presentation of the Hittites is

accompanied at Abu Simbel by three captions that
only occur here. The texts, however, are simple
can we therefore assume that Episode III in L2 was
and standard: king's cartouches; a rhetorical
to be positioned after the Poem? Or, as L2 com

plements the depictions on the pylon (L,: Episodes
phrase relating the inspection of the war booty;
I and II), can we presume that both belong to
As the absence of these epigraphs on any of the
gether? The first possibility is likely if only be
other temple walls may be due to their fragmentary
cause there was so much room left at Luxor for
and the name of the royal chariot span once more.
carving more of the Kadesh campaign. Indeed, to
nature, it would be hazardous to speculate that

only I contained these three notations. Most cer
the south of the Poem will be found another blank
tainly the other depictions show the captives, king
section of the exterior wall surrounding the
and royal chariot.
18th-Dynasty colonnade.59 It is contiguous to the

Bulletin, but whether or not the designers intended
2. R 53-55. L3 presents the figures and names
this area to include Kadesh material is a question
of three of the king's sons: Hr-hr-wnm.f (twelfth);
Mry-Rc[l] (eleventh); and Sthy (ninth).62 As befits
their youth, there are no military ranks or titles

next to their names, unlike that of the third son
onomastic details are always less significant for a

victory celebration than for the campaign which
produced the loot. Episode III contains stock
Pr'-hr-wnm.f (royal fan bearer, royal scribe, gen
scenes from the canon of Egyptian military depic
eralissimo, first charioteer of his majesty) in R 10.
tions.67 The artists deliberately relegated this chap
Abu Simbel does not portray these men in the

upper right of the scene, whereas K, contains a
different series of epigraphs. Nevertheless, it
ter to a secondary position. Albeit not completely

static in outlook, Episode III receives less empha
might be the case that all of these sons were
leaves it out, but adds Episode IV in its place; I

has a small depiction; in K2 it is less extensive
than the preceding episodes; A likewise presents
a reduced scene; the Ramesseum omits it, as does
honored at Abu Simbel despite the absence of any

name or title.63 They were probably documented
in K-, although the loss of the middle of the scene
yields uncertainty.64
Luxor offers the most specific rendition of this
episode, which was compressed in I and K2.
sis because it offers minimal dramatic interest. K,
L,. Only in L3 does Episode III take up as much

space as Episode I, considerably larger in size than
Episode II in comparison. This may have been due
to the need to carve around the colonnades of
3. R 56-58. Here K2 is the only source, al
Amunhotpe III, which turn outward to the west,
though the captions are mere paeans to the king
and around the end of the Tutankhamun colonnade
and thus lacking the specificity that R 53-55
in the south. The uncarved portion of the eastern
indicates.65 Except for version I, which merely

consists of R 50-52, the other wall scenes which
insoluble problem although the designers had in
wall of L2 (18th-Dynasty colonnade) poses an
probably had this episode are partly lost. There

fore, no conclusion can be reached concerning the
eluded the Poem.
absence of these captions. A, of course, is virtually
useless owing to the extreme deterioration of the
Episode IV: Presentation of Spoils to the Gods

At Luxor we do not find this scene, although it
wall.
must be borne in mind that we do not know what
4. R 59-62. These epigraphs state the sober
was originally planned for version L2. L3 appears

to have had one additional scene (now lost) to the
facts of victory: living captives and the hands of
south of the Poem; a row of chariot warriors is all
the slain Hittites. Three temples present these texts
that remains and no captions are present.68
(R 59: A and K2; R 60: L3; R 61: A; R 62: A and
At Abu Simbel a brief and independent presen

tation scene on part of the north side of the west
wall is sui generis.
K2) and it seems likely that the lost portions of L,

did the same. The more constricted nature of
version I eliminated these captions. Excluding

Abu Simbel, since all the other three extant scenes
are fragmented, it is reasonable to conclude that

they dovetailed at this point.
Whether or not Episode IV was to have been

contained in K2 is another one of these unanswer
able questions.69 As a result, the scholar is forced
to rely upon version K,,70 in which the fourth
episode is placed above the Poem to the south of
Episode III, though incompletely preserved, none
the transverse wall that covered Episode I. Then
theless reveals a degree of specificity concerning
one turns to the rear of the hypostyle court for
the three royal sons. Otherwise, this section is by

nature not historically informative. Most details
another scene of the king offering spoils to the

gods; there are no epigraphs. In essence, we run
are useful for a viewer to read, but they do not

convey the singularity of the event. By this time
booty displays were a regular feature of Egyptian
monumental reliefs, and they were considerably
less dynamic than the scenes which enacted the
battlefield charge of the king.66 Topographical and
from Episode II directly to IV, quite possibly

because space had been reserved for the details in
R 64ff. (Note that the carved inner west side of
the transverse wall is located to the right [east]

and between Episodes I and IV.)
After the Poem in K2 a large section of the south
EPIGRAPHS IN THE BATTLE OF KADESH RELIEFS 233H
approachway beyond Pylon IX but before X was

left uncarved. It might have been intended for
Episode IV. It looks as if we have the same
the other examples in the Kadesh reliefs. There is

no doubt that at least by title, Merenptah was
inducted into the famous Battle of Kadesh at
situation in K2 and L2.
Karnak, after he had been the designated heir,

probably during the sixth decade of his father's
1. R 63-66. This first series of captions in K,
life.77
describes the king leading prisoners to the Theban
triad. It parallels the brief depictions at Abu

Simbel (R 92-95). R 64-66 name kinglets who
The status of the prisoners corresponds to that

of the sons. By the time Sthy, the tenth in order,
graphs is in a grid pattern.71 The royal sons are
comes forward he brings lowly foot soldiers of

Carchemish (R 86), not living maryannus as, for
example, the second, third, fifth and seventh
princes do. (The fourth son, Hc-m-wSst, brings
"children of the princes of the land of Hatti.") If
the older brothers were not deployed against the
more prestigious enemies, and if these veterans
were brought back to Egypt by Ramesses (unless
this depiction is viewed as a pious fraud, of

course).
2. R 67-90. The arrangement of these epi
shown presenting captives to their father
were not more effective on the battlefield, then at
Ramesses II. Read from the bottom to the top in

order to arrive at the correct chronological order
least they had the privilege of selecting the most

impressive foes for presentation to Ramesses.
of birth, they are:
The king could propagandize his own success

by touting the achievements of his family, collec
tively and individually.78 Marcus Midler, in his
detailed study of Egyptian battle reliefs, consid
a. 'Imn-hr-hps.ffirst; g. Mry-'Imn seventh;
b. R'-ms-ss second; h. ['Imn-m-wiS] eighth;

c. <Pr'-hr-wnm.f>third;72 i. [Stp-n-R1 tenth;73
d. H'-m-wist fourth; j. Sthy ninth;74

e. [Mntw-hr-hps.fl fifth; k. Mry-R'l eleventh;
f. [Nb-n-HSrw] sixth; 1. Mr-n-Pth thirteenth.75
Only the first two sons were called generalissimo
ered the recognition of the sons to be a component
of the presentation sequence, but also an expan
sion upon the standard repertoire.79 Kitchen

stressed that there were two events in Episode IV,
of which the activity of the princes was the first.80
(1imy-rS msc wr); but the third, as R 10 indicates,
also held this rank at Kadesh. Here, his name was
2. R 91. This statement concludes the fourth
left out owing to space limitations and only the
episode, as the gods Amun, Mut and Khnosu
terms "first charioteer, king's scribe, overseers of
receive the prisoners from the king at Karnak. The
horses" were recorded (restored but certain). The
representation is probably not mere fiction.
remaining traces of inscriptions indicate that the

younger sons were identified merely by the ex
pected term "king's son," s3 nswt. This coincides
At Karnak the second half of Episode IV continues
with the data from R 53-55.
The absence of the twelfth son, Hr-hr-wnm.f, is
as surprising as the presence of the famous
southward around the corner, midway along the

east face of the adjunct wall (south end), close to
Pylon III. The scene is stereotypical. We now must
Merenptah bringing up the rear in R 89, where we
rely solely upon K,. An almost identical depiction

at Abu Simbel is preserved with the local triad
should have found his next older brother. Actu
instead of the Theban gods receiving the booty.
ally, Hr-hr-wnm.f does appear, but only earlier in
the caption R 53 at L3. Why not here in the K,

version? Did ambitious prince Merenptah erase
the name of his predecessor and substitute his
own, grandiloquently adding the title "hereditary
prince" and s3ty GbVk The spelling of "king's
3. R 92-97. The texts are commonplace.

4. R 98-100. Abu Simbel is virtually the same
as K,.
son" gives it away: for the word s3, "son," the egg
instead of the goose was employed, unlike all of
There is no reason to take a skeptical viewpoint
contain topographical details and specific par
consequential to the king's political strategy by

gathering parallels from among all of the depic
ticipants is too precise to be untrue. In Episodes
tions.
I and II especially, the Battle of Kadesh is treated

as a unique event. Just as the scenes are relatively
forced to leave the field and come to terms with
with regard to the epigraphs. The information they
The second day's events, when Ramesses was
accurate, so are the captions. Both belong to
the Hittites, were definitely to be avoided. The
gether, of course, and the propagandistic effect is
Poem eschews incisive as well as detailed cover
overwhelming. But despite the overt slant, there

was an attempt to define the individual compo
age of the stalemate. There are no commemorative
nents of the conflict. The Kadesh reliefs, after all,
events. A monument is not a suitable venue for a
are not mere stereotypical representations of forts,
denouement.
citadels, king in chariot, and the like. In fact, only
reliefs on the temple walls recounting these
Undoubtedly, participant recollection also in
the fourth episode dissolves into a standard pres
fluenced the design of the reliefs. Were the direct
entation to the gods, although in its first half K,
quotes of R 9 and 22 part of an oral tradition that
shows that the designers were experimenting with
someone preserved? These are strikingly different
an extraordinary image, if not ideology, by includ
from the stock rhetorical epigraphs such as R 19,

which is unmistakably literary in style. Input for
the finished designs was accepted from a variety
ing the group of twelve princes.

All armies count their own dead and those of
their enemy, but the artist-scribes81 of Ramesses
accumulated a greater quantity and variety of
of knowledgeable sources.
Memory fades. Without the captions, the reliefs
information than had even been deemed valuable
would have lost some of their essence and their
before, and they developed a new and sophisti
allure. Because of the epigraphs the monuments

saved the history that the army scribes had re
corded with such diligence and propagandized it
for public consumption, until from the scribal
tradition and the popular imagination together
cated method for doing their work. Crucial to an

understanding of the epigraphs is the implicit
means of their circulation within Egypt. Tracing
back from the idiosyncracies of the multiple ver

sions to what they increasingly have in common,
there emerged in hieratic and on papyrus a literary
we infer that the designers of the reliefs must have
subgenre of its own.
consulted a template that contained not only a

formal pattern for the first three basic episodes,
but even the captions themselves. A precedent
how much this was due to the specific artistic
Not every caption was necessary, it appears. But

rendition has been demonstrated in this discus
exists in the literary Vorlage. The epigraphs would
sion. Then too, we must remember that some of
have been written down separately in hieratic

on papyrus but instructions would have been
given beside the pictures as to where the text was
these reliefs were later redrawn before the entire
relief was completed. Therefore, from time to time
to be incorporated into the ultimate representation.
reasons that have nothing to do with the original
Thus the carving process would have followed a

compendium of drawings, notes and directions,
covering where something was to be set, whether
or not there would be a caption accompanying it,
and whether and what part of it was essential.
So it was not for lack of data that monumental
reliefs might go unannotated. Just as some scenes
could be omitted, it was always understood that

not every caption was necessary. Propaganda (the
sons of Ramesses in Episode IV), site constraints
(Abu Simbel) and redesign (Luxor) all influenced
the choices. We can determine what was most
a text remark could have been omitted and for
size or shape of the wall. What was important we

can gather from the parallels among all the depic
tions. King, chariot span, Hittite, and the like. But
even here the apparent lack of the name of the

city Kadesh itself in R, is striking, although per
haps due to redrawing. At Abu Simbel the setup

is far more rigid and organized, so that the depic
tion of king on chariot plus troops and captive foe
has shrunk to some degree in comparison to the

other depictions. One can also note the artistic
detail of the chariots forming an effective hori
zontal band separating Episode I on the bottom
from Episode II above. In contrast to chariots, K2
(and possibly L3, but the scene is lost) partly
selves would have had to be placed. How the latter

were first incorporated into the picture is a key
utilizes the river itself as a means of demarcation,
matter. I suspect that such texts were written down
or, to be more precise, as a middle element. This
in hieratic separately, but notations would have

had to be made where they could be carved into
aspect is shown even more starkly at Abydos.

However, K2 separates Episode II from Episode I
by means of a doorway. A moves to a separate
wall, as does R2.
In the Poem the events of the second day are
the final drawing. Owing to this I believe that the
entire operation of carving had to be based upon

a complex of notes, drawings, annotations and
directions all covering where something was
not covered with any historical details. The reliefs
to be set, whether there was to be a caption
entirely omit this later action and it is not hard to
determine the reasons. At that subsequent time
accompanying it, what and whether all of those

words were essential or not. In other words, I
Ramesses was forced to come to terms with his
suspect that the omission of some of the epigraphs
Hittite enemy and leave the field. Such a failure
was mainly due to local peculiarities such as size

and location of the walls. After all, not every
pictorial detail occurs on all of the variants; local
choice must have come into play at some point
and the designers probably felt that some of the
captions were not necessary. But this presupposi
tion moves us far too deeply into the area of
individual psychology and speculation.
could not be carved (nor expressed in sober facts)

on the temple walls. Instead, the almost miracu
lous counter-attack of the Pharaoh and resultant
success hogs the stage.

Our general conclusions must not end with what
has been omitted from the conflict itself. Crucial
to any understanding of these epigraphs is their

availability within Egypt. The designers of these
temple walls had to depend upon some type of
template already prepared for them and from
The scintillating work by Susanna Heinz, Die
which they could effect a degree of change, albeit
Feldzugdarstellungen des Neuen Reiches, Vienna,
not too great. Behind all of these depictions,
2001, appeared after work on the present article

was completed. I have referred to it above, but
only in brief. A detailed review is to appear in
therefore, was a ready-at-hand outline upon which
not only were the basic three episodes set up in a

formal pattern, but in which the captions them
J AOS.
NOTES
This statement does not hold true for Neo-Assyrian palace
I would not deny that the purpose of the Bulletin was to
reliefs. See, in particular, J.E. Reade's studies in JNES 35
accompany the scene where Ramesses II receives the
(1976), pp. 95-104; BaM 10 (1979), pp. 52-110; 11

(1980), pp. 71-74, 75-87. Also see I.J. Winter, "The
unwelcome news that the Hittite army is at Kadesh and not
far off to the north. On the other hand, its length as well
Program of the Throneroom of Assurnasirpal II," in P.
as its language and grammar imply that it was composed
Harper and H. Pittman (eds.), Essays on Near Eastern Art
by a literary artist.
and Archaeology in Honor of Charles Kyrle Wilkinson,
According to A. Loprieno, it was because the Poem was
New York, 1983, pp. 15-32; and P. Gerardi, in JCS 40
written on papyrus that it was intertextually more powerful
(1988), pp. 1-35. Additional studies could be mentioned,
than the Bulletin; "Defining Egyptian Literature," in A.
but Gerardi's study encompasses them all.
Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and
See, conveniently, K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions,
Forms, Leiden, 1996, p. 52. This matter is discussed in
Oxford, 1975 (henceforth; KRT), I 8.8.
detail in my forthcoming work, The Transformation of an
KRIII 174.9/10-175.11/12; and K. Sethe, "MiBverstandene
Ancient Egyptian Narrative: P. Saltier III and the Battle
Inschriften," Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache 44 (1907),
of Kadesh, Wiesbaden, 2002.
pp. 36-39.
A. Gardiner, The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II,
Die Thematik der Schlactenreliefs, Tubingen, 1995. Chap
Oxford, 1960, 3.
ter 5 covers the various "Bildtypen" available to the artists.
I can now refer to the useful Magisterarbeit of M. Midler,
See recently the detailed study of S. Heinz, Feldzug

darstellungen des Neuen Reiches. Eine Bildanalyse, Vi
F.J. Yurco, "Merenptah's Canaanite Campaign," Journal

of the American Research Center in Egypt 23 (1986), pp.
enna, 2001.
189-215, and p. 205 for Khaemwaset. I follow the
The following discussion appears in Chapter XI ("Military
convincing position of Yurco, and not that of D.B. Redford,
Compositions as Literature") of Spalinger (above, n. 5).
"The Ashkelon Relief at Karnak and the Israel Stela," IEJ
For the Tale of the Two Brothers, see E. Blumenthal,
36 (1986), pp. 188-200. See now the summary of I. Singer,
Zeitschriftfur agyptische Sprache 99 (1972), pp. 1-17; and
"Egyptians, Canaanites, and Philistines," in I. Finkelstein
J. Assman. Zeitschrift fiir agyptische Sprache 104 (1977),
and N. Na'aman (eds.), From Nomadism and Monarchy,
pp. 1-25; as well as W. Helck's useful article on the

Doomed Prince, "Die Erzahlung vom Verwunschenen
Jerusalem, 1994, pp. 286-289. Most recently, Kitchen has
Prinzen," in J. Osing and G. Dreyer (eds.), Form undMass,
Ramesside Inscriptions. Translated and Annotated. Notes
Beitrdge zur Literatur, Sprache und Kunst des alten

Agypten: Festschrift fiir Gerhard Fecht zum 65.
Geburtstag am 6. Februar 1987, Wiesbaden, 1987, pp.
with his judicious analysis.
devoted some pages to this important group of scenes in
and Comments II, Oxford, 1999, pp. 72-78, and I concur
14 These are covered in Chapter XI of Spalinger (above, n.

5).
218-225.
Astarte and the Sea (A. Gardiner, "The Astarte Papyrus,"
15 P. Louvre 3136 (not in Deveria; no known provenance).
in Studies Presented to F. LI. Griffith, London, 1932, pp.
For Apophis and Seqenenre, see, most recently, H.
74-85) is not concerned with royal figures or private
Goedicke, The Quarrel of Apophis and Sequenenre, San
individuals and thus is non-historical. More recently, see

Redford's analysis of the text, "The Sea and the Goddess,"
in S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies Presented to Miriam
Antonio, 1986.
16 D.B. Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day

Books, Mississauga, 1986. pp. 259-275.
Lichtheim II, Jerusalem, 1990, pp. 824-835, and that of
17 The last narrative account was compressed to the point of
W. Helck, "Zur Herkunft des sog. 'Astarte Papyrus,"' in
telescoping contemporary records (e.g., those at Medinet
M. Gorg (ed.), Fontes atque Pontes: eine Festgabe fiir
Habu) that were written on papyrus. This is a time-honored
Hellmut Brunner, Wiesbaden, 1983, pp. 215-223. See now
technique for dealing dramatically with historical events.
P. Collombert and L. Coulon, "Les dieux contre la mer. Le
18 At this location the Poem is missing. See Gardiner (above,
debut du 'Papyrus d'Astarte' (pBN 202)," Bulletin de
n. 4, Kadesh Inscriptions), p. 3 and n. 2, who adds that
I'lnstitut Frangais d'Archeologie Orientale 100 (2000), pp.
the Report "is not found at Karnak, no longer at least."
193-242.
However, this has now been disproved by Prof. Murnane,
G. Posener, "La mesaventure d'un Syrien et le nom
who identified a separate version with he labels Kp. That
egyptien de ours," Orientalia 13 (1944), pp. 193-204.
account differs to some degree from the others.
See K.A. Kitchen, "Interrelations of Egypt and Syria." in
19 Very useful diagrams of these scenes are to be found in
M. Liverani (ed.). La Syria nel Tardo Bronzo, Rome, 1969,
KRIII 125-128. In his Die Thematik der Schlachtenreliefs
pp. 87-88, for Syria as a "romantic" setting for many Late
(above, n. 6), Miiller has copied them with accompanying
Egyptian stories.
photographs as Abb. 29 (Abydos), 33 (Luxor), 45 (Rame
Perhaps the military scenes of the 19th-20th Dynasties
sseum), 51 (Abu Simbel) and 63 (Karnak). Note that one
which contain an important Canaanite ritual have at their
Luxor version (L2) contains only the Poem and Bulletin,
genesis a religious narrative; see A. Spalinger, "A Canaan
ite Ritual Found in Egyptian Reliefs," Journal of the

Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 8 (1978), pp.
but not scenes.
20 Chronologically, the temple of Abydos was the first in the
series. See A.J. Spalinger, "Historical Observations on the
47-60.
Military Reliefs of Abu Simbel and Other Ramesside
KRI II 136.12-15; cf. Gardiner (above, n. 4, Kadesh
Temples in Nubia," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 66
Inscriptions), p. 39.
(1980), pp. 83-99; and I. Hein, Die Ramessidische
W.J. Murnane, The Road to Kadesh: A Historical Inter
Bautdtigkeit in Nubien, Wiesbaden, 1991, pp. 107-112 (for
pretation of the Battle Reliefs of King Sety I at Kamak,
Nubia, of course).
Chicago, 1985, pp. 163-175; W. Helck, "Der
21 KRI II 125. In general, see G.A. Gaballa, Narrative in
'geheimnisvolle Mehy," Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur
Egyptian Art, Mainz am Rhein, 1976. I follow Kitchen's
15 (1988), pp. 143-148; and A.M. Gnirs, Militar und

Gesellschaft, Heidelberg, 1996, p. 123. Murnane has
Council of War (the arrival of the Na'arn is part of this
re-examined the significance of Mehy in "The Kingship of
scene); Episode II = The Battle; Episode III = Presentation
basic arrangement of scenes: Episode I = The Camp and
the Nineteenth Dynasty: A Study in the Resilience of an
of Captives and Spoils to the King; and Episode IV =
Institution," in D. O'Connor and D.P. Silverman (eds.),
Presentation of Spoils to the Gods.
Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Leiden, 1995. pp. 206-207.

Helck (above, n. 12), p. 147. For Merenptah's reliefs, see
In his volume Die Thematik der Schlachtenreliefs

(above, n. 6), Midler posits five separate scenes, not all of

which had to be depicted: 1) Erschlagen der Feinde (not
34 Gardiner (above, . 4, Kadesh Inscriptions), 36. See, in
important and could be excluded); 2) Der Beginn der

Kampfhandlungen; 3) Der Konig beim Angriff; 4) Das
35 See above, n. 29.
Ergebnis der Kampfhandlungen; and 5) Der Konig
36 The battle scenes were strategically located in public areas
prasentiert die Beute. In essence, however, his arrangement
particular, KRI II 131-132.
and were inherently propagandistic on behalf of the king,
dovetails with Kitchen's in that (1) is not essential.
the monarchy, the state and the gods. To date, no
Although by no means unimportant, it is not integral to the
Egyptologist has made a sociological study of what these
Battle of Kadesh. Note that (1) occurs only at Abu Simbel
monuments represented to the public, beyond the ubiqu
(Miiller, p. 96), where the grotto wall is a single mural and
itous concepts of triumph of Ma'at and the defeat of Chaos.
the Poem does not fit.
We lack background about the guides who were there on
See, in particular, C. Kuentz, La bataille de Qadech, Cairo,
the site. How, when and why did they do their job? Were
1928-34, 101-108.
they paid professionals or were they on the temple staff?
Episode III begins on the west walls (west faces, southern
Did they merely explain the pictures or could they read the
portion) at the wall colonnade of Tutankhamun. Beyond
captions? With questions such as these, new information
this area it changes direction at the point where the
could yet be gleaned from a fresh analysis of the artistic
colonnades of Amunhotpe III begin. The abutment to the
evidence.
west may have forced the designers of the battle to alter
37 R 20 and 21 provide the captions. R 20 is present in Rp
their original plan. Even more problematic, there is a
but it is a palimpsest as it was included with a preliminary
doorway west of center on the exterior north wall of the
scene of the king. Likewise, R 2Ibis in R2 was later erased.
Amunhotpe III colonnade area. The Poem is placed just

where one turns south from this wall.
R 21 itself will be found in L,, R! and R2.

38 Yet see the telling detail of R 12: the division of Ptah is
The gods are ReHarachty, 'Iw.s-'i.s, and the defied king.
identified (restored, but certain): KRI II 133.5. As Gardiner
They are portrayed on the north side of the west wall in
(above, n. 4, Kadesh Inscriptions), 38, saw, the Bulletin
the great pillared hall. Hence, the scene (Kitchen's Episode
merely reads "the division of his majesty" (B 72). R 14
IV) is presented apart from the battle, which is located on
(Abu Simbel only) also notes the name of this section of
the north wall.
Ramesses' army.
See the diagram in KRIII 152, with II125. Over the Kadesh
39 Despite the schematic, laconic syntax, the presence of the
scene, a palimpsest, Yurco discovered part of Merenptah's
Non Initial Main Sentence is just one clue that what we
Asiatic war scenes. See n. 13 above; add Miiller (above, n.
have here is a narrative. The caption remains true to its
6, Die Thematik), 114-118, with Abb. 74.
purpose, however, as the key opening phrase indicates:
KRI II 126-128.
"The arising which his majesty did..." (pB V ir.n hm.fi.
For the lion, see Gardiner's brief yet important comments
40 Here, Episodes I and II of R, are located within the second
on R 2 and R 3 (above, n. 4, Kadesh Inscriptions), 35.
court (north and east walls, the former now virtually lost)
See W. Wreszinski, Atlas zur altagyptischen Kultur
and R, is to be found on the rear southern wing of the first
geschichte II, Leipzig, 1935, PI. 82 in particular.
pylon. It is reasonable to conclude that the carving pro
This is discussed in Spalinger (above, n. 5). For the
ceeded from rear to front, with the pylons the last to be
moment, however, see my "Remarks on the Kadesh
decorated. (Medinet Habu provides an excellent example
Inscriptions of Ramesses II. The 'Bulletin,'" in H. Goedicke
of such an architectural and artistic program.) In other
(ed.). Perspectives on the Battle of Kadesh, Baltimore,
words, the carving of R^ may have begun before that of
!985, pp. 43-75.

See above, n. 18. KRI II 125 (top third) provides the
was subsequently erased in the course of the decoration:
necessary reconstruction, with references as well.
see captions R 20 in R, and R 21 bis in R,. Owing to this,
Rj. Note, however, that both contained the same scene that
KRI II 130.11-12, with Gardiner (above, n. 4, Kadesh
I suspect that the carving of both Ramesseum versions
Inscriptions), 36. There is a problem with the reading of
overlapped in time.
Mwt ntrt (seen by Lepsius, the first two groups are now
I am not arguing that the "natural" progress of carving
lost). I doubt if [Nfri-iry-mry(t)]-n-Mwt, the great royal wife
was in a direction rear to front. Rather, the pylons tended
of Ramesses II, is to be read.
to be the last carved, owing to their vulnerable position at
KRI II 130.15 and K.A. Kitchen, Review of F. Gomaa,
the front of the temple, as well as their size, which would
Chaemwese, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 61 (1975),
p. 271.
T.C. Hartman, The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II. An
Analysis of the Verbal Patterns of a Ramesside Royal

Inscription (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University), Ann Arbor
MI, 1967.
take longer to complete decorating.

41 Kitchen has some crucial comments about Wreszinski's
line drawing in his Atlas (above, n. 28), PI. 101: KRI II

136, n. 6a. R2p is labeled R 2Ibis.
42 Gardiner (above, n. 4, The Kadesh Inscriptions), 39;

complete text now in KRI 11136.12-15. Wreszinski (above,

. 28, Atlas), PI. 101, called it a graffito. Some phrases
K.A. Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant. The Life and Times
that Gardiner did not translate can be read: "Come to
of Ramesses II, Warminster, 1982, p. 53, leaves open the
me!" (?); "Then his majesty caused"; "ignoring" (the enemy
question whether these numbers are exact or exaggerated.
I presume); and possibly "rowing" (a boat determinative
Indeed, how could this total have been known to the
may be present here), or "brook." The king also appears in
Egyptians?
the first person at the beginning of this caption: see the
See the previous note. At L!, this part of the scene is to

the left. Nonetheless, there remains the problem of the
suffix .kwi.
This text is written over the extreme left front leg of the
otherwise hidden horse of Ramesses.
43 See above, n. 12.
missing shields, a situation which troubled Gardiner.

See above, n. 50.
44 Wreszinski (above, n. 28, Atlas), PI. 101; see also R,.
L3: KRIII 126. L2: KRIII 126 and 179 for diagrams; see
Kuentz (above, n. 22, La bataille de Qadech), 69; and
45 KRIII 137, n. 5a (version R2).
Porter-Moss, Topographical Bibliography II2, Oxford,
46 See Wreszinski (above, n. 28, Atlas), Pis. 100, 101.
1972, 334-335 with Pis. XXX-XXXI (216-218). Scene
47 See E. Edel, "Hethitische Personennamen in hiero
215 was finally carved to depict the later Syrian (top
glyphischer Umschrift," in E. Neu and C. Riister (eds.),
register) and Moabite wars (bottom register) of Ramesses
Festschrift Heinrich Otten, Wiesbaden, 1973, pp. 59-70.
II (ca. year 11-20 of the Pharaoh); K.A. Kitchen, "Some
48 In this case, why did R,, for example, omit mention of the
New Light on the Asiatic Wars of Ramesses II," Journal
Hittite king's brother and charioteer (R 23-24)? Was this
of Egyptian Archaeology 50 (1964), pp. 47-62 and 63-69
in particular; add J.C. Darnell and R. Jasnow, "On the
due to lack of space?
49 See in particular KRI II 128, top, and the edition of E.

Naville, Details releves dans les ruines de quelques
Moabite Inscriptions of Ramesses II at Luxor Temple,"

JNES 52 (1993), pp. 263-274. For the texts and a
temples egyptiens, Paris, 1930, Pis. V-XXV. I am relying
convenient diagram, see KRI II 179-183. The writing of
upon my own photographs of the entire Kadesh war at
the king's prenomen as R'-ms-s(s), however, implies a date
Abydos taken in the winter of 1983.
50 E. Edel, "Kleinasiatische und Semitische Namen und
Worter aus den Texten der Qadesschlacht in
ca. years 11-18, more likely at the beginning of this

interval.
The third, if not the fourth, episode could have been
hieroglyphischer Umschrift," in M. Gorg (ed.), Fontes
made to fit to the south of the Poem (see PI. XXXI in
atque Pontes, Wiesbaden, 1983, pp. 99-105. The scene is
Porter-Moss), but whether this was the original plan must
represented in a line drawing by Naville (above, n. 49,

Details releves), PI. XVII.
originally been planned for the northern exterior side of the
51 Gardiner (above, n. 4, The Kadesh Inscriptions), 41.

52 See the useful line drawing in Wreszinski (above, n. 28,
Atlas), PI. 84. I am referring to the middle of the plate at
still remain unclear. Similarly, could Episodes I-II have

east wall ([215] in Porter-Moss; other texts and scenes now
occupy that space: KRI II 179-183.5)? As L2 now stands,

it complements the depictions on the pylon.
the point where the Orontes swings down to the right. There
See KRI II 179 for a diagram.
is not enough space for verbiage.
Kitchen queries this in KRI II 125.
The first two contingents of thr troops face right and the
Cf. KRI II 126.
third faces left. Ostensibly, the second and third groups are
See F. Gomaa, Chaemwese. Sohn Rameses' II, und
R 44 and 45 respectively; see below. However, the third
Hoherpriester von Memphis, Wiesbaden, 1973, 2-11. I
body of soldiers faces left and, if Gardiner is correct, then
disagree with the author's contention that these king's sons
R 45, which mentions shield bearers (The Kadesh Inscrip
did not participate in the Battle of Kadesh, although I am
tions, 42), is odd insofar as the thr "carry no shields, but
willing to concede that the younger ones probably avoided
in front of them, near the Hittite king's chariot, is a man
combat and were there for reasons of experience and
very conspicuously brandishing one." Is it therefore the
upbringing. Let us not forget caption R 9. Note Kitchen's
case that some captions, meant to belong to the military
important review of Gomaa (above, n. 32), pp. 270-272.

See Ch. Noblecourt el al., Centre de Documentation et
scenes, simply do not mesh completely owing to the artist's
or draughtsman's final product? That is to say, the
d'Etudes sur Tancienne Egypt, Grande Tempel d'Abou
idiosyncracies of those men would have altered the final
Simbel, La bataille de Qadech, Cairo, 1971, PI. IV with
product in some way sundering the link between image and
Pis. XXXIX-XXXIX bis. In this scene one can easily pick
word.
out the military supervisors of captive Hittites. They look
53 The Relief account specifies that the 2,500 chariots came

in four separate groups.
54 P. Sallier III mistakenly writes 2,500 chariots, probably due
just like the sons of Ramesses in L3 (R 53-55) although I

count four men. Gomaa (above, n. 62, Chaemwese), 5,
refers to the presence of the first three sons of Ramesses
to the copyist's memory of the previous number: KRI II
at Kadesh. In this case (L3) they are named and represented
51.16.
on the southern portion of the west wall of that temple

(colonnade of Tutankhamun) instead of at the north.
64 This is best seen in Wreszinski (above, n. 28, Atlas), Pis.

68-70.
Prince in pp. 335-351. The titles of Merenptah here are

clearly late ones.
77 In private correspondence. Prof. Kitchen indicates that
65 Ibid., PI. 63.
perhaps Hr-hr-wnm.f may have been dead before this scene
66 Miiller (above, n. 6, Die Thematik), with pp. 35-36 in

particular.
was executed ca. year 9 of Ramesses or somewhat later

and that his titles were modified much later. Unfortunately,
67 Ibid.
Kuentz mentions no alterations when he saw it, and Kitchen
68 See KRIII 126 with Kuentz (above, n. 22, La bataille de
himself could not locate the fragment when he was copying
Qadech), 69.
and collating this inscription.
69 KRI II 125: "IV lost?"
However, Kitchen assumes that this presentation scene
70 For additional blocks probably belonging to this episode,

see KRI II 927.12-13. They appear to be connected to the
had been executed late in the reign of Ramesses II (above,
n. 13, Ramesside Inscriptions, p. 605).

78 The king's sons are frequently encountered in Ramesside
prince list.
71 See Gomaa (above, n. 62, Chaemwese), 5-6.

72 There was not enough room to write his name: see KRI II
144, n. 10a.
military reliefs. They may be depicted or named or included
by both means.
79 Mtiller (above, n. 6, Die Thematik), 108: "Dies hat keine

Parallele."
73 KRI II 145, n. 7a.

74 The order of the ninth and tenth was often inverted: see
80 KRI II 125. The episode has two parts.
Gomaa's charts, which are located after p. 8 in his book.
81 The Egyptians had been acquainted with the city of Kadesh
75 The twelfth son, Hr-hr-wnm.f, is not present; see below.
since the mid-18th Dynasty. Nonetheless, the telling details
76 KRI II 145.14. L.-A. Christophe, "La carriere du prince
in Ramesses II's reliefs could not have been derived from
Merenptah et les trois regences ramessides," ASAE 51
previous general knowledge.
(1951). discusses the early career of Merenptah as Crown

Epigraphs in The Battle of Kadesh Reliefs

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Epigraphs in The Battle of Kadesh Reliefs

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/ EPIGRAPHS IN THE BATTLE OF KADESH RELIEFS

Author(s): Anthony J. Spalinger and '

Discussions of Egyptian warfare have given short

How many cities located on a hill or a tell reappear

have provided much grist for the historian's mill,

usually in the negative. The identity of such for

in Ramesside war reliefs, and can one find explicit

differences in their representation? Excluding

Ramesses II's Kadesh campaign, the answer is

the information remains undervalued because

tresses was vested in the accompanying name,

these snippets have been misinterpreted as mere

although particular facts might also be carved in

Scholarly research has neglected to examine the

possess more than one pictorial representation of

factors. The city under siege or about to be taken

(Kadesh, Tunip) had to be identified and the

two hours without his armor.3 This caption may

of Ramesses for this exploit worthy of record

notations was a desire to commemorate each vie

served to explain the accompanying reliefs."4 The

tory as unique. The date was almost as important.

counterclaim runs that the Bulletin exists in more

Seti I's war records on the exterior northern hypo

than one version, contains literary formations, and

style court at Karnak, even while lacking a de

is quite lengthy and detailed.5

tailed textual rendition, nevertheless specified one

temporal reference to a campaign in regnal year

rigeur. Of the many undated war reliefs of

What were the sources from which the master

scribe and designer worked? Everything, down to

certain recurring geographical details in the por

jordanian campaign immediately come to mind,

tian forces abroad for the sole purpose of ensuring

Almost all of these cases are simple and

that not a single instance of Pharaonic valor would

straightforward. Verisimilitude was not a value.

to the carvers back home. The facts were regis

be lost to history. Their presence is felt in any

EPIGRAPHS IN THE BATTLE OF KADESH RELIEFS 223*

New Kingdom war record, with the tallies of

iots captured, and chattel seized. The recorder

adventure have happened. Without having seen it,

scribe of the Egyptian army traversed the bloody

the paucity of written material, the scholar often

battlefield at the end of the first day's fighting at

(and unfortunately, sometimes exclusively) exam

Kadesh. He determined the names and ranks of

ines the pictorial depictions of military scenes.10

the enemy casualties, alive or dead, and made an

who was singled out for dishonorable mention in

records is another matter. The standard scenes

An apropos episode features the king of Aleppo,

the Kadesh Reliefs (R 40). Did his waterlogged

always portray the king in the temple, his depar

being king of an important Syrian city-state? There

chariot scene, the counting of the defeated, the

is a soldier, Nht-'Imn, whose role in the battle of

return home, and the reception by Amun-Re. None

Kadesh is unclear due to the fragmentary nature

of these are unique to any war, even though the

of the passage (R 22),11 like Mehy, a ts pdwt and