Professional Documents
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$5
13.)
67
2073
HIROM
to the reader to suppose that his father, as well as
his mother, may have been 1sraelitish.l His name is
variously given in Kings and Chronicles. In zCh.
213[12] (not ~ I I ) according
,
to the common view (see
Bertheau), the word 3 3 ~ , my father ( T ~ Y7raMci pou2
(gab
mg.AL]) and 4 16 ITIN, his ( i . e . , the kings) father
[@ [ K d ] dv.ilYyKY ; see note) is appended to Huram.
Giesebrecht ( Z A7141 qgx),
indeed, has argued ably
for the view that Huram-abi or Hiram-abi ( Hiram is
my father ) was the real name of the artificer sent from
Tyre ( 1 u in z Ch. 4 16 being supposed to he an error).
So, too, Stade (Cesch. 1330, n. z),whilst Kamphausen
(Kau. H S ) thinks that Huram-abiw3 may have been
the original form of the name, shortened in our text of
Kings and of z Ch. 411 into Hiram or Huram, and in
our text of zCh. 2 1 3 [I.] into Huram-abi.
These
scholars, however, seem too ready to trust the Chronicler
in this point ; neither form of the solution proposed
seems plausible.
W e are bound to consider in the first instance whether
some error, either of the Chronicler or of the ~ c r i b e , ~
may not be at the root of the strange name or reading
Huram-abi. It appears certain that either the name
of the artificer was precisely that of the Tyrian king
(for which ancient parallels might be adduced), or that
it was near enough to Hiram to be assimilated to this
name through corruption.
It might, e.g., be ( I )
A HOLIAB [ p . ~ . ] , a name which has analogies in Phcenician ( 7 y 3 h , 1mN), and S.Arabian (hh~,
in,?yN),
and is given by P to the colleague of the artificer,
Bezaleel, or ( 2 ) Huram (with a I for 9 ) ; one remembers
that Bezaleel in P is called ben Uri, ben H u ~ . ~
The more common form of the name is D?n (cp
above)
found in z S . 5 1 1 1K.518[15#:1 9 1 r f l 2 7 101122 and
Kt. in I Ch. 141 2 Ch. 9 IO, for(1); for (2) in I K. 7 13 406 45.
A variant .is O??n (EV H U R A M , cp h a and 7 N l J d used of
no. I in nCh. 2 3 [2] II [ m ] J8 2 18 9 21 and Kr. in I Ch. 14 I z Ch.
818 9 x 0 ; alsoofno. n i n zCh.4rraeand ir6[Kr,]. On nCh.
213[12]516, see above. Finally the rare form oi7-n is met
with in I K. 5 IO 18[2432] referrink to no. I, and in I K. 7 4ou for
no. 2. This form agrees with the Ass. &irumma,the e;ppopos,
t i o o of Jos. (the last form used to represent no. 2) and the
r&o,: of Herod. 798. Thus the names of the twd Hirams
present identical variations. Kittel on I Ch. 14 I suggests that
the original form may have been Hnram (nyn), which passed successively into Pil?n7 and Ohn (on this phonetic change see
Barth, NB, p. xxix); hence, from a combination of these two
Forms, arose OTy.
T. I<. C.-S. A. C.
HIRCANUS
HYRCANUS [$.V.,
(YPKANOC
[VA]) 2Macc.
311,
RV
21.
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
CONTENTS
Beginnings ($ I).
First History : J (8 2).
Recensions ($ 3).
Second History : E ($ 4).
History of Kindgoms (g 5).
Influence of Prophets (S 6).
Deuteronomistic Schooi (6 7).
2075
Hellenistic ($ 19).
Philo ($ 20).
Justin (8 21).
Josephus ($ 22).
Seder Olam (g 23).
Literature (ti -_,
211.
~
~~~
."
...
...
2076
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
2077
2078
*.
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
The favour or the displeasure of God is. the one cause of prosperity or adversity ; and hi5 favour or his displeasure depends in
the end solely on the faithfulness or unfaithfulness of the people
t o the religion of Yahwk. The standard was at first that which
the prophets of the eighth century had set up ; later, it was the
deuteronomic law. Under the impression of the deuteronomic
movement, of the prophecy of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and of the
events of the last half-century of the kingdom of Judah, the
interest of the writers was increasingly absorbed in the lesson of
the history; history was indeed for them prophecy teaching by
example.
The history is interpreted upon deuteronomic principles, which are clearly set forth at the beginning
in the prayer of Solomon at the dedication of the
temple, and are first applied to Solomon himself.
The earlier part of his reign, we are told, was prosperous ; in
his later years there were revolts ahroad and treasons at home ;
after his death the kingdom was divided ; the cause was that
Solomon i% his 02dage, under the influence of his foreign wives,
introduced the worship of other gods ; the prophet Ahijah the
1 Particularly to the secondary parts of that hook.
Cp also z Macc.
This was the natural beginning under the influence of the
prophets and the immediate impression of the deuteronomic
reforms.
2
3
2079
2080'
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
.HISTORICAL LITERATURE
products of the school,l which continued its work long after the
restoration.
1 Perhaps it is a secondredaction.
2 The older legends of Elijah and Elisha, and the multitudinous prophet 16gends of later times are hard!y to be compared.
3 PG,the groundwork of P, Ps, secondary extensions of Pc.
4 See HEXATEUCH
24' G E N E S IS 5 zf:. E XODUS, 55 2 5 ;
LEVITICUS, S 3 ; N U ~ B E R$SIO^;
:
~ O S H U A ;$5 5 12.
2081
by P.
2082
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
2083
___
~~
~~
1 i.r Narrative
2 Se:CHRONICLES,
__--_
2084
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
CHRONICLES, $ 7 8
208 j
EZRA-NEH., 5 4).
3 See Torrey
2086
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
the proud vizier Haman is compelled to do the almost royal
honour he had conceived for himself to the Jew Mordecai whom
he hates most of all men ; and how Esther by her address saves
her people from the general massacre which Haman had planned
gets the minister hanged .on his own gallows and Mordecai
appointed in his place, and procures a counter-edict by authority
of which the Jews in Susa and the provinces slaughter their
fellow-snhjects without resistance,-that was something to delight
the heart of a race whose peculiarities and contempt for the state
religion involved it in such hitter sufferings.
2087
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
MACCABEES
2088
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
~~
ii. Eu$oZemos.-The
work of Eupolemos under a
similar title was of a different nature. He narrated the
history more at large, and with embellishments in the
taste of his times, such as the correspondence of Solomon
with the pharaoh, the legend of Jeremiah (f.24),and
so on. In him also we first note the disposition to
vindicate for the Hebrews the priority in philosophy,
science, and the useful arts, which is so characteristic of
later Hellenistic authors.
Moses was the first sage (uo@s), and the first who gave his
r p l q written laws. H e taught theart ofwriting tothe Jews ;the
hcenicians learned it from the Jews, and the Greeks from them.
2089
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
For the agitation which preceded the war, and for the
war itself, Josephus was both at the time and afterwards
in a position to be exceptionally well informed ; but it
must be remembered that, writing for the eyes of the
emperor and his officers, he was under strong temptation
to put things in the way which would be most pleasing
to his imperial patrons ; and that he had the difficult
task of giving an honourable colour to his own conduct.
We know that Justus charged him with falsifying the
history of the events i n Galilee, and the acrimony of
Josephus's reply shows that the shaft had found a
vulnerable spot.
For the earlier part of the work, from Antiochus
Epiphanes to the death of Nero, he used substantially
the same sources as in the parallel books of his Antiquities. The 3ewish W a r is composed with considerable
art ; Josephus had a remarkably dramatic subject, and
he puts his facts together in a highly effective way ; the
Greek style, in revising which he had expert assistance,
is praised by Photius for purity and propriety.
ii. Antiquities. -Later in life Josephus wrote his
Antiquities, or, rather, ' Archeology * ( 'Iou&zL+ r i p p r o Xoyia), the Ancient History of the Jews, in twenty
books.'
The first ten books extend from the creation of the
world to the end of the Babylonian exile (closing with
Daniel). His sources here were the books of the OT,
chiefly in the LXX version ; but when he affirms ( I
Proem. 3, x. 106) that he reproduces exactly the contents
of the sacred books, without addition or omission, he
claims too much-or too little.
BeZLo/ltdaico L i h i Septenz.
2091
2092
HISTORICAL LITERATURE
HITTITES
2093
also
(nn
?k.
u])
s.
2094
HITTITES
HITTITES
*.
use
2095
(aF
s.
lTllllL.
2096
HITTITES
HITTITES
2097
2098
1
2
HITTITES
HITTITES
and the Semitic stock, if not indeed, as in Egyptian, a
Semitic substratum.
No valid conclusion can be
drawn from the unquestionable relationship of the
Cypriote characters to the Hittite signs, since the
Cypriote syllabary is clearly the more simplified of the
two, and is presumably, therefore, a derivative of the
former. What we know of early Semitic influences in
the proto-Grecian culture and religion of Asia Minor,
speaks against an Aryan civilisation flourishing in the
region covered by the Hittite monuments.
These suggestions are thrown out with all due reserve,
for the problem is too complicated to warrant at present
anything like a decided tone. So far as Jensens decipherment has gone, the inscriptions-some thirty in
all-contain little beyond the names and titles of rulers,
lands and gods, with brief indications of conquests.
Valuable as such indications would be if definitely established, it does not seem likely that our knowledge of
Hittite history would be much advanced by the complete
decipherment of the meagre material at our command.
On the other hand, there is every reason to believe that
excavations in Hittite centres will increase the material,
and we may also look forward to finding a bilingual
inscription of sufficient length to settle definitely the still
uncertain elements in the decipherment, and clear the
field of the many hypotheses that have been put forward.
Meanwhile, bearing in mind the necessarily tentative
character of all conclusions until excavations on a large
scale shall have been carried on in centres of Hittite
settlements, we may sum up our present knowledge as
follows :
I . Among the pre-Israelitish inhabitants of Palestine
there was a group settled in southern Palestine, known
13. General as the Hettites or Hittites. 2. When the
began their conquest of Syria,
result. Egyptians
Hittites formed one of their most formidable adversaries, and continued to be prominent throughout the several centuries of Egyptian supremacy in Syria
and Palestine. The chief seat of these Hittites was in
the extreme N. of Palestine and extended well into Syria.
The further extension of Hittite settlements brings under
control not merely the district to the W. of the Taurus
range, but a considerable portion of western Asia Minor
(including Cilicia and Cappadocia) extending to the
Euxine Sea on the N.and the A3gean to the W. The
north-eastern boundary is uncertain ; but it may have
reached to Lake Van. After the withdrawal of the
Egyptians from Asia Minor the Assyrians engage in
frequent conflicts with the Hittite kingdom in the region
of the Orontes, a n d i t is not until the eighth century that
they are finally reduced to a condition where they could
no longer offer any resistance.
The vagueness in the use of the term Hittite, in the
O T as well as in the Egyptian and Assyrian records,
makes it difficult to decide whether all Hittites are to be
placed in one group. The evidence seems to show that
the sons of Hsth settled around Hebron at an earlyperiod,
have nothing in common (beyond the name) with the
Hittites of central and northern Palestine, and have
nothing to do, therefore, with the Hittites of Syria and
of regions still farther N. The Hittites of Hebron were
Semites and spoke a Semitic tongue; the Hittites of
northern Palestine and Syria were probably not Semitic
but became mixed with Semites at a comparatively early
period. Their language, likewise, appears to contain
Semitic elements, and may indeed have a Semitic substratum. The Hittite script appears to have been taken
over from the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and in any case
has strong affinities with it, though it seems also certain
that it contains elements which are either original or
derived from some source that is still unknown.
M. J. (Jr.1..
Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. o f A r t in Sardinia, etc., vol. u.,
2099
2100
HIVITEB
HODESH
The origin of the name and even its existence (see below) in
the true text have been disputed (see HORITE). Some critics
explain from the Ar. +ayy, family, as if = people who live in
nin, Bedawin encampments (see GOVERNMENT, $ 4, HAVVOTH- @ has rwpag [BAL] in Judg., opa/3 [B], wj3.p [AI, LW.
JAIRtWhilst Wellhausen (CH(2)343) suggests that the name is
[Fxl iwpap [Flmg.L] in Nu.: see readings in Swete., We.
(Hek(Z1 146) compares Hobab with Ar. hubri6, serpent : but
derived from ?$n, Eve (on the meaning of which name see A DAM
most connect the name with 3>, to love; cp Nab. )3*3n,
AND EVE, 5 36). I t is a t any rate possible that, if the reading
beloved.
T. K. C.
*ln is correct, the early interpreters in the Onomrrstica were
right in connecting it with nVl, serpent(&lpiw8ss, & m s p 8+ecs :
HOBAH (n31n ; xwBah [D] ; NO. [ L l ; Joseph.
OS 16464, etc.), and that thokivites were originally the Snake
~ B A ) ,the point to which Abraham pursued CHEDORclan (so, doubtfully, Moore, /&g. 83J).
LAOMER (4.v.) and his allies (Gen. 1415). It was on
In Gen. 1017 ( = I Ch. 115, B om., E U E L [L]) the
(eBA=
aBAFL.
aA)
See ATER, I.
HQBAB (3$), son of R EUEL [g.v.], Moses fatherin-law (Nu. 1029 Judg. 411 [a gloss? see Moore], and
probably Judg. 116 [emended text: cp lwaB [A],
I ~ B A B[L], se.e,Moore]). In N u . 1 0 ~ 9he is represented as a Midiantte, in Judg.116 411 as a Kenite.
Elsewhere (except in I Ch. 255, see HEMATH),JONADAB [4.v.], or Jehonadab, is called the founder of the
Rechabites, and we may doubt (but see RECHABITES)
1 Read 'inn fsr d$? (@BNAQ oi euuboi), with Lowth,
(see
Lag. etc. (cp RVmg.), Cheyne now reads *tyinn=*gq~,i
T. K. C.
Lwsouia
[Ll).
HODESH
( ~ * n ,born
ag
2101
2102
GI&H~TE).
HONEY
HODIAH
HODIAH
(Pli?,
t?=*t%l$k!IE$udahite,
whose wife was a sister of
NAHAM[g.~.], I Ch. 4 19 (r$s domas [Bl, riis roY8aLas [AI, o8ra
[L]). @BA, however, has the better reading his wife Hodiah
111v. 18. Thus we see that Hodiah and Ha-Jehudijah are really
the same genealogical person, who is called in v. 19 mother
,
of the father of KEILAH [g.u.] and E SHTEMOA [ ~ u . ]and
was the wife of MERED [q.v.]-a corrupt form whlch needs
emendation. @L makes Hodiah the brother of Naham.
2. AV Hodijah, mentioned in lists of priests, teachers, and
Levites, Neh. 8 7 9 5 [4] (om. @ B N A in both passages), I Esd. 948
(AUTEAS; avraias [BA]); Neh. 1010, o8ovLa LENA1 13 1141
(o8ovp [BK] o8oua [AI oscas [Ll); 71.18 [1g] (o8ouLa [BNAI,
oScas [L]). H e is pro6ably the same as HoDAvlAH (4). T h e
name a parently recurs in I Esd. 5 16 under the corrupt form
ANNIS$0 RV) ; see ANANIAS,I.
;?s
>
s.
HOLM
TREE.
I.
Qg.1)
RV, AV
HOLOFERNES ( O ~ O ~ E P N H C[BHA];
[Syr.]), the name given to the Assyrian general in the
legendary book of Judith. The name, also pronounced
Orofernes, was borne by two Cappadocian princes, the
one, a young son of Ariamnes, and the other a son of
Antiochis, the daughter of Antiochus the Great, and, at
one time, the friend of Demetrius I. The latter has
been identified with Holoferues by Ewald (4621)and
independently by E. L. Hicks (7. HeZZ. Stud. 6 2 6 1 8
[Sj]).
Ball, however, prefers to identify him with
Nicanor the Syrian general overcome by Judas the
Maccabee, and Gaster with Scaurus, the general sent
by Pompey into Syria 65 B . C . According to Winckler
(AOF(2)273) Holophernes =Osnappar (ASur-bZni-pal).
HOLON
(ihor 0%).
HOLY (dli;),
Ex. 1 9 6 ; HOLINESS (b7)). Ex.
1511. See C LEAN , 5 I.
HOLY GHOST ( I T N ~ ~ MaAr l o N ) , Mt. 118. See
SPIRIT, and cp PARACLETE, PENTECOST, S PIRITUAL
GIFTS.
HOMAM
I Ch. 139.
See HEMAM.
(Pgh),
HONEY ( ~ 3 7dZba!6ai,
,
same order of root letters in
Aram. and Ar. ; Ass. di$u. honey, daSpu, d u f f u j u ,
a sweet drink ; M E I \ I ) . The word &baP has three
distinct senses : ( I ) the honey of the wild bee, ( 2 )the
honey of the domesticated hee, and ( 3 ) manufactured
honey, or syrup, the dids of modern Syria.
I . In the sense of wild honey the word is of
frequent occurrence.
Honey out of the rock is
1. Varieties mentioned in Dt. 32 13 and Ps. 81 1 6 ~
of Honey. [17] ; and Canaan is even described, and
similarly Goshen (Xu. 16 13), as a land
flowing with milk and honey (Ex. 3 8 17 passim; cp
Dt. 8 8 2 K. 18 32 Jer. 41 8).3 Theories attaching either
of the two other significations to the term
as
used in this phrase, have no adequate justification.
It was, further, the honey of the wild bee which Samson found in the carcase of the lion (Judg. 14 8 & ; see
B EE), and of which Jonathan partook ( I S. 1425 J?),4
by dipping his staff into the honey-comb (@~i my:;
cp Cant. 51) ; and wild honey ($A& &yprov) was the
fare of John the Baptist (Mk. 16 Mt. 3 4).
2. There is no direct reference to domestic beekeeping in the OT (see BEE).
Nevertheless, it
would be strange, in view of the antiquity of the
domestication of the bee in the East ( A m . Tab. 13812
speaks of honey and oil in Syria), if the Hebrews were
1 I n EV invariably rerdered honey, except in z Ch. 31 5,
where A V w . has dates.
a I n the latter passage Lag., Gr., We., Che. read, With
droppings (IWy? for 1WF) of honey; note the parallelism.
3 [The phrase a land flowing (n3l) with milk and honey is
more poetical than its context seems to justify. It was already
conventional in the time of JE. It is a reasonable supposition that it comes from ancient poetry; and, since ancient
poetry is always tinged with mythology, it is not improbable
that the phrase in question had a mythological origin. If it
were Sanscrit, we should not doubt it. But the more sober
Semitic mythology does not appear to have spoken of the sun
as a cow and the moon as a bee (Goldziher He6. Mythology
28J).
Nor was it imagined by the Semiies that the Milk;
Way was specially the abode of the Sun-gad (as by the Egyptians :
Maspero, D a w of Ciu. 181). Probably the phrase alludes to
the idealised past of human history. In the time of Nepherheres, says Manetho (Muller, FY.Hist. Gv. 2 542$), the Nile
flowed with honey for fifteen days. So, in the Hebrew Golden
+ge it may have been said, with perfect sincerity, that the land
flowed with milk and honey. I t is to such a myth that an
Assyrian poet may allude, when he wishes for his king, besides
the protection of the Sun-god and the Moon-god that God may
cause to flow into his channels dispa &wet;, honey (and)
curdled milk(Frd. Del., G. SmithsChaZd. Gee.). Cp MARAH.
T
. K. C.1
.
~~
2103
2104
HONEY
HOOK
68
2105
cp PANNAG.
rO.TJ.i).
2106
HOOPOE
HQR, MOUNT
Dt. 1 4 1 8 [16]f (u?ro?ra [B"F], vnwrra [A]). RV, however, and the older English versions, without authority,
LAPWING. It is usual to acquiesce in the traditional
rendering ' hoopoe.' The Upuppa epops is in fact, not
less than the lapwing, a Palestinian bird. It winters
in and near Egypt, and returns to Palestine in March.
It seeks its food in dunghills, and, it is supposed, was on this
account included among the unclean birds ; it is, however, freely
eaten in the Levant at the present day. Possibly because of its
crest (Aristoph. Birds, 94), it has always inspired a superstitions
awe and the Arabs, who call it JzudJzud, from its cheery cry,
ascribe to it the power of discovering water and of revealing
secrets. I n the late Jewish legends respecting Solomon the
hoopoe plays a great part in connection with the queen of Sheba
(see second Targ. on Esth. l), and the story is adopted in the
Qoran (sur. 27).
HOPHNI
A. C.
('>3?; O@N[E]i
This king, the fourth (or, according to another reckoning, the seventh, see EGYPT, 66) of the Sdte or twentysixth dynasty of Manstho, the son of PsameLik 11.
(Psammis of Herodotus) and grandson of Necho, came
to the throne about 589 or 588 B.c., and reigned
according to Mangtho (in Africanus) nineteen years,
according to Herodotus and Eusebius 25 years ( 2 2
1 i.e., $
'
l
?
.
(see Field). Comp. Jerome in the L i b interjr.
He6r. nom. (Lag. OS, 53 13) : Afree furor alienus sive vita
dissipata atque discissa (cp E'uruo :dissipans sive discooperuit
eum). Targ. 'the broken one,' ',?!N
Pesh. ' the lame-one,'
2107
HORAM
HORMAH
..
See SINAI.
(@in;
~ P ~ I according
I),
(?$t$?
Lotan son of Seir the Horite (Gen. 36 22). Possibly a substitutefor some lost clan name.
2. (uou [ ~ I
[BAFI,
L
UOUSPL [Ll). Ancestor of the Simeonite
Shaphat (Nu. 135). See S IMEON.
3. I n Gen. 3630 AV, RV t h e HORITES.
$?ic=*i$!
HORN
EORONAIM
HORN
T. K. C.
(pi&KE~AC).
lightened.
It is usual, indeed, to say that ilp mems to
radiate light (@ Ss86&w.rai), and to compare
34, where
AV has, His brightness was as the light ; he had horns (coming)
out of his hand hut in mg. bright beams out of his side.
R V substitutes iays for hoik, but truthfully records Heb.
horns in the margin. No doubt O:??? should he n???,
lightnings; Hab. 3 is not an Arabic but a Hebrew poem. It
is just possible, however, that Jeromes version that the face
of Moses was horned was influenced by the symholism of
Alexanders coins. It would he going rather too far off to
compare the horns of the moon-god Sin, whose emblem was a
crown or mitre adorned with horns, though G. Margoliouth has
lately defended the very improbable reading just referred to by
making this comparison, which seems to him to fit in admirably
with theprimitive worship of Sin recorded by the name Sinai.
3. That the term horn can be used for a horn-shaped vessel
is intelligible ( I S. 16 I 13 I K. 139). Spch a phrase as horn &
pigment for anointing the eyelashes is therefore in itself
possible. But was there ever a father in ancient legend who
gave this name to his daughter, as Job is said to have done in
M T of Job42 14 (see K EREN - HAPPUCH )?
HZ.
?tilzP3
3
HORNED SNAKE
(jb?@), Gen. 49 17
RVms., AV
I O.
CRAERO).
Parallels have certainly been quoted as examples of the inconvenience caused by these and similar pests ; but the cases
adduced refer not to peoples but to the inhabitants of more circumscribed limits(towns e.g. Megara, &&an 918 Rhaucus,
B l i a n , 1735 [quoting A m e n d of Crete] ; cp bi., id Zoc., and
see Smiths DBP) s.71.).
L OCUST.
A new line must, at any rate, be taken.
(if
correct) seems to refer to some enemy who made an
early inroad upon Canaan.
Sayce (Ear& Hist. of
Nedrezu) ingeniously finds a reference either to the
campaign of Rameses 111. (p. 286) or to the Philistines
(p. z g z f . ) , and in regard to the former it is noteworthy that the Egyptian standard-bearer wore among
other emblems two devices apparently representing flies
(see E NSIGN , 3). But if we may lay stress upon the
fact that the hornet does not attack unprovoked (see
above), it is plausible to suggest a new rendering for
nyir-viz., serpent (cp Ass. siru)-and see a reference to the urzeus or sacred serpent on the crown of
the pharaoh (cp Ode of Thotmcs HI., v. II ; Brugsch,
Gerch. kg. 354).1 On the other hand, however, the
reference may be to some local invasion which has been
amplified by E or his informant. In this case a tribe,
whose totem was some kind of serpent (cp Z O RA H ),
may conceivably be intended.2
A. E. S.-S.
A. c.
WPWNAIM