Mediating Opposition:

On Redefining Diaguita Visual Codes

and Their Social Role During the Inca Period
Paola Gonzlez Carvajal
INTRODUCTION 1

within a specific cultural region possessed of a complex

indigenous representational system prior to the Inca.

The analysis and interpretation of Diaguita-Inca

art has primarily focused on the definition of its
decorative patternsor "design grammar"from a
structural perspective. This work is based on the analysis
of collections and dwelling sites in the Elqui, Limar and
Choapa valleys located in the northern, semi-arid regions
of Chile (see Figure 1). The use of symmetry analysis
(sensu Washburn 1977, 1983; Washburn and Crowe
1988) has allowed the development of a systematic
description of this complex visual art, facilitating the
process of comparison between different groups that
contributed to the iconography of the Diaguita phase III
(Diaguitas, Incas, Inca Paya and Pacaje or Saxamar), as
well as to the detection of stylistic variations in the
Diaguita culture from a spatial and temporal perspective.
Once the Diaguita-Inca structural patterns were
identified, we sought to contextualize this art by means of
different
archaeological
(e.g., mortuary
practices,
settlement
patterns,
artifacts),
ethnohistoric,
and
ethnographic data in order to propose specific symbolic
content for certain elements of Inca iconography,
especially those relating to the graphic expression of the
symbolic quadripartion principal, the distribution of
which is not homogenous throughout the Diaguita
territory. In this way, we have identified a number of
"symbolic markers" in the ceramic decoration.
The study of one of the symmetrical structures of the
Diaguita-Inca iconography, involving a form of "double
specular reflection," merits special consideration. This
structure graphically illustrates very complex ideological
concepts within Andean cosmology linked to the concept
of dualism and the union or mediation of opposites. This
type of graphic structure has not been previously noted
for the pre-Inca period in the area under consideration.
Based on the above-mentioned analyses, it has
become clear that the diffusion of Inca iconography in
these territories entails a political intention and is linked
more to a notational code than to simple aesthetic
decoration in the sense of modern art. For this reason, it is
important to explore the significance of the transfer of
Inca-Cuzqueo decorative patterns in the representational
universe of the Diaguitas, their distribution within the
territory, and their function.
Our analysis suggests that there was a
remarkable change in the ideology of Diaguita art
following contact with the Inca. In brief, this
investigation contributes an archaeological perspective on
the function and contextualization of Inca visual codes

I. Visual Languages of the Inca

The term "visual languages" refers to the
participation of visual art in practices similar to those of
writing relating to the production of meanings in Inca
culture. Certainly, it is not a type of writing in itself,
where the use of signs is intended to preserve the spoken
discourse. Rather, we suggest a closer link to the notion
of "semasiographies" (sensu Salomon 2001), which are
not used to denote the sounds of the name of a referred
object, but to "denote the referred object itself"
(Salomon 2001, p.3). As Cummins (1993) notes, when
America was discovered and conquered by the Spaniards,
they specifically stated that the Peruvian system of
representation could not be used to communicate the
beliefs of native peoples to Europeans because Andean
art involved completely different notions of
representation. According to Cummins:

the art found by the Spaniards in Peru was, to a

large extent, abstract, and the only way that
these pictorial representations could enter the
European conscience was through texts (1993,
p.92).
The geometric and symmetrical character of
Andean iconography is seen in a many precolumbian
cultures in a variety of media, including textiles, painting,
sculpture and masonry. Tiwanaku is a particularly good
example of these aspects. Numerous works demonstrate
that the Incas had "genuine forms of memory devices,
though they differed from the principal occidental form of
writing, that included the khipu, qillqa (painted vessels),
also textiles" (Bouysse-Cassagne and Harris 1988,
p.218).
In Inca cosmology, the primary concepts were
referenced by means of visual signs. We are interested
here in better understanding the visual codes of the Inca
in a deeper manner in terms of meaning, function, and
particularly with regard to how these interacted with the
graphic systems of other cultures.
II. Origin of the Chilean Diaguita Culture
The origins of Diaguita art and the Diaguita culture, in
general, has not been sufficiently studied. Its kinship with
the nimas culture was first noted by Montan (1969).
The nimas culture developed approximately between
AD 700 and 900 in the Chilean northern semi-arid zone,

University of Chile; E-Mail: paoglez@gmail.com; the work presented

here has been supported by the Fondecyt Agency (Grant N1040154).

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Figure 1. Map of Diaguita territory and archaeological sites mentioned in this paper.

immediately
prior to the Diaguita. Physical
anthropological studies indicate a population change
occurred similar to that of the Molle culture associated
with the Early Agro ceramic period (Niemeyer et al.,
1997).
With nimas, polychrome ceramics become
very popular in the region together with the use of thick
geometric outlines, the painting of both outer and inner
surfaces, and the smoking of the interior surface of
vessels. The quadripartite division of the design field is
very common in Animas pottery, involving the use of
triangular spaces that go from the rim edge to the base of
the bowl (see Figure 2).
Evidence for the consumption of hallucinogens
in the nimas culture include bone spatulas (some with
representations of speckled felines and personages with
headdresses [the Sacrificer]); tubes made of bird bone

occasionally found with a cylindrical wood mouthpiece;

shell (rather than wooden) snuff trays; and cactus thorns
that would have been used to clean the tubes (Castillo
1992). In the nimas period context at the site of La
Puerta, a young male associated with an infant in Mound
93 was buried with a Tiwanaku style silver (Niemeyer et
al. 1997). Rock art is also found at this site, including
representions of the Sacrificer. The material culture of the
nimas exhibits influence from Tiwanaku, as well as a
strong kinship with the subsequent Diaguita development
in this region. These connections shed light on the
subsequent encounter between Incas and Diaguitas during
the Late Period.
The close connections between the nimas and
Diaguita cultures is inferred from similarities in the
material culture of both groups. In addition to decorative
parallels, there are also convergences in vessel forms
10

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

Figure 2. Plates pertaining to the Animas culture (nimas Type IV).

Collections of the Municipality of Illapel (Choapa valley).

including the "jarros zapatos," pots with opposing

adornos on the rim, vessels with circular depressions on
the base, and sub-globular ollas. In other artifact
categories, close correlations exist in the inventories and
forms of copper objects like bells, earrings, rectangular
knives, and chisels; bone spatulas and tubes; and finely
crafted triangular projectile points. Finally, the presence
of tabular erect cranial deformationa popular modality
in Diaguita contextshas also been detected in the
nimas context of the La Puerta site (Niemeyer et al.,
1997).
The stratigraphy of the Puerto Aldea site and
Compaia de Telfonos (Ampuero and Rivera, 1972-73),
in addition to the stylistic analysis of the four ceramic
types established by Montan (1969), ties the latest phase
of the nimas Complex (nimas IV) to the initial
moments of the Diaguita culture (Diaguita Phase I).

nature that is based on the labor and independence of that

unit. The family unit was occasionally complemented by
instances of social aggregation that facilitated access to
non-local resources. These were simple agricultural
societies with little or no social differentiation, probably
based on the extended family model of social
organization (Troncoso 1999, p.132). As simple farmers,
the effects of these groups on their natural surroundings
was likely minimal and oriented toward resolving the
necessities of the agricultural life style. The social
organization of such groups typically included at least
one individual-- likely a principal member of the
communitywho specialized in the handling and
consumption of psychoactive products (Troncoso, 1999,
p.133).
The study of pre-Inca Diaguita mortuary
contexts in the Choapa Valley (Rodrguez et al., 1996;
Becker et al., 2003) has yielded scarce evidence of social
differentiation in these communities. Rather, considerable
homogeneity was noted in the nature and distribution of
ceramic offerings across the categories of age and gender.
This lack of diffentiation is also observed in the contexts
of the Calle Uruguay and Calle Independencia cemeteries
in the city of Illapel (Gonzlez, 1996). Nevertheless,
certain indications of social hierarchy have been detected

III. Pre-Inca Diaguita Society

The pre-Inca period includes the Diaguita I (AD 9001200) and Diaguita II (AD 1200-1470) phases. The preInca Diaguita can be defined as an agricultural society in
which the family is the basic social unit. The family unit
obeys a certain logic with respect to the appropriation of
11

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

among some males at these sites whose graves were
found to include spatulas and oyster shells relating to
hallucinogenic consumption. These individuals have been
interpreted as shamans. We are specifically referring to
Burial N 7 of the Estadio Municipal site in Illapel
(Rodrguez et al., 1996) and Burial N5 of the Los Coiles
136 site (Alfonso 2000). In both cases, the individuals
were associated with a rich mortuary array. Moreover,
their skeletal remains indicate that they performed less
physical work in comparison with the tasks executed by
the rest of the population. The study of the mortuary
contexts at the Loma El Arenal site in the Chalinga
Valley near the southern border of the Diaguita territory
(Becker et al., 2003) is of great interest for us. This site
presents domestic and funeral contexts dated between AD
1240 +/- 75 to AD 1465 +/- 50. Interestingly, there is no
evidence of Cuzqueo influence in any of the burial
contexts even though they encompass the Diaguita I, II,
and III phases (Rodrguez 2005). Thirty individuals were
recovered at this site, including six young female adults,
two mature female adults, five young male adults, two
mature male adults, ten children, and five adults of
indeterminate sex. The paleopathological analysis
preformed by Henrquez (2003) revealed that this
population was affected by nutritional stress,
degenerative and inflammatory alterations, infectious
processes and traumatic injuries, and had poor dental
health due to a diet rich in carbohydrates. Only 10 percent
of the population presented cephalic deformation of the
asymmetric tabular type (Burials N13, N17, and N19).
Sixty-three percent of the individuals were buried with
ceramic offerings. Of the eight female burials recorded,,
five contained pottery, one had another type of offering,
and two had no grave goods. Those with pots were all
adults between 20 and 35 years of age. The number of
pots per burial varied from one to five. Burial No. 5, a
young adult female, had the largest number of vessels as
well as implements relating to textile production (e.g.,
spindle whorl, bone needles, and camelidae bone
pricker).
It is interesting to note that polychrome pottery
predominates in the female burials. Monochrome pottery,
on the other hand, is found principally in the burials of
infants and young children (e.g., smooth bowls and red
slip). Of the seven male interments, only three contained
pottery, while one had another type of offering (fox
vertebrae). The remainder had no grave goods associated.
At the Loma El Arenal site, there is no indication in the
mortuary assemblages that any individuals consumed
hallucinogens. Overall considerable homogeneity is noted
in the burial contexts of this population across the
categories of gender and age.

This, in turn suggests the possibility of correlations in

certain spheres of cultural activities and practices. Putting
aside the secretiveness surrounding its production, the
similarites noted among art styles classified as
"shamanic" suggest an effort to depict special realms of
experience. Reichel-Dolmatoff, for instance, states that:

one of the most important discoveries in the

last decades in the field of ethnology consists in
the confirmation that art and shamanic religions
are closely related to the use of hallucinogenic
drugsthe ingestion of hallucinogenic drugs
represents the principal mechanism by which
shamanic visions were induced, accompanied by
the illusion of flying through the air, animal
transformations, and the penetration into other
cosmic dimensions outside of this world (1985,
p.292).
The author points out that the hallucinogenic experience
offers an immense repertoire of visual images that may
later be reproduced by those who experienced them. Such
hallucinations, for instance, form the basis of Tukano
systems of abstract and symmetrical symbols. According
to Reichel-Dolmatoff, these geometrical motifs have a
neurophysiologic base. They represent phosphenes,
which are defined as:

luminous sensations that appear in the field of

vision, independent of an external source of
light, in other words, they are the product of the
self-illumination of the field of vision and are
produced in the brain (Reichel- Dolmatoff 1985,
p.293).
These appear as:

a great number of shiny elements with

geometrical forms, such as, stars, dots or lines
that suddenly appear against a dark
background, with a movement similar to a
kaleidoscope. They are forms that sometimes
look like flowers or feathers, and crystals, all
with a marked bilateral symmetry (ReichelDolmatoff 1985, p.293).
Furthermore, the Shipibo- Conibo natives of the Peruvian
Amazon, whose designs are also visualized in
hallucinogenic trance, state that:

the visions of the designs are described as

non-analytical impressions on "pages" or
"sheets", organized in a pattern that flicker
rapidly in front of the eyes of the shaman and
then disappear as soon as he tries to take a
closer look (Gehbart-Sayer 1985, p.161).

IV. Pre-Inca Diaguita Visual Art (AD 900-1470)

Before detailing the characteristics of the pre-Inca
Diaguita visual art system, I will comment briefly on a
certain type of native South American art, recognizable in
both Pre-Columbian and ethnographic cultures, that is
closely related to shamanic practices. "Shamanic art"
interests us as a concept because its general contours
exhibit considerable similarity with Pre-Inca Diaguita art.

The pre-incaic art of the Diaguita culture shares a set of

characteristics with the Amazonian styles of the Tukano
(Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1985), Shipibo-Conibo (GehbartSayer, 1985), and Caduveo (Levi-Strauss, [1955] 1992),
among others, that allows us to classify it as shamanic in
12

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

the Inca presence in this could have actually been
initiated as early as the end of the XIVth century (see
Stehberg, 1991-92; Biskupovic, 1999; Cantarutti, 2002;
Rodrguez, 2005). Diaguita craftsmen demonstrated an
extraordinary capacity to adopt and adapt forms,
decoration, and manufacturing techniques introduced by
the Incas to the local ceramic traditions. The burial
contexts of this period are richer than previous ones, with
greater variety in terms of the types of ceramic forms and
iconographic knowledge exhibited. The adaptability and
creativity of the Diaguita is witnessed in new designs of
Diaguita origin during this period, in new imagery of
mixed Inca-Diaguita origin, and in designs of Cuzqueo,
Saxamar and Inca Paya origin (Gonzlez, 1995).
When the Inca and Diaguita came into contact,
there was apparently no collision of divergent belief
systems. Rather a complementary integration of the two
Andean-based traditions seems to have ensued.
Reflecting on the reasons that might underpin this
successful cultural fusion, I think it is important to
consider the cult of the jaguar, or uturuncu in Quechua,
recorded in both cultures, as well as the seemingly shared
views on the importance of the notion of dualism and
quadripartition. Up to this point, we have generally
acknowledged the significance of three great themes in
the iconography of Diaguita phase III: the idea of
dualism, quadripartite organization, and the feline
imagery. These three aspects, in my opinion, represent
the principal axes of Inca, as well as the Diaguita and the
greater Andean, world vision.
Another factor that could have had an important
role in the successful cultural encounter between Incas
and Diaguitas, and is especially interesting with repect to
the Inca, is a trait of a technical nature. I am referring
here to the elaboration of polychrome pottery by the preIncan Diaguita populations. Bray (2002) states that the
Inca controlled state production of polychrome ceramics,
fine textiles (cumbi), and precious metals. These goods
were distributed as gifts by the governing Inca to the
nobility and those who provided services to the State.
Such objects were much esteemed. High densities of Inca
polychrome pottery is most common within the heartland
of the Inca Empire, which is to say, the Cuzco region and
the Urubamba valley in the south-central highlands of
Peru. This was the homeland of the high Inca nobility.
I believe that the technological and stylistic
know-how of the Diaguita was a determining factor that
marked the encounter between both cultures in a positive
manner and which distinguished the Diaguita from other
groups annexed to the Empire. During the Diaguita-Inca
phase, finds of pottery with Diaguita morphological and
decorative influences in the regions of Copiap, central
Chile, and in the Argentine provinces of La Rioja, San
Juan and Mendoza suggest the differential status of this
population vis-a-vis others. These finds of Diaguitainfluenced ceramics far from their point of origin
supports the idea of certain type of alliance between
Cuzqueos and Diaguitas. Why do we see this
phenomenon and who were the recipients of these widely
distributed wares?
Of particular interest to this discussion is the
presence of an enormous group of decorative patterns of

nature (Gonzlez, 2001). Among such features is the

depiction of what may be interpreted as the shaman's
alter ego, often represented as a jaguar, spotted feline, or
anaconda in amazonic contexts. The spotted felines are
observed on various Diaguita vessel forms including the
footed jar, double-chamber vessels, and zoomorphic
bowls.
Hallucinogenic imagery notwithstanding, some
of the most interesting parallels relate to the complex
symmetry used to articulate the motifs. This symmetry
may involve the use of three or more operations to
generate patterning, the most significant of which is the
principal of mirror reflection (see Figures 6.11, 6.12,
6.15, 6.16 and 7). Another important characteristic is the
endless continuation or the self-generative power of the
designs, which gives them a notorious rhythmic quality
(see Figures 7.14 and 8.10). Equally important is the idea
of the horror vacui, which relates to the concern with
filling all space completely (see Figure 7.5), and the
sectioning of designs into delimited fields. Designs
generated through such complex use of symmetry have
the potential to be perceived in either their positive or
negative aspect (see Figure 8.12). The use of geometric
motifs and the complexity of the composition which
makes them barely intelligible is another of the
characteristic traits of shamanic art. These are procedures
of refined and systematic elaboration, a concentration of
visual litanies with a great abstraction and subtleness that
produce a hypnotic attraction. Among modern
ethnographic populations, it is possible to see the use of
such iconography in a variety of media, including facial
designs, textile decoration, pottery, and houses.
Furthermore, the existence of artifacts associated with the
consumption of hallucinogens in Diaguita material
culture, such as spatulas, oyster shells used as snuff trays,
tubes for inhalation and tweezers, support this idea.
Nevertheless, it is the nature of Diaguita visual
art that most indicates its affinity with the South
American shamanic tradition.
The ethnographic evidence points to an art closely bound
up with sacred subjects. The artists are shamans,
interested in depicting their experiences of other worlds,
and expert in the production of abstract imagery. The
characteristic features of shamanic art appear to be a
common feature of many South American graphic
systems, both prior to Spanish conquest and after. The
abstract images of interest are likely stimulated by
experiences obtained during states of hallucinogenic
trance.
V. Incas and Diaguitas in the Chilean Semi-Arid
North
The cultural contact between Incas and Diaguitas takes
place during the Diaguita phase III, or Diaguita-Inca
period, beginning circa AD 1470. This is the year
traditionally used to mark the initiation of this phase,
when Inca groups purportedly arrived to the region under
the command of Topa Inca Yupanqui. The period ends in
AD 1536 with the arrival of Diego de Almagro to the
Chilean semi-arid north zone. Nevertheless, a number of
radiocarbon and thermoluminiscence dates indicate that
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LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Figure 3. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase with Cuzco iconography: 1) slanting reticulate pattern; 2-13)
checkered pattern; 14) quadripartite pattern B; 15-28) rhomboid pattern in translation.

14

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

Figure 4. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase with Cuzco iconography: 1-6) clepsydra pattern between
parallel bars in translation (4.2: Bird-handled plate N727, Museo Arqueolgico de La Serena; 4.4: Bird-handled plate
N907, Museo Arqueolgico de La Serena); 7-15) Cuzqueo zigzag pattern; 16) perpendicular reticular pattern; 17-18)
triangles in horizontal translation pattern.

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LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Figure 5. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase with Cuzco iconography: 1) slanting parallel bars in horizontal
translation; 2) curved lines in horizontal translation; 3) ferns or maize plant in translation; 4) vertical parallel lines in
translation; 5) crosses in horizontal translation; 6-7) concentric circle; 8-11): lambda-type Inca; 12) triangle in displaced
reflection; 13-15) scrolls in rotation; 16) and 18) vertical zigzag in translation; 17) undulating vertical lines in horizontal
translation; 19) double specular reflexion of lambda-type (Quatripartite D); 20) concentric circles in translation; 21)
horizontal parallel bars with slanting outlines; 22) diametral cross; 23) clepsydra inserted in a square; 24) speckled
felines; 25) "Z" in horizontal translation; 26) triangles in rotation and reflection; 27) Suche fish of the altiplano and
rectangles in translation (Plate N1059, Museo Arqueolgico de La Serena).

16

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

structure. The samples were then classified according to
cultural origin 4 (See Tables 1 and 2).5
Five large categories were distinguished on the
basis of this analysis: a) decorative patterns of Cuzqueo
origin; b) decorative patterns of Diaguita origin; c)
decorative patterns of mixed origin (Inca-Diaguita); d)
decorative patterns of Inca Paya origin (the Argentine
Northwest), and e) decorative patterns of Pacaje or
Saxamar origin.

Cuzqueo origin, locally produced, in the classic Cuzco

polychrome style (See Figures 3, 4 and 5). The
distribution of these wares is very selective within the
Diaguita territory. This patterned distribution is
considered further below.
VI. Decorative Patterns from the Diaguita-Inca Phase:
Symmetry and the Cultural Origin of Designs
As previously mentioned, our approach to the study of
the visual art of the Diaguita-Inca phase considers both
the symmetrical principals that structure these designs as
well as their cultural assignation. We seek to discover the
principles that organize this visual art system in order to
better understand the ethno-categories that were in
operation, at least from a formal perspective.
A useful method for accomplishing this objective is
symmetry analysis. Following this approach, one seeks to
identify the fundamental units of the design 2 as well as
the symmetrical principles that govern its structure (e.g.,
translation, mirror reflection, displaced reflection, and
rotation). Through symmetry analysis, it is possible to
discover the structural consistencies, or "grammar," of
visual systems and the motifs that comprise them
(Washburn 1977).
According to Washburn and Crowe (1988),
symmetry is a culturally significant property for two
reasons. First, it indicates "cultural choices" that relate to
preferences for certain symmetrical principles that in turn
reflect on processes of cultural identity. Second, the
formal analysis of symmetry allows for a systematic
approach to processes of cultural interaction and
exchange between different cultures or consideration of
change through time.
Here I present the results of an analysis of
Diaguite-Inca design patterning (phase III). The study
includes complete vessels recovered from the Altovalsol
and Planta Pisco Control sites in the Elqui and Limar
valleys, as well as ceramic fragments with recognizable
symmetric patterns recovered from Diaguita-Inca
habitation sites located in the Limar valley (the Huana
site) and the Choapa valley, near the southern border of
Diaguita territory. The residential sites included are those
of Loma Los Brujos, Family Carvajal, Sucesin Ramrez,
Crcamo 6, Csped 3, and Fundo Agua Amarilla (see
Figure 1).
For this study, a total of 1040 examples of
decorative patterns were examined and recorded. On the
basis of this sample, 82 differents "decorative patterns"3
were defined taking into account their minimum units and
the symmetrical principles employed in the design

A. Decorative patterns of Cuzqueo origin

A total of 441 examples of decorative patterns of
Cuzqueo origin were registered in the sample (cf.,
Fernndez Baca, 1971) with iconography of the Cuzco
Polychrome type (see Figures 3, 4 and 5) comprising
42% of decorative patterns registered in the three main
valleys of the Diaguita territory (e.g., Elqui, Limar and
Choapa. In this sample, there were 32 different decorative
patterns recognized. Some of these patterns include
considerable internal variation, as in the case of the
checkerboard pattern and the rhomboid translation pattern
(see Figures 3.2-3.13, 3.15-3.28).
From the viewpoint of symmetrical structure, the
Cuzqueo decorative patterns are characterized by
simplicity, most of them using only one principle of
symmetry: that of translation. The principle of translation
is simple in itself, requiring only the translationor
repetitionof the minimum unit in a horizontal or
vertical direction. Eight-five percent of the Cuzqueo
designs registered are structured by the principle of
translation. The remaining examples unite the principle of
displaced reflection with that of translation (e.g., the
Cuzqueo zigzag pattern seen in 7% of the sample). Also
present is the use of rotation with translation, in addition
to some non-symmetrical and figurative designs, like the
feline. The designs generated by double mirror reflection
are especially interesting, where the minimum unit is
vertically reflected and later reflects itself as a whole in a
horizontal direction, generating the quadripartition of the
minimum unit. These are designs with a strong symbolic
content that remind one of the dualistic concepts of the
Incas. Nevertheless, this pattern is extremely uncommon,
constituting less than one percent (0.4) of the total sample
of Cuzqueo decorative patterns.
B. Decorative patterns of Diaguita origin
A total of 548 examples of decorative patterns of pre-Inca
Diaguita origin (53 percent of sample) were recorded in
the study. Thirty different decorative patterns were
identified (see Figures 6-8). The following patterns were
first defined by Cornejo (1989): single zigzag, double
zigzag, waves, chains and Diaguita reticular. Our
investigation has distinguished within these general
categories a large number of variants. These are

The fundamental units of design are elements that cannot be divided

into equal parts and which repeat themselves following one of the
symmetrical principles of rotation, translation, mirror reflection, or
displaced reflection.
3
Decorative patterns can be defined as the symmetrical structure that
governs the distribution of the minimum unit inside the design field.
This structure may employ one or more symmetric principles
simultaneously in its configuration. Variants of the same decorative
pattern using different minimum units may also be present and would be
labelled with letters to distinguish, e.g., Zigzag Pattern A, B, C, etc.

By "cultural origin," we mean the original association of the

iconographic element rather than where the vessel may have actually
been produced.
5
The quantities expressed in Tables 1 and 2 refer to the number of times
a certain decorative pattern was present in each site, on either a
complete piece or a fragment with an identifiable decorative pattern.

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LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Table 1: Decorative patterns Diaguita-Inca phase from Elqui Valley (Altovalsol) and Limar Valley (Huana and Planta
Pisco Control)

Altovalsol
I. Cuzqueos
1. Slanting reticulate pattern
2. Checkered pattern
3. Rhomboid pattern in translation
4. Clepsyidra pattern between parallel bars in translation
5. Ferns or maize plant in translation
6. Slanting parallel bars in translation
7. Triangles in horizontal translation pattern
8. Cuzqueo zigzag pattern
9. Isolated rhombus
10. Four zigzag vertical lines in translation
11. Vertical parallel lines in translation
12. Lambda-type Inca
13. Perpendicular reticular pattern
14. Curves in horizontal translation
15. Horizontal lines in translation
16. Concentric circle
17. Triangles in rotation and reflection.
18. Triangles in rotation
19. Double specular reflection D or Quatripartite D
20. Scrolls in rotation
21. Horizontal parallel bars with slanting outlines
22. Zet in horizontal translation
23. Clepsydra inserted in a square
24. Speckled felines
25. Diametral cross
26. Four Triangles with lamda in vertical reflection
27. Four rectangles in translation
28. Four "Suche" fish in rotation.
29. Concentric circles in vertical and horizontal translation
30. Undulated vertical lines in translation
II. Diaguitas
1. Zigzag B 2
2. Zigzag D2
3. Zigzag C
4. Zigzag D
5. Zigzag J
6. Double Zigzag A
7. Double Zigzag D1
8. Double zigzag D2
9. Double zigzag D3
10. Waves A
11. Waves C 2
12. Waves F1
13. Chains A 2
14. Chains C
15. Chains D
16. Chains F 1
17. Chains F2
18. Chains H
19. Diaguita Reticular A
20. Fourth Style
III. Mixed Inca Diaguita
1. Zigzag G

112
8
7
31
11
4
3
5
9
1
2
2
3
1

Huana
62
17
9
14
1

Pisco Control
54
5
3
5
12
1

2
11

1
4

1
1

2
4
2

2
1
1
1
3
2
1
2
2
1
1
5
1
1
41
6
3
10
1
4
1
1
1
2

1
1

12

1
1
23
1

2
3

10
2

2
4

1
1

4
2
4
1
2
1
1
5
16

18

1
1
6
1

Total
228
30
19
50
24
5
3
7
21
1
3
7
3
4
5
5
2
1
1
1
4
3
1
2
2
13
1
5
1
3
1
74
9
3
14
3
3
13
1
1
2
2
1
4
2
4
1
2
1
1
6
1
24
1

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

2. Double zigzag G 2
3. Diaguita Reticular B
4. Stepped lambda in reflection
5. Zigzag M
6. Four triangles in translation
7. Horizontal stepped in vertical translation
8. Double zigzag I1
9. Anthropomorphous representation
10. Double specular reflection E
11.Zigzag N
12. Stepped rectangles in traslation
13. Labyrinth D
14. Stepped in vertical reflection
III. Inca Paya
1. Four reticular triangles in traslation
2. Streamlined birds
IV. Pacaje o Saxamar
1. Streamlined camelidaes in translation
TOTAL

1
1
1
1
7
2
2
1
1

1
1
1
1
9
2
2
1
1
1
1
1

1
1
1
1
12
7
5
5
5
186

13
7
6
6
6
345

1
1
1
1
68

91

Table 2: Decorative patterns of Diaguita-Inca phase from dwelling sites of Choapa Valley.

Cuzqueos
1. Slanting reticulate
pattern
2. Checkered pattern
3. Rhomboid pattern in
translation
4. Clepsyidra pattern in
translation
5. Fernst in translation
6. Slanting parallel bars
in translation
7. Triangles in horizontal
translation pattern
8. Cuzqueo zigzag
pattern
9. Isolated rhombus
10. Zigzag vertical lines
in translation
11. Vertical parallel lines
in translation
12. Lambda-type Inca
13. Perpendicular
reticular pattern
14. Curves in horizontal
translation
15. Horizontal lines in
translation
16. Concentric circle
17. Crosses in horizontal
translation
18. Double specular
reflection B
Diaguitas
Zigzag A
Zigzag B2

Loma Los
Brujos
196
122
4
18

S.
Ramrez
2

F.
Carvajal

Crcamo
6
3

Csped
1
2
2

Csped
3
2

Agua
Amarilla
8

Total
213
124

1
3

13

5
22
13

6
3

6
3

2
1

9
2
3

2
6

2
2

2
2

1
19
1

44
11
2

51
4
6

19

56
4
5

28
2
1

135
8
4

141
7
1

474
37
19

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Zigzag C
Zigzag D
Zigzag H
Zigzag J
Zigzag L
Double zigzag A
Double zigzag C
Double zigzag D
Double zigzag E
Labyrinth B
Waves A
Waves C
Waves D
Waves F1
Waves G
Chains A
Chains B
Chains C
Chains D
Chains E
Chains F
Stepped in horizontal
reflection
Points in translation
Stepped Lambda in
rotation
Fourth Style
Mixed Inca- Diaguita
Reticulado Diaguita B
Zigzag G
Zigzag I
Zigzag K
Doble reflexin C
Lnea escalerada en
traslacin vertical
Escalerado en reflexin
vertical
Inca Paya
Tringulo Reticulado
TOTAL

4
1

8
1

11

4
1

2
2
1

1
1

7
1
1
1

16
1

60
4
1
1
3
14
3
3
3
1
17
1
2
22
1
7
6
6

1
1
2

5
1
6

96
1

247
7
1
1
1
1
1

1
1
151

1
1
696

3
1

1
3

10

1
1

1
1

2
1

1
3

1
1

3
1
2

4
1

1
1

3
4
1

24

7
1

99
2
1

1
1
2
1

219

46

51

designated with letters of the alphabet, while sub-variants

within these are distinguished by a number (e.g., "wave
pattern F1 (see Figure 7.14). This labeling system allows
for a greater degree of precision in the process of
identification. Additional patterns beyond those of
Cornejo were also recognized, including such designs as
Labyrinth B; Stepped in horizontal reflection and
translation; and Stepped Lambda in rotation and
translation. Likewise, the Fourth Style pattern identified
by Mostny (1944) was also noted in the sample. This last
pattern is characterized by the presence of thin black
bands surrounded by a white line over a red background
with stepped design. Its symmetrical configuration has
still not been established because most of the sample is
composed of fragments which have not allowed a
complete reconstruction of the design.
Forty-five percent of the Diaguita designs in the
sample correspond to the Fourth Style pattern. These

59

31

139

come mainly from the Southern Diaguita area (Choapa

valley). Other patterns represented with some degree of
frequency include the Zigzag C (13.5%), Wave F1 (5%)
and Double Zigzag A (5%). The remaining patterns are
found in only small quantities but serve to emphasize the
amount of variability that characterizes this style.
One characteristic of pre-Inca Diaguita visual art
that has already been mentioned is its structural
complexity, where more than one symmetric principal is
used at the same time, as in the case of the zigzag pattern
(see Figures 6.1 to 6.10), where the minimum unit's
reflection is displaced and is translated until the row is
complete. Meanwhile, the double zigzag pattern (see
Figures 6.11 to 6.21) is the result of making the zigzag
pattern more complex through a new line of horizontal
reflection which unfolds the original design along two
axes.

20

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

Figure 6. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase with Diaguita iconography: 1) zigzag A; 2) zigzag B; 3) zigzag
C1; 4) zigzag C2; 5) zigzag C3; 6) zigzag C4; 7) zigzag D; 8) zigzag J1; 9) zigzag J2; 10) zigzag L; 11) double zigzag A1;
12) double zigzag A2; 13) double zigzag A3; 14) double zigzag A4; 15) double zigzag A5; 16) double zigzag A6; 17)
double zigzag B; 18) double zigzag C; 19) double zigzag D1; 20) double zigzag B2; 21) double zigzag D3.

21

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Figure 7. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase with Diaguita iconography: 1) double zigzag E1; 2) double
zigzag E2; 3) double zigzag F; 4) waves A1; 5) waves A 2; 6) waves A3; 7) waves A4; 8) waves A5; 9) waves B; 10)
waves C1; 11) waves C2; 12) waves D; 13) waves E; 14) waves F1; 15) waves F2; 16) waves F3; 17) waves G; 18)
labyrinth C; 19) and 20) labyrinth A; 21) labyrinth B.

22

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

Figure 8. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase with Diaguita iconography:1) chains A1; 2) chains A2; 3) chains
B1; 4) chains C1; 5) chains C3; 6) chains D1; 7) chains E1; 8) chains E2; 9) chains G; 11) chains H; 12) Diaguita
reticular; 13) stepped in horizontal reflection; 14) fourth style; 15) stepped lambda in rotation and slanting translation.

decoration is white. Twenty-nine percent of the mixed

designs present this characteristic. Furthermore, we also
consider as part of this category the use of new structures
of design introduced by the Inca and applied on minimum
units of Diaguita origin, such as the "stepped lambda". In
this category, the vertical reflection of the stepped motifs
(e.g., Figure 9.5) and the double mirror reflection
(Figures 9.6 and 9.9) stand out. The double mirror
reflection in their C and E variants represent six percent
of the mixed Inca-Diaguita designs. Finally, we also
consider as mixed designs those patterns that have
maintained the pre-Inca structure of the design but
modified the minimum unit, as in the case of the double
zigzag I-1 and I-2 patterns (Figures 9.18, 9.19).

C. Decorative patterns of Mixed Inca-Diaguita Origin

In the study sample, 31 examples of decorative patterns
of mixed Inca-Diaguita origin were registered. Use of this
term refers to designs that display a chromatic inversion
regarding the colors used in the structures of pre-Incan
Diaguita designs. Such is the case with the Diaguita
Reticular B pattern (Figure 9.1), the Stepped in horizontal
and vertical translation (Figure 9.4), Zigzag G (Figure
9.10), Zigzag I (Figure 9.11), Zigzag K (Figure 9.12),
Zigzag M (Figure 9.13), Double zigzag G1 (Figure 9.15),
Double zigzag G2 (Figure 9.16) and Double zigzag H
(Figure 9.17). In these cases, the traditional white
background is replaced by a black background and the
23

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Figure 9. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase of mixed Inca and Diaguita iconography: 1) Diaguita reticular B;
2) labyrinth D; 3) horizontal stepped in vertical translation; 4) stepped rectangles in translation; 5) stepped in vertical
reflection; 6) double specular reflection A; 7) double specular reflection C; 8) double specular reflection D; 9) double
specular reflection E; 10) zigzag G; 11) zigzag I; 12) zigzag K; 13) zigzag M; 14) zigzag N; 15) double zigzag G1; 16)
double zigzag G2; 17) double zigzag H; 18) double zigzag I1; 19) double zigzag I2; 20) stepped and checked in interior
lateral reflection; 21) anthropomorphic representation; 22) four triangles in translation.

24

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

suggests that the beliefs and cosmovision of the Inca, as
communicated through patterning and design, became
important to the local population, at least in the funerary
context. Standardizing the symbolic elements of the
visual art system may be viewed as a legitimating
strategy of the dominant culture

D. Decorative patterns of Inca Paya origin

In the sample, 14 designs were classified as Inca Paya in
origin (1.3% of the total). The origin of this design is
attributed to influences from Northwest Argentina,
specifically the Inca Paya culture. Here we find the
representation of slender birds and the use of inverted,
slanting, and reticular triangles on the interior or exterior
edge of open vessel forms (see Figures 10.1 to 10.7).

A. Idea of Quadripartition in Diaguita-Inca Designs

The graphic manifestation of quadripartition has different
modalities within Diaguita Inca iconography and varies in
terms of complexity. The different modalities include: 1)
double reflection of the design (joint application of the
vertical and horizontal principles of reflection (see
Figures 5.19, 9.6, and 11); 2) rhomboids either isolated or
in translation (Figures 3.8, 3.15-3.28); 3) clepsydra in a
square, either isolated or in translation (Figures 4.1-4.6);
4) demarcation of four equidistant segments in the inner
or outer surface of open vessels (Figures 9.22, 10.2); 5)
the cross design (Figures 5.5, 5.22); and 6) field of
design divided in four rows (Figure 3.12).

E. Decorative patterns of Pacaje or Saxamar Origin

Only six designs were placed in this category (see Figures
10.8 to 10.11), which is characterized by a minimum unit
that consists of a slender camelidae that is distributed
throughout the design field obeying the horizontal and
vertical translation principal. The designs of Pacaje origin
have only been recorded in the Elqui and Limar valleys
in the northern and central zones of Diaguita territory.
To better understand the significance of the
patterns and symmetries identified above, it is necessary
to contextualive this information. For this reason, we
supplemented the analysis with information on the spatial
distribution of visual art within the Diaguita territory,
mortuary practices, and some ethnographic data regarding
the concept of dualism among Andean cultures.

B. Quadripartition and the concept of Yanantn

Ethnographic studies of the Aymara ethnic group as well
as insights gained from ethnohistoric data pertaining to
Inca world vision have contributed to our understanding
of the semantic complexity of the principle of
quadripartition within Andean communities. Along these
lines, the elucidation of the concept of yanantn (Platt
1978, p.1103) is particularly helpful with regard to the
study of Diaguita Inca visual art. Yanantn denotes a pair
of symmetrical elements that are a product of the division
of a unique element. It is also the mechanism through
which opposing but complementary elements may be
united, e.g., man-woman, plateau-valley, left-right, etc.,
within the Andean worldview. The opposing elements
require a ritual conversion in order for them to be united
and it is the "mirror" symbol that meditates this relation
and makes it coherent with the model (Platt, 1978). This
symmetrical strategy of the unification of opposites is
also registered in some of the Diaguita-Inca designs that
were analyzed, where a minimum unit (for instance, a
stepped lambda) is vertically reflected in a different color
and then horizontally reflected as a whole, thus
quadripartitioning the original design. We have labelled
this symmetrical structure "double specular reflection." It
is a structure that is also present in Cuzqueo designs (see
Figures 5.9, 5.19).
It has been suggested (Gonzlez, 1998) that this
graphic strategy relates to the cosmological and social
organization of the Macha ethnic group (see Platt, 1978),
as well as the spatial structure of Tawantinsuyu (see
Zuidema, 1989). "Double specular reflection" may thus
be seen as one of the most complex and symbolically
significant examples of visual language recorded to the
date in Diaguita-Inca iconography.
Advances made in the definition of the symbolic
content of the yanantn concept allow us to understand it
more as a process whose stages go from an irreconcilable
opposition to the balance between opposites. The studies

VII. Mediating Opposition: Diaguita-Inca Visual Art

and Quadripartition
The type of formal symmetry analysis advocated by
Washburn and Crowe (1988) allows for the identification
of the structures of symmetry that characterize a given
culture. Within the representational universe of the late
prehispanic cultures of the northern Chilean region, it was
possible to distinguish the motifs and structures of design
that expressed the symbolic principle of quadripartition.
This is the organizing axis and principle of the Inca world
vision.
Along these lines, it is interesting to note that
nearly half of the 234 ceramic pieces pertaining to the
Diaguita-Inca phase from the Archaeological Museum of
La Serena (Elqui Valley) present designs that express this
principle of quadripartition (Gonzlez, 1995).
Meanwhile, in the present study, this graphic expression
is found to be differentially distributed within the area of
investigation. It is found to occur with greater frequency
at sites in the northern Elqui (Altovalsol site) and Limar
(Pisco Control and Huana sites) valleys in comparison to
those in the southern sector of the Diaguita territory
(Choapa valley). Nevertheless, it is important to note that
the Altovalsol and Pisco Control sites are cemeteries.
Such sites often contribute complete pieces making it is
easier to detect the quadripartite configurations, while the
fragmentary remains from habitation sites have often lost
this information (See Table 3). Coincidently, in both the
sample from the Archaeological Museum of La Serena
(Gonzalez, 2005) and those from the Altovalsol and Pisco
Control cemeteries, the representation of quadripartition
as a structuring principle exceeds 40 percent. This

25

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

Figure 10. Decorative patterns of the Diaguita-Inca Phase of Inca

Paya iconography (1-7) (10.2: Plate N1933, Museo Arqueolgico
de La Serena; 10.6: Plate N1910, Museo Arqueolgico de La
Serena; 10.7: Plate N1957, Museo Arqueolgico de La Serena).
Decorative patterns of the Diaguita Inca Phase of Pacaje or
Saxamar iconography
(8-11).
(10.8:
Plate
N1998,
Museo
Arqueolgico de La
Serena;
10.9:
Plate
N1789,
Museo
Arqueolgico de La Serena; 10.10: Plate N1505, Museo
Arqueolgico de La Serena; 10.11: Bird-handled plate N1506,
Museo Arqueolgico de La Serena).

Table 3: Representation of decorative patterns than express the symbolic principle of quadripartition in archaeological
sites from the Diaguita-Inca phase under study. The percentages presented here are calculated on the basis of the total
count of individual decorative patterns identified at each site.

Altovalsol

Pisco
Control

Huana

Cuzqueo Decorative Patterns

53

25

Mixed
Inca-Diaguita
Decorative Patterns
Inca Paya Decorative Patterns

11

11

Saxamar Decorative Patterns

Total

75 (40%)

29
(43%)

26

Sucesin
Ramrez

Crcamo
6

Agua
Amarilla

14

Loma
Los
Brujos
33

14
(15%)

33
(15%)

1 (2%)

3 (5%)

1 (0.6%)

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

Figure 11. Graphical representation of the symbolic principle of yanantin in Diaguita-Inca Phase iconography with its
complementary principles of Awqa, Taypi, Tinku and Kuti from exterior surface of a bell-shaped bowl (N1704, Museo
Arqueolgico de La Serena).

dispersion at the edges. The puruma would correspond to

what is beyond the row of the design, denoting what is
marginal, and thus not represented in the interior of the
drawing.
3) Awqa or Pachacuti. This concept refers to the
time of war. Bertonio (1956 [1612]), p.140) defines awqa
as "an opposition between colors and elements; as well
as other things, that cannot be together."
Harris and Bouysse-Cassagne (1988, p.288) suggest that
yanantn and awqa "probably constitute the alternate
phases of a coherent logic." They believe that in the
division of Tawantinsuyu, one sees an identical logic
applied; e.g., Cuzco is seen to act as a mediating taypi
that allowed the union of two pairs of opposite elements
thus constituting a totality.
The awqa concept would be represented
graphically in the lambda motif in the vertical reflection
of opposite colors situated above and below the edges of
the band, as illustrated in Figure 11. Still, tracing the
route through the paths of the yanantn is not yet
complete. We are confronted with the awqa opposition,
where the pair of elements reject each other and are
annulled, irreconcilably. The authors discovered that in
Aymara thought, there are two paths to the uniting or
reunion of opposites. These two paths are also visible in
the design elements of mixed Inca-Diaguita origin. As
illustrated in the motifs in Figure 11, these elements
reflect both the encounter (tinku) and the alternation
(kuti).

of Olivia Harris and Therse Bouysse-Cassagne (1988)

shed light on a series of complementary concepts (taypi,
awqa, kuti and tinku) that help clarify the semantic
content of the Andean notion of yanantn which are
visible in some graphical representations of the DiaguitaInca designs (Figure 11).
These authors examined a series of colonial
documents from the XVI century relating to Andean
mythologies and the different "ages of the world." The
aim of the study was to better understand the concept of
pacha. They conclude that pacha, in the temporal sense,
does not refer to eternity but rather to a series of distinct
ages (or stages) of a specific duration. Each age is bound
to a particular space and has its own logic. They include
the following:
1) Taypi. This is the central line that makes the
encounter between opposites possible. Because of its
central position, it reduces the opposition of two
antagonistic elements. Taypi is "the place where
differences can coexist" (Harris and Bouysse-Cassagne
1988, p.241). In the temporal sense, it is a mythical time
when different towns that would later become enemies
first arose from a single center. This space would be
represented in the central line of the band of a design (see
Figure 11).
2) Puruma. This term indicates the savage, or
non-domesticated aspect of the cosmos. The universe is
seen as a space full of centrifugal forces that reach their
greatest concentration in the taypi and their greatest
27

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

4) Tinku. This term refers to the encounter of

opposites. It can be observed in the ritual battles between
the upper and lower halves of an aylllu, as well as in the
opposition between man and woman. The authors define
it as a "zone of encounter where two elements that come
from different directions meet" (Harris and BouysseCassagne 1988, p.241). In the confrontation between the
two opposing sides, a is reached. I suggest that the
concept of tinku is visible in the opposition between the
two pairs of stepped lambda situated above and below the
horizontal band (or taypi) illustrated in Figure 11.
5) Kuti. The confrontation, or tinku, is only a
temporary solution. The contradiction remains even after
the confrontation has been produced. Therefore, the
Aymara worldview offers another solution: the
alternation (kuti). In this case, the pair of awqa elements
or enemies "alternates with its opposite, repeatedly, over
and over again" (Harris and Bouysse-Cassagne 1988,
p.243). Considering the process from a diachronic
perspective, the alternation is a necessary condition in the
balance of oppositions. This concept of alternation is
observed in the upper and lower borders of the band in
Figure 11. In the upper border, the red lambda always
occupies the right sector of the reflected pair; in the lower
border, the situation is inverted and the black stepped
lambda is situated on the right side.
I suggest that the design pattern illustrated in
Figure 11 (double specular reflection, variety E)
represents an outstanding example of what Salomon
(2001, p.3) refers to "semasiography." In semasiography,
visual language does not replicate the sounds of a spoken
language but denotes the referent concept itself. Here I
suggest that this graphic element is communicating the
complex concepts embedded in the Andean notion of
quadripartition.
In the examples studied here, the meaning and
scope of the symbol are dependent upon the spatial
disposition of the units of design within the design field,
their relationship to one another, and their color, more
than any mimetic properties they may possess. In this
respect, it is interesting to note the change detected in the
use of colors during the Diaguita Inca phase. On one
hand, a preponderant role is given to the color red, in
opposition to black, evidently always exemplifying the
play of opposing forces of the quadripartite
representations. In the pre-Inca phases, the color red was
used more discretely. With the arrival of the Inca, it
began to be used with much greater frequency. An
inversion of the colors used during the pre-Inca phases
also occurs, such that "negative" designs are generated in
which the white background is replaced by black.
It is important to consider to whom these
symbolic messages were being directed given that the use
of double specular reflection as a symmetrical structure in
Diaguita Inca art is not particularly common. Looking at
the variations that existed within the Diaguita visual art
system within the northern semiarid region of Chile sheds
some light on this question.

VII. Diaguita Visual Art and Space: Moving Away

from Homogeneity
Investigations into Diaguita culture in north central Chile
have produced important new information regarding the
differential strategies of interaction employed by the Inca
in their expansion to the south. 6 We note significant
differences in terms of the amount and type of local-Inca
interaction in the central and northern Diaguita areas (the
Limar and Elqui valleys, respectively) versus the
southern sector of this zone (e.g., the Choapa valley)
(Gonzlez 2004a, 2004b).
Archaeological evidence from the Illapel river in the
Choapa valley, for instance, indicates that significant
changes occurred in terms of the local art style during the
Diaguita Inca period At many Diaguita Inca settlements
in this region, one notes a large increase in the number of
decorative patterns that come into use, some of which are
exclusive to this period and all of which clearly pertain to
the Diaguita iconography. Conversely, designs of
Cuzqueo origin are nearly absent from these settlements.
A notable exception to this pattern occurs at the
administrative center of Lomas Los Brujos. This site is
characterized by the almost exclusive presence of
Cuzqueo vessel forms and iconography (Table 2). These
data suggest that two completely separate systems of
visual art were operating simultaneously in the Illapel
valley during the Diaguita-Inca period. These visual
systems undoubtedly carried important social and
ideological connotations for the local populace. The
visual art from the site of Lomas Los Brujos is selfreferential, centered on the iconography of Cuzco and the
Incas. Its presence likely worked to create a visual
boundary between the residents of this administrative
center and the rest of the local population in the Choapa
valley, who were likely mitimaes relocated from their
home territories in the central and northern Diaguita
region
We suggest that the late period settlements in the
Illapel valley (which include Sucesin Ramrez, Familia
Carvajal, Crcamo 6, Csped 1 and Csped 3) are likely
those of mitimaes from the Limar and Elqui valleys for
the following reasons. First, the inhabitants of the north
and central region of the Diaguita territory were expert
potters. As noted earlier, we observed a significant
increase in the number of Diaguita decorative patterns at
Diaguita Inca period sites in the Illapel valley. Many of
these patterns had not existed in this region prior to the
period of Inca expansion. We also note considerable
technological improvements in terms of pottery
manufacture during the later phase, as indicated by
thinner vessel walls and the use of more intense
pigments.
The visual art of the Diaguita played a very
different role in the central and northern sectors of the
study area. In this region, the local iconography
incorporated a significant number of motifs and design
structures of Cuzqueo origin. The Cuzco Inca style was
similarly transformed in its encounter with the Diaguita
6

This work has been supported by the Fondecyt Agency (Grant Nos.
1950012, 1980248, and 1040154).

28

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

Table 4: Frequency of Decorative Patterns in Elqui and Limar Valleys in view of their iconographic origin. The
percentages are calculated on the basis of the total number of decorative patterns present at each site.

Cuzqueo
60%
Altovalsol
Pisco Control 79%
Huana
68%

Diaguita
22%
15%
25%

Mixed
Inca-Diaguita
9%
23%
7%

Saxamar
6%
1.5%

insofar as Cuzqueo designs and patterns came to

incorporate local motifs such as that of the stepped
lambda. As indicated in Tables 1 and 2, a total of 18
patterns of Cuzqueo origin were recorded in the Choapa
zone, only two of which, (cross translation and double
especular reflection B), are not also found in the central
and northern districts. In the Elqui and Limar valleys,
however, 30 decorative patterns of Cuzqueo origin were
recorded, 14 of which do not appear in the southern
frontier region of Diaguita territory.
On the other hand, the reduced complexity of the
Cuzqueo patterns present in Lomas Los Brujos, where
62 percent are of the slanting reticular variety, suggest a
highly standardized and simplified style of Cuzqueo art.
The simplification of the imperial Inca may be due in
part to the fact that the residents of this site were not
members of the imperial elite. This is in contrast to the
Inca presence in the central and northern Diaguita area,
where considerably greater complexity and variability is
noted in the decorative patterns of Cuzqueo origin.
Although it is clear that Incas and Diaguitas had a rich
and deep cultural encounter, the strategies of domination
employed by the Inca in this ethnic region varied from
valley to valley. For instance, in the southern area one
finds a large number of Diaguita designs mainly of the
Fourth Style pattern, which make up 52% of the total
recorded designs in the area. This frequency is far beyond
what has been seen in the valleys further north, where
only one example with this pattern was registered. It has
been suggested that restricting access to important
cultural symbols was an important strategy of imperial
domination (Eeckhout 2004). Only a few groups of
privileged status were authorized to see and handle
imperial Inca symbols. Along these lines, Bray (2004)
has demonstrated that the classic Cuzqueo style is more
commonly found in the heartland of the Empire than in
the provinces. Though typical Inca vessel forms are found
in the latter zones, the frequencies of the different
decorative formats employed are distinct. The author
suggests that this may indicate the Inca were interested in
communicating different messages to the peoples of the
provincial districts in comparison to those in the imperial
heartland. I suggest that there may be exceptions to this
statement, the Elqui and Limar valleys in the Diaguita
territory being cases in point.
In spite of the fact that the Inca privileged the
circulation of goods, interregional linkages, and mass
production in an effort to fortify the idea of reciprocity,
this did not always insure the transmission of identical
symbolic messages to the conquered provinces. It thus
seems possible to detect different strategies of interaction
even within groups of a same culture. This is

Inca Paya
(NOA)
3%
1.5%

demonstrated by comparing the visual art systems present

in the different valleys comprising the Chilean Diaguita
territory. This may be related to Parsinnen's (2003,
p.262) observation that "Inca provinces were more than
just fixed territories, they were "people," even though the
Incas apparently had great interest in defining the
territorial limits of the conquered provinces.
This may have also been the main reason that Pizarro
distributed curacasand not territoriesto the first
Spanish commissioners.
VIII. Decorative Patterns and Mortuary Practices in
the Limar Valley
As demonstrated above, the visual art of the Diaguita
Inca phase in the southern sector was less common, more
spatially segregated, and iconographically simpler in this
region than in the central and northern zones of Diaguita
territory. To further develop these observations, it is
useful to consider the data relating to mortuary practices
from the Diaguita-Inca phase in the Limar valley, paying
special attention to iconography and variability of the
ceramic forms recovered in these contexts, as well as the
age and sex of the associated human remains.
Analysis of the decorative patterns recorded and
the frequency of their representation at sites in the central
and northern sectors of Diaguita territory (Table 4)
demonstrate considerable variability in the number and
kinds of Cuzqueo decorative patterns employed here.
Even so, it is important to note these decorative patterns
co-existed with the iconographic elements of both the
Diaguita and Mixed Inca Diaguita visual systems. In
constrast to the southern zone, there does not appear to be
the same kind of segregation between Inca and local
contexts.
The Estadio Fiscal de Ovalle site, which is an
extension of the Planta Pisco Control site in the Limar
valley is amongst the most important of the Diaguita Inca
phase sites in this region. It was discovered in the 1930s
and has a long history of interventions that have not been
the subject of any systematic analysis. Cantarutti (2002),
recently studied the collections from this site, which
include some 444 vessels, and reconstructed their
contextual associations. He also performed formal,
decorative, and technological analyses that have resulted
in the identification of different stylistic divisions within
the production of local pottery. These data indicate that
the site was an important cemetery during the Inca
period. Other types of activities indicated at this site
include tasks related to agriculture, weaving, textile
manufacture,
ceramic
production,
and
mineral
processing.
29

LENGUAJES VISUALES DE LOS INCAS

In the reconstruction of the mortuary contexts,
Cantarutti observes a mixture of Provincial Inca 7, Mixed
Inca 8, Local Diaguita 9, and Mixed Diaguita 10. The author
also emphasizes that in the tombs with more than one
vessel, there is never an exclusive style in use. In other
words, no tombs were found with only Diaguita pottery
or only Provincial Inca vessels. This information
confirms the idea of the existence of a differential
interaction strategy within the Elqui and Limar valleys in
comparison to the Choapa valley that is marked by the
integration of Diaguita and Inca communities. The most
elite burial contexts at the Estadio Fiscal de Ovalle site
have a higher percentage of paired vessels (relating to the
principle of dualism), instruments associated with the
consumption of hallucinogens, metal objects, and locally
produced pottery with Inca Cuzqueo designs (Cantarutti,
2002).
I suggest that the shamanic component of the
Diaguita culture may have been a key factor in the type of
interaction strategies established by the Inca with these
communities. The physical anthropological study of the
human remains from the Planta Pisco Control cemetery
bordering this site (e.g., Biskupovic, 1999; Hagn and
Constantinescu, 1999) offer further insight into the
relationship between the Inca and the local Diaguita
communities in the Limar valley. Fifteen tombs were
excavated, of which we exclude Tomb N15 for being an
ossuary and Tomb N1 for being disturbed, from the
present discussion. In the remaining 13 graves, three
categories based on the sex and age of the individuals
were established: mature females (n=6), young female
adults (n=4) and young male adults (n=3). All but two
burials (No. 5, and No. 11, a young female and a mature
adult female, respectively) contained ceramic offerings.
An important observation is that all of the recorded
individuals exhibited cephalic deformation of the tabularerect type. In this cemetery, we again find an association
between individuals with artifacts associated with the
consumption of hallucinogens and privileged offerings. In
addition to the abundance of double-chamber vessels in
these burials, we also note the frequent use of
the
quadripartite design structure. In Tomb
N4,
corresponding to a young adult male, the funerary
offerings included 12 vessels, 10 of which are paired
vessels (six flat plates, two zoomorphic wide bowls, two
zoomorphic plates), in addition to one "jarro pato," and
one arbalo. Ten of these vessels were embellished with
quadripartite designs. The set of artifacts found in Tomb
N 4 also included six bone spatulas, one copper
tweezers, one bone needle, three large oyster shells and
one bone tube related to the use of hallucinogens. The

two remaining male individuals (Tombs N9 and N12)

were also accompanied by paired vessels exhibiting
quadripartite designs, though fewer in number (n=2 and
n=5, respectively).
The female burials and associated offerings in
the Planta Pisco Control cemetery are also of
considerable interest. Two of the young female burials
contained elements possibly associated with the
consumption of hallucinogens--a large oyster shell in
Tomb N3, and a small mussel shell in Tomb N10.
Additional artifacts in Tomb N3, which was the second
richest in the cemetery, included seven ceramic vessels, a
copper tupu, and several bone needles and polishing
stones. The funerary offerings in Tomb N10 included
two ceramic vessels, a whorl spindle, and a perforated
bone plaque. Two of the other female burials (Tombs N2
and N13) also contained metal artifacts of personal
adornment such as earrings, rings, and copper tupu pins.
With respect to the management of symbolic
referents within the iconography of the Diaguita Inca
phase, e.g., the principles of dualism and quadripartition,
we note that both men and women seem to have had
equal access to knowledge and use of these signs. Men
and women alike appear to have configured themselves
as active agents in the use and display of the structuring
principles and symbols so deeply rooted in Inca ideology.
IX. Political Management
Diaguita-Inca Phase?

of

the

Body

in

Before concluding this discussion, it is useful to briefly

consider what the different percentages of individuals
exhibiting cranial deformation from the sites of Loma El
Arenal in the Choapa valley and Pisco Control in the
Limar valley might indicate. With regard to the analysis
of the mortuary practices recorded at the Pisco Control
site, what calls our attention most powerfully is that the
cultural change experienced by the Diaguita communities
could also be accompanied by physical changes made
upon the human body. As noted previously, all of the
remains recovered from this cemetery exhibited the same
kind of cranial modification (tabular erect). This is in
contrast to the remains recovered from the southern
sector of Diaguita territory in the Loma El Arenal
cemetery of the Choapa valley where less than 10 percent
(n=3) of the population exhibited evidence of such cranial
modification.
In spite of the fact that there is still no DNA
evidence to conclusively demonstrate the local origins of
the Pisco Control site population, the burial contexts
strongly suggest association with the local Diaguita
culture. In addition, the Inca style pottery recovered from
this cemetery appears to be of local manufacture
(Cantarutti, 2002). If we assume for the moment that we
are dealing with two groups that both pertain to the
Diaguita culture, the differences in the percentages of
cranial deformation in the northern versus the southern
zone seems significant. The differential frequency of
cranial modification noted in these two valleys suggests
the possibility of a calculated effort to establish social
distinctions on a level even more profound than that of
material culture.

Provincial Inca: Ceramic vessels that imitate to a greater or lesser

degree Cuzco Inca pottery in morphology, design structure and motives,
manufactured in local clays (Cantarutti 2002, p.178).
8
Mixed Inca: Ceramic vessels that imitate forms and decoration of the
Cuzco Inca style but add morphologic and iconographic elements from
other cultures, for instance, Inca-Pacaje (Cantarutti 2002, p.196).
9
Local Diaguita: Ceramic elements that continue from pre-Inca times
as well as new local forms that exhibit Diaguita iconography with no
foreign influences (Cantarutti 2002, p.215).
10
Mixed Diaguita: Ceramic vessels that continue from pre-Inca times as
well as new local forms that exhibit both Diaguita and foreign
influences in morphology and decorative attributes (ibid.).

30

the

PAOLA GONZLEZ CARVAJAL: MEDIATING OPPOSITION

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These observations recall some of the insights of

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Given the information presented in this paper, it is
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