Affairs of the

Region

Spring 2016
VOL 1 NO 1
ISSN 0162-2889

Reassessing Aquitaynian

Hector Cai

Defense Strategy
The Myth of Trellinese

Tariq Rizuya

Foreign Policy: An Illusion

of Integration
The Robin Hood Complex:

Marcellus Drywell &

A Discussion of Empirical and Ethical

Septus Steeldrum

Legitimizations of Feran Pirates

The Future of Insula Fera

Thomas Wright

The First Proconsul: Alexandre Is

Joaqun Dubois

Enduring Message to Astyria

Affairs of the
Region

Spring 2016 VOL 1 NO 1

3
Summary

6
Reassessing Aquitaynian Defense Strategy

Hector Cai

10
The Myth of Trellinese Foreign Policy: An Illusion

Tariq Rizuya

of Integration

12
The Robin Hood Complex:

Marcellus Drywell &

A Discussion of Empirical and Ethical Legitimizations

Septus Steeldrum

of Feran Pirates

23
The First Proconsul: Alexandre Is
Enduring Message to Astyria

CORRESPONDENCE
18

Joaqun Dubois

A History of Romberg and its Aristocracy

Johann VI von Lenesov

Heinrich Freiherr

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Summaries

69

Reassessing Aquitaynian Defense Strategy

Hector Cai, Karleigh University Constitutional Monarchy of Aquitayne
Large amounts of government-ordered studies into its policies in regards to defense have been
issued by the Parliament, and increasingly that literature has come to the conclusion that
Aquitaynian defense policy within the last three decades has been on the wrong approach. The
same literature cites the rise of a military industrial complex within the country which was
gaining stronger controls on the Parliament through various lobbying efforts. This essay will
examine the defense strategy of the last three decades and paint a picture of the future if the
Crown continues on its current course.

10 12

The Myth of Trellinese Foreign Policy: An Illusion of Integration

Tariq Rizuya, Imperial College of Ro'ekha Cadenza
The way culture, history and ideas of the future shape a nation are key to understanding the way
the Trellinese Empire will be entering the remainder of the 21st Century. This essay will discuss
the difficulties facing the Trellinese Empire in the future, and what it means to be one of the last
absolute monarchies in Astyria. More importantly, though, is how this affects their relationship
with nations like the Dangish Empire, the EATA and ATO, and the rest of the region as the once
silent nation begins to re-enter international affairs.

13 17

The Robin Hood Complex: A Discussion of Empirical and Ethical Legitimization

of Feran Pirates
Marcellus Drywell, Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the
University of Redemption Blackhelm Confederacy

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Marcellus Drywell discusses the merit and legality of addressing the problems arising from the
Pirate colonies that dwell on the western shores of what is now New Pangus. At the time of
writing, the territories were still Pangus and Prudenesia, respectively, and the Pirates had, up to
that point, been largely ignored by United Kingdom and Dangish forces throughout the majority
of the Greater Insula Feran Conflict, albeit through naval means when military ships would
intercept pirates.

28 30
The First Proconsul: Alexandre Is Enduring Message to Astyria
Joaqun Dubois, Universit de Salsigne, Seraphic Republic
Joaquin Dubois, a Professer Emeritus of Political Science at Universit de Salsigne, discusses the
Seraphic Republics change in government structure, and how this change has largely impacted
the way the nation conducts itself on the international stage.

18 27
A History of Romberg and its Aristocracy
Kaiser Johann VI von Lenesov, Professor Heinrich Freiherr und Edler von
Rakovskiy, and Dr Olga Weissmann, Romberg
This piece, authored by two academics and the Kaiser of Romberg himself, details the complex
and sometimes convoluted nature of Rombergs aristocracy. The essay details the various
complexities involved with noblemen in the modern Rombergian state, as well as how these
complexities translate to meaningful legislations and interactions on the world stage.

Affairs of the Region | 5

A NOTE TO READERS
Affairs of the Region is a bi-yearly journal written, contributed to, and published, solely by
members of the region of Astyria. The articles published in this journal are fiction and based on
fictional countries and have no resemblance to any real-life nation, government, or body. The
articles in this journal should be considered in-canon and factually accurate to the fullest extent
possible as ascertained by the given writers discretion. All authors names, places, and data are
canon to the region of Astyria and should be considered canon to any that engage in roleplay
with such players. Any member of Astyria can cite this journal as a reference in any out-ofcharacter dispute or in an in-character fashion as canon as of its publishing date, 24 May 2016.
This journal is, first and foremost, a fun and interesting way to highlight the current happenings
between the major players in Astyrian politics and highlight otherwise underappreciated aspects
of the roleplaying world. We, as players and more so as writers, take extreme pleasure and time
in our work, and if you have any feedback for us, please feel free to telegram us at any time.
If you think Astyria would be a good home to you, please feel free to stop by our IRC at #Astyria
on Esper. We dont bite! To inquire as to membership into Astyria, please contact the current
World Assembly Delegate, the Blackhelm Confederacy, to begin the application process.

Thank you for taking the time to read this, and I hope you enjoy.

~Aquitayne
Editor

Reassessing

Hector Cai

Aquitaynian Defense Strategy

Discussing the Difficulties
of Aquitaynian Defense Practice

For the better part of three

decades, the Aquitaynian government has taken a strong stance on the practices of its military
forces. It is not only through but largely attributed to - these practices that the nations
international policy has been shaped: within the last fifty years, just after the onset of the Second
Great Astyrian War, Aquitaynian foreign policy ideology shifted drastically. It was no longer the
stance of the nation to be content within itself and rather, as Her Majesty the Queen Lisa II stated

Affairs of the Region | 5

in her Parliamentary Address in 1952, the nature of the world has changed, fundamentally, and
it is the duty of all Aquitaynians to endeavor to aid this transformation.1
The catalyst to this shift in policy was the noticeable decline in prominence of the
Confederacy across the Mare Ferum. With its navy heavily depleted due to the war effort and,
more importantly, its officers not seeming up to the task as they were once required, the effective
range of the Confederacys forces decreased dramatically, opening the door to Aquitaynian naval
presence across the Mare Ferum.2 Her Majesty saw an opportunity that would redefine the nature
of Aquitaynian involvement in the region for decades to come and, even more so, still effects it
greatly in the modern day: Symphonia. It was Queen Lisa II that began to lay the foundation of
what is now the United Kingdom of Aquitayne and Symphonia, laying groundwork and
diplomatic missions endlessly pursuing closer economic and socioeconomic ties to the islandstate. From 1952 when the Queen announced her shift in policy to 1960, Aquitayne saw a 65%
rise in the import of raw materials such as marble, steel, iron, gold, and other precious metals, all
from the island nation of Symphonia.3
The current geopolitical situation engulfing the Mare Ferum, however, rests solely on the
entangled island of Insula Fera. Ultimately, it was the Aquitaynian militarys primary goal to
eliminate radical groups on the island and reinstate a government body in the region that would
facilitate infrastructural growth and economic prosperity into the future. This endeavor, however,
has heightened tensions in the region and flared into almost war-like posture from both the
Blackhelm Confederacy and the Dangish Empire. The invocation of the Osborne Doctrine was a
severe blow to Aquitaynian military freedom and credibility in the conflict and acted to
undermine the overall integrity of the mission. The Blackhelm Confederacy, unlike their
counterparts, wanted to entice both Aquitayne and Symphonia into a larger conflict: it was
widely reported when Confederate fighter jets buzzed Symphonian airspace last spring,
prompting the scrambling of Symphonian jets and a heightened posture from the Symphonian
military.
The greatest struggle the Aquitaynian military has faced in the Insula Feran conflict is not
the end result, but rather the stratagem the Ministry of Defense used to attempt to attain that end
goal. The Aquitaynian military operates on the CIPCA Doctrine, short for Cyber Warfare,
Intelligence, Precision, and Combined Arms.4 The doctrine in and of itself is a solid concept on
waging a large scale conflict against an enemy state. However, this is not the reality the
Aquitaynian brass encountered once reaching Insula Fera. One of the more independent clauses
of the doctrine that separate it from the military strategies of nations across Astyria is its supermaneuverable warfare clause. It states that,
1 Records Department, Parliament Building, Telora, Aquitayne
2 Lika Kubricks A Modern History of the Oceans. (1981), p 121-142. Fair House
Publishing. Aquila, Aquitayne.
3 Mari-Oto Takegawa. The Economic Relationship of Sister-States. (1992), p 53.
Orion Publishing. Symphony, Symphonia.
4 CIPCA Doctrine, iiwiki.com. 2014. http://iiwiki.com/wiki/CIPCA_Doctrine

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The operational capabilities of the Armed Forces will be dependent on supermaneuverable warfare. This warfare is defined as the rapid movement of military
personnel and hardware in an effective manner that will disorient, destroy, and
incapacitate enemy forces. The necessity of super-maneuverable warfare is paramount in
the 21st century, where mechanized divisions and light infantry tactics dominate the
battlefield, and where engaging static enemy fortifications would be foolish.
The use of mechanized artillery, armored personnel carriers, infantry fighting
vehicles, as well as main battle tanks and support vehicles is the only way to ensure a
fluid, dynamic and sustainable front line against enemy forces. It is the belief of the
Aquitaynian Armed Services that in order to succeed in combat, one must out-maneuver
their opponent with superior, sustained and accurate firepower.
Furthermore, these divisions will have the full backing of air wings attached to the
Air Forces and Navy. Air superiority fighters will allow free and unfettered movement of
Aquitaynian military resources throughout the theater, while assault and attack
helicopters will engage enemy fortifications and units while logistic aircraft will sustain
the troops during the advance. Combined arms is a critical component to the overall
success of super-maneuverable warfare in the context of the Aquitaynian Armed Services,
and if it cannot be guaranteed, at the least anti-aircraft emplacements must cover the
contested airspace.5
This body serves to underline the problem the Aquitaynian military is having on the
island: they are not capable of moving around unfettered and independently. The nature of the
mission requires their attention to be focused on large population areas, and thus do not qualify
the same type of maneuvering that the doctrine demands. Not only is the Aquitaynian military
out of its element in its own policy, it is also trying to backpedal on the nature of their
humanitarian aid to the region.
A poll conducted by the Rembrant Consultant Group surveyed roughly 6,500
Aquitaynians, and found that 56% did not favor a long, continued mission on Insula Fera. 35%
stated that they would support the mission for as long as it was required, and 9% said they were
unsure of the pros and cons of remaining in the area for any period of time.6 Not only has the
King lost the domestic support he called on at the beginning of the operation, he has effectively
5 CIPCA Doctrine, Office of Records, Ministry of Defense. Telora, Aquitayne. 2009,
Print. 2015.
6 Rembrandt Consultant Group, Survey on the Humanitarian Crisis in Insula Fera.
Administered 2015.

Affairs of the Region | 5

alienated himself and Symphonia from the rest of the region, notably the EATA itself, but he has
also simultaneously put the United Kingdom in a war that seemingly has no end in sight.
If the Aquitaynian government cannot come to terms with the fact that they are losing the
war at home, there will be no conflict to win overseas. Some members of Parliament are already
calling on His Majesty to hand over the reins to the Dangish Empire and the EATA, which would
effectively make the entire mission to Insula Fera an utter failure and waste of time. Obviously
the King would not consider such a drastic move, though the formation of the United Insulan
Command was an action taken out of sheer desperation from EATA pressure on Aquitaynian
movements in the region.
It is arguable that the Aquitaynian military has lost the majority of its clout in the last
decade. Not only is this the first major Aquitaynian military engagement in the last 30 years, it is
also the first time the CIPCA doctrine has been put to use, and countries across the region are
analyzing its potential. While Aquitayne has one of the most advanced military forces in the
world, it does no good when theyre being utilized in the wrong way: paratroopers are being
assigned to checkpoints in major cities while military police are being sent to patrol the back
country of Pangus. The nature of the way this conflict is being waged and the nature in which
humanitarian aid is being distributed is, in the least, questionable.
The nature of the muddied-down troop deployment has soldiers at higher risks than what
would be considered optimal under normal circumstances. Recently, a checkpoint in Corvus that
allows traffic to the Administrative District was attacked by a group of Heraldan separatists ten
to thirty strong. Aquitaynian soldiers are being exposed every time they set foot into their
operational theater, and this is not a fact that has escaped the brass. A leaked military
memorandum, obtained by ANN, stated that, there is sufficient cause to be concerned regarding
the ongoing deployment of high-maneuver units to stationary roles. Their fingers are itching and
they are trained to scratch.
Ultimately, the Ministry of Defense needs to take swift and firm action if theyre to curb
the rising anti-coalition sentiment within the region. Elections are scheduled to be held within the
next few months and Aquitaynian foreign policy for the next decade rests on the success of
Insula Fera. This is the first major engagement that the country has taken on in over twenty
years, and it is not simply a show of force: that the King is using Insula Fera as a way to tell the
region, mainly the Astyrian Trade Organization and the East Astyrian Treaty Alliance, that
Aquitayne and collectively the United Kingdom is no longer a lame duck.

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Likewise, the abrupt outbreak of the Aswickan Civil War has the Ministry of Defense on
edge. The First Fleet has already been deployed to the area in a show of solidarity7 and it is not
long before the King makes the expected plea to the people to yet again intervene in a foreign
affair. The problem with this method is that the Defense Ministry does not believe theyll be
overextended. There is no time in recent memory when the military forces of Aquitayne were
stretched as thin as they are today. With conflict on the rise in Pangus and Prudensia and a
terrorized Symphonia on the edge of pulling out, Aquitayne is in for a rude awakening when it
comes to being everywhere at once.
While the King may preach neutrality in the eyes of the menacing giants, there is a reality
to the nature of what is happening here: Aquitayne is not taking a back seat in international
affairs any longer and the King is solidifying his position increasingly through the use of the
nations military forces. Whether this is sustainable financially or socially remains to be seen, but
more importantly it remains to be seen how the rest of Astyria will take this type of gun-point
diplomacy.
Hector Cai is a professor emeritus at the Telora University School of International Studies, and is a worldrenowned economist and foreign policy expert.

7 ANN, Cousins Stick Together: Aquitayne Prepares to Assist Aswick, February 2016.

Affairs of the Region | 5

The Myth of

Tariq Rizuya

Trellinese Foreign Policy

An Illusion of Integration

The abdication of Mahrim II in

June came as a surprise to many. The sudden onset of his health problems, suffering a stroke
barely a month before he resigned the throne, shocked an empire which he had led through
nearly three decades of gentle reform and modernisation. To the Trellinese people, their former
king had seemed an indomitable figure, unbowing to the pressures of the outside world. Only
Mahrim could have made deisolation seem like a free choice rather than a modern necessity. A
master of the media in his home nations, to the rest of Astyria the Trellinese ex-monarch
nevertheless seems shrouded in as much mystery as the empire itself. Whether it was true or not,
for over a century the Trellinese Empire seemed totally cut off from the rest of its region. Azara
V now inherits the peculiar task of making Astyria believe Trellin is conforming to their norms.
In the short two years since the empire exited isolation, it has performed an impressive
leap forward. Such is the opinion of outside observers, who consistently overlook the role
Arimathea, Cadenza and Kur'zhet have played in keeping their protector aware of developments
and furnishing it with the latest advancements. Trellin was not using pre-Great War technology
during the Trophy Wars, and in 2014's war in the eastern Sea of Velar it was the Andamonian
military that was technologically outdated. The difference between Trellin's equipment and that
of other regional powers is less than we might be led to believe. The Sidereal Crown cultivates
this region-wide impression of a modernising empire by seeking out a diverse range of cuttingedge products Aswickan and Nihonese aircraft, and Nikolian guns in the leadup to the War of
the Eastern Velar but in reality its gear, mostly Arimathean in origin, was never that far behind
the curve. To suggest otherwise requires a certain obliviousness and navety about Trellinese
realpolitik. The myth that, as during the Great Astyrian War, Trellin's ports are closed is belied
by the frequency with which foreign-flagged ships entered the harbour at Tanzigar. It is only
because Arimathea rents a few hundred acres of quayside as its sovereign territory that the
illusion of isolation could extend that far.
Illusion is the cultural norm within the Trellinese Empire. It is a long-practiced part of
their national psyche, surrounded by untrustworthy rivals and enemies for as long as they have
been on the continent of Teudallum. As early as the 1st century AD, the biographer of King
Pethmil I wrote, quite unambiguously, that [t]o reveal the truth of your actions is to die. This
may be an overly morbid and pessimistic sentiment for the present day, but it has resonated with
the Trellinese monarchy's philosophy for centuries. The modern incarnation of this is Mahrim's

Affairs of the Region | 5

manufactured image of backward, back-water Trellin trying to integrate into Astyria. In truth,
Trellin is neither backward nor interested in integration. It has always been more desirable for
Trellin to look inward, standing as Astyria's closest approach to autarky, supplementing its
economy with only a small proportion of imports. The empire has never sought to depend on
foreign trade, and has barely ever looked beyond its own coasts and the Sea of Velar since its
inception. In the sharply polarised regional geopolitical environment, Trellin is curiously
unaligned. Its neighbour and largest foreign market, the Dangish Empire, is a key member of the
EATA, while most of the nations around the Mederano Sea are ATO members or ATO-aligned.
To imperial policy-makers, integration means entering a game of power politics in which they
have no real interest, yet it is a game of recruitment. As the two factions vie over new spheres of
influence in Serretes, Yellosia or the Insula Fera, the Sidereal Crown needs to remain outside to
preserve its political independence. For the young Azara V, this means following the example of
her father and remaining firmly on a middle path. The recent peace summit between ATO and
EATA diplomats in Bara ti'Emla demonstrates that it is possible to pursue an independent foreign
policy one which is really more domestic than foreign , and the hopes of the nations of the
Sidereal Crown depend on their queen keeping that programme as Trellin-centric as her
predecessors have done.
Professor Tariq Rizuya is head of the Department of Politics and Government at the Imperial College of Ro'ekha,
Cadenza.

Affairs of the Region | 5

The Robin
Hood Complex

Marcellus Drywell &

Septus Steeldrum

A Discussion on the Empirical and

Ethical Legitimizations of Feran Pirates

The pirates of the

Insula Fera pose a major challenge for the international community, both economically and
morally. Feran pirates try to legitimize their actions by reference to a number of arguments that
appeal to the international community. Allegedly, the illegal fishing and waste dumping in Feran
waters were the triggers for piracy. Hence, the pirates want to protect their coasts. These various
strands form the so-called legitimacy Robin Hood narrative. In this article, this narrative is
critically examined. The analysis includes a discussion of justice theories and related claims
based on the works of Julius Fletcher and Valerius Lumberman. This is followed by a discussion
of the justification of violence using Jarridius Bakers irregular just war theory.
Introduction

With the outbreak of hostilities and the collapse of the Imperial Spartanian Government,
Feran pirates have been tried by numerous courts around the region. During this process, the
extent to which patterns of justification were used to legitimize their acts became clear. Although
the legal position should be obvious as the pirates were caught in the act, the court proceedings
and dealing with details, such as determining the real age of the suspects and who fulfilled what
role with what responsibilities, are nevertheless lengthy. Given that the penalty is determined by
the particular circumstances and sequence of events of the offense, the motives and personal state
of affairs of the perpetrators, such as the poverty on the Insula Fera and the indifference of the
international community, are relevant What motivates pirates? To what extent are their living
conditions related to the actual motives? What type of phenomenon are we dealing with when it
comes to piracy? Piracy exists in various manifestations. Pirates in most parts of the world
concentrate mainly on robbery and partly on ransom demands while Feran pirates hijack entire
ships along with crews and only set them free in return for ransoms in the millions of dollars.
This Feran Business Model was limited for a long time to the area between Pangus and
Prudenesia and is seen as being closely related to circumstances on land. Piracy in the area in

Affairs of the Region | 5

question is omnipresent in the media. This is partly due to the nature of the Feran piracy and to
the special situation in the country.
The northern countries on Insula Fera have been failed states since the overthrow of the
regime in 2013. Thus, it has been virtually impossible to contain piracy effectively. Nevertheless,
there are regions on the Insula Fera where the rule of law functions to a certain degree,
particularly in the areas under the control of peacekeepers sent from the United Kingdom and the
EATA. Warships of many nations are currently stationed around the island, however, experts
agree that a successful crackdown on piracy can be achieved only on land. Without a long-term
prospect for sustainable political regulation, one cannot overcome the problem. A militarily
crackdown on the sea is unpromising in the long run. This is because, partly due to the military
presence along the coast, pirates have extended their field of operation to the Mare Ferum where
the area is too large to be effectively protected with patrols. In contrast to the pirates found
elsewhere, Feran pirates have provided justification and vindication for their trade. The pirates
deny the legitimacy of those trying to control them. They reject being called pirates because the
term implies criminality; rather, they see themselves as the Saviors of the Sea. This defiance
needs to be addressed as it is fueling their conviction and, thus, attempts to suppress the
phenomenon could founder due to ambivalence within the Insula Fera regarding piracy. It will
not be possible to gain the support of the Feran people in the fight against piracy without
undermining the compelling Robin Hood narrative.
The Robin Hood narrative can be summarized using the following syllogism: on the
descriptive level, the pirates claim that they have had their livelihoods destroyed by wrongful
acts; consequently, they have resolved to capture ships. Prescriptively, their argument is based on
the following principle: Whoever has had their livelihood taken away through an act of injustice
may forcibly take from those that perpetrated the injustice. Thus, they have concluded that their
violent action is not illegal piracy, but a legitimate fight for survival. While recognizing this
claim, the justification has been rejected by the EATA Security Council in its calls to the
international community to combat Feran piracy. Based on empirical analysis, there exists only a
weak connection between the injustice that the Feran fishermen have endured and the piracy
scourge in the area between Pangus and Prudensia today. Moreover, on the prescriptive level, the
ethical principle that underlies the piracy argument is not convincing; it is debatable whether
rights can be derived from injustice. Even if this is accepted, one is faced with the substantial
problem as to who may be held accountable. Should the crews of maritime vessels traversing the
maritime area put their lives at risk and be held liable for the injustice caused by others?
The Robin Hood Narrative
The patterns of justification used by Feran pirates to legitimize their actions depend first
and foremost on the accusation of illegal fishing and dumping of toxic materials. There are four

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patterns of legitimization. First, it is claimed that the pirates are a sort of coast guard protecting
the Feran shore. Second, Ferans are said to be forced into piracy because of poverty and
insufficient economic alternatives. These two allegations constitute the core of the Robin Hood
narrative. Two other popular legitimizations are that the illegal fishing is the reason for the
beginning of piracy. Furthermore, it is claimed that there is a general anger among Ferans at
the behavior of the international community, which drives them to support piracy. This
perception was confirmed by one of the pirates, Maximus Draze, in an interview with The Daily
Confederate (2014):
We used to work as fishermen until last year. After the collapse of the central
government we had faced attacks by international fishing vessels ... They dumped toxic
waste and nuclear waste in our seas. We had no central government to defend us and then
we took the responsibility to fight them ... I was captured doing this work and it is not
something that we have caused, but it is the people from the UK and the EATA troops
that have caused it ... Behind every navy ship that is supposedly guarding against the
pirates, they are also bringing with them many foreign fishing vessels.

This statement, however, requires examination. There is credible evidence that, after the
collapse of the Spartanian regime, foreign fishing occurred in the Feran 200-nautical-mile zone
and even in its territorial waters. An exclusive economic zone (EEZ) may extend up to 200
nautical miles off a states coast. As long as the state claims an EEZ, the state holds exclusive
rights over the economic resources, including fish. However, the existence of a Feran EEZ is
problematic. The Insula Feras declaration of a 200-mile territorial sea is not seen as legitimate
because the territorial waters of a country are limited to 12 nautical miles. Bishop and
Swordsmith (2015), on the other hand, propose that the claim could be reinterpreted as a claim
for the 200-nautical-mile EEZ. Thus, the EEZ would be established and foreign fishing in the
area would be illegal without the permission of the Insula Feran government.
According to Brownleather (2014), the Ferans speak of corporate maritime terrorism
perpetrated by foreign fishing fleets. Clashes have been reported where local fishermen were
deliberately. Consquently, artisanal fishermen armed themselves and started to fight back. The
Director of the Feran Development Bank described these developments as follows: These
fishermen then took the law into their own hands and said, look well start hijacking ships as a
way of getting back. Then it became an easy business, a way of life, they got hooked onto it.
This is the Robin Hood narrative, which still forms a basis of legitimization of piracy today, as
accusations that piracy is linked to illegal fishing in Feran waters remain.
Some pirate gangs define themselves as social bandits who capture ships for the sake of
their suffering society. The blackmailing for ransom is not a criminal act, but is a legitimate,

Affairs of the Region | 5

compensatory taxation. Since Feran fishing is focused primarily on self-sufficiency, the
exploitation of fishing grounds means depletion of the resource and, in the worst case, the
starvation of people living on the coast. Previously we were honest fishermen, but since
foreigners fished our seas empty, we have had to search for other ways to survive(TDC Report,
2014).
The narrative is strongly based on a moral argumentthe rich industrial nations are
exploiting the Feran fishing grounds while the local fishermen are having their livelihoods
taken away. Bahadur describes the analogy between the subjugated terrorist and the selfdetermined freedom fighter and the names that the Feran pirates give themselves. For instance,
not ocean robber, but rather saviors of the sea (Bahadur 2014a). This explains the social support
that various pirate groups receive from the local population. This is important as captured ships
are sometimes held for long periods of time and their crews and guards must be provided for.
This is not possible without the consent of some of the local population. A Feran stated in an
interview that a portion of the spoils of piracy are distributed within the local community, among
the poor and needy, which results in the pirate group being seen as Robin Hood-like figures
(Bahadur 2011a). Moreover, in one pirate village a stock exchange exists that makes it possible
for pirates to raise money for their activities and allows non-pirates to share in the profits of
piracy. Alongside the legitimization of piracy by the local population and the Feran diaspora,
the Robin Hood narrative serves as a justification at the international level.
The relatively long history of the art of piracy in this part of the world aside, the issue of
piracy seems like it might be present in the area for some time, provided the international force
does not act to create a positive change. Without such a change, it is likely that even with a
military presence, banditry and small scale piracy will continue to take place, and regrettably
lives will be lost.
Marcellus Drywell is a Professor at the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of
Redemption, Blackhelm Confederacy;
Septus Steeldrum has a Masters in International Affairs from Paradise City University, Blackhelm Confederacy.

Affairs of the Region | 5

A History of Romberg
and its Aristocracy
How Rombergs Royals shape

Johan IV von Lenesov,

Heinrich Freiherr, &
Olga Weissman

Modern policy

The United Realms of the

Imperial Crown of Romberg and the Royal-Ducal Lands of Hohenstein, better known as the
United Realms of Greater Romberg, is a nation steeped in history, having been an independent
nation in its own right for over one thousand years in one capacity or another before another four
hundred years of personal union with the Grand Duchy of Glisandia. With a unique mix of
Germanic, Nordic and Slavic cultures coexisting over the centuries and with trade and contact
with other nations, it is little wonder that the system of monarchy and nobility which has evolved
in the Rombergian lands is unique. With regular reforms, this unique institution has survived
until modern day, and this essay attempts to explain the intricacies of nobility with respect to the
past, the present and the future.
Open any map and one would find the nation of Romberg being in a frozen corner at the
far Northwest of Astyria, an inhabited peninsula jutting off the otherwise uninhabitable arctic
continent of Ultima Thule. It is only with the effect of the mountainous boundary to the West
blocking arctic gales that allow the Rombergian peninsula to be barely habitable, but even to
modern day and despite anthropogenic global warming, still the nation of Romberg is one of the
coldest nations in the whole of Astyria. It is hence a miracle that a coherent settled civilisation
could develop here at all. With permafrost covering much of the Northern edge of the nation and
coniferous taiga covering most of the rest of what would become the nation, prehistoric Romberg
was certainly not a place where one would expect humanity to flourish. Yet somehow humanity
did. According to archaeologists, the steppe of far Southeastern Romberg was the cradle of
Rombergian settlement, with it being the only areas to support agriculture in any scale.
However, to nomads, things were different. Wildlife was plentiful for hunters, and arctic
waters teemed with fish. During the short summer, fruits and berries could be collected as well,
and acorns were an important part of the prehistoric Rombergian diet. Indeed, according to
archaeologists, even after settlement of the steppe, nomadic life in Romberg was still the norm.
During this period, exposure and predation seemed to be the main causes of death, with skeletons
found to bear tooth marks. During this period, the basic cornerstones of Rombergian culture were

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developed, including a clan centric grouping that emphasised on cooperation for survival, as well
as prominent usage of furs as clothing. These discoveries could not have been made without
mummies, well-preserved in the cold.
Many sagas still known today often tell of events that seem to harken back to this period.
During this period, it is also theorised that the proto-Rombergian language was first developed,
as well as brewing of alcohol, though writing would be developed much later. Surprisingly
though, clan warfare was not particularly frequent due to the abundance of resources; risk of
hunting was much greater than risk of murder. It is in this clan system too that first signs of a
leadership structure was first developed; in a series of multi-generational burials discovered, it
could be seen that some tribes adopted a patriarchal while other tribes adopted a matriarchal
tribal system. Over time thus this would evolve into hereditary tribal chiefdoms, the legacy of
which can be found in hereditary nobility today.
Over time however, it seemed that the various tribes began to hold definite territories as
defined by marker stones, and while hunting and gathering was the norm. Evidence suggests that
by 1000 BC settlement was widespread. With settlement too contact between the North and the
South began to wane as evident by divergent tool styles and skin tattoos. Linguists have hence
theorised that this was the time when the Germanonordic and Slavic branches of protoRombergian diverged. During this time however there was little further development of
government structures, although burials appear to have been increasingly lavish with pottery and
jewellery becoming more common, as well as segregation into a ruling and a general class by the
types of clothing found.
By 500-300 BC however, humanity had spread into most of the Rombergian peninsula
and oceangoing craft was even discovered in this period. Shipbuilding was first attested during
this time too, as is ironworking. Overall though with the increase in population this was the
beginning of a more violent period, with armed conflict markedly more common as can be seen
from the many injuries seen on skeletons and mummies, as well as the dramatic increase in the
number of weapons found in burials. Here, the tribal system was further developed into a
military based system, with most tribes having a patriarchal system and a warrior culture. This
can be proven by the fact that usually a muscular man was buried with the most lavish goods.
Notably however other warriors were also given lavish burials, pointing to the beginning of a
system of nobility derived from military prowess. It is during this time too that the basic Norse
religion was finally settled, and on a more macabre note, when human sacrifice was first attested.
This period lasted until about the first century, when Latinate peoples arrived by sea in an
invasion, and with their more advanced technology including steel as well as superior
organisation, soon organised Rombergian resistance was crushed. This period of foreign rule
marked a stabilisation in the situation as seen by fewer deaths due to war and an explosive
increase in population, although human sacrifices appear to have intensified as the invaders

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assimilated and adopted local customs to their own ends. During this time, it appears that the
native Rombergian leadership was completely wiped out by war or sacrifice, or otherwise
retreated into the depths of the unexplored interior, and the aristocracy was completely taken
over by the invaders in the style of an oligarchic republic, having a de facto hereditary but de
jure electoral rule that was to set the style of monarchy in Romberg for many centuries to come.
This period also marks the first existence of written records, introduced by the foreign invaders.
Note here of the use of Latinate to designate these foreign conquerors, as is common in old
Rombergian documents, although in reality it has been discovered that it is much more likely
these people are of Ethlorek origin and not actually Latins from further East. However, in the
context of this text they shall collectively be referred to as Latins as per traditional convention.
In the later years of Latinate rule, Christianity began to be introduced to the nation,
slowly replacing paganism, although it would take several centuries before Romberg would be
fully Christianised. However, Latinate rule would be cut short by a weakening of central
authority, with Latinate forces departing the continent at around year 300 AD. Soon, without
central authority, Romberg fragmented into many petty kingdoms with a reborn chieftain
tradition, although now usually descending agnatically and hereditarily, and late still the runic
alphabet was invented, based on the alphabet of the Latinate people. The Cyrillic alphabet used
by the Northerners was developed at a similar time too, although Latin remained the official
liturgical language of the church. During this period however, once again the peninsula was
plunged into violence as the various petty chiefs vied to consolidate their holdings to rule over
the entire peninsula.
What follows is the two hundred year period known as the Rombergian Dark Ages or
the Great Intermediate Period when there was no central authority. However, during this period
Rombergian traditions became more developed though now less bloodthirsty due to the influence
of Christianity and the Latinate tradition. Syncretistic rites now flourished with elements of the
old ways combined and modified to suit the contemporary worldview. In the end, only several
chiefs remained following conquering and subjugation of their fellow counterparts, but each
could not consolidate enough power over the rest. The decision was then made in Reichtenberg
to formally unite into a united chiefdom, with the role of chief rotated amongst the heirs of each
of the chiefs. This was thus the first instance of semi-hereditary monarchy by Rombergian
natives over the entire nation, and stone tablets recording this event mark one of the earliest
known secular writings found, although earlier religious works and Bible quotes have been
found. Yet contact with the outside world was not completely stopped, and knowledge of Latin
was continuous as was monastic contact, with Rombergian monks having managed to travel to
Maltropia by the year 700. Three large concerted crusades too managed to suppress paganism,
and again by the year 700 it would have been more or less completely disappeared except for
some hidden traditions as evident by the last open records of the practise of paganism
occurring in about the year 650.

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As time passed by however, monarchic power became more centralised, and feudalism
was established by the year 850, with a system of nobility being introduced around the same
period. During this time, nobility was similar to the continental tradition, with titles always
descending according to agnatic primogeniture. It was only after the millennium when semiSalic law came into effect and women could have any chance of inheriting a title at all. With
intermarriage and dying out of the original chief families, the monarchy too was converted into
an electoral one when all male members of upper nobility could vote for a new king among their
ranks. At the same time, a rich monastic tradition was developed thanks to innovations
introduced from monks abroad and the further development of local traditions. This culminated
in the Heiligenkreuz Monastery in Reichtenberg on a site commemorating the union of the
nation. Evidence of longship design also begin in this period too as a culmination of all
shipbuilding innovations to date, and the arctic islands were colonised as were trade posts all
around northern Astyria.
By the new millennium however, the electoral system began to break down, and in the
early 12th century the monarchy became hereditary but not without armed resistance from
powerful nobles. A side consequence of this was the beginning of intermarriage with foreign
families. In a bid to appease the nobles, higher and higher titles of nobility were granted and
rights of nobles were ever increased while central authority on the contrary became weaker.
Infighting between nobles became more frequent as shown by the once again increase in
weapons dating from this period, although concepts of chivalry and jousting were also developed
around this time. Individual coats of arms were also first granted during this period. Plague
however appeared to have increased the piety of the population as the number of religious works
increased sharply to a new high while no secular works have been found to date. For peasants
though this period marked an era of increased oppression as the rights of nobles were greatly
increased at their expense, leading to ever more frequent rebellions.
Further cracks too were present in society as by the new millennium, a clash of doctrinal
differences resulted in the clergy in the North severing ties with the Roman Catholic Church and
instead entering communion with the Eastern Orthodox churches. This led to a significant
tensions between and in some cases among families, contributing to the further breakdown of the
existing aristocratic system. Open secession from the Rombergian nation was at this stage barely
prevented by government crushing of significant armed resistance to central rule, and by the
incorporation of clergy and nobility of both confessions into the council of Princes. Although this
managed to avert outright civil war, it however led to utter deadlock in government matters and
signalled the beginning of stagnation in the Rombergian state.
Huge changes were occurring with respect to Rombegian culture too. Runic became
slowly replaced by the Latin alphabet and standing stones decline in numbers over time, as
writing began to shift to vellum and parchment. By the 13th century, remaining pagans were
often instead deported to the arctic islands far away from where they could cause any trouble to

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the Christian population more or less a death sentence as it was seen as less sinful than
straight up murdering them, according to Rombergian tradition. The survival of these pagans
maintained the original belief system up to recent times, and contributed to the revival of
Rombergian paganism in the late 19th century. They also retained the rich oral tradition of sagas
and myths which are now seen as an integral part of the national identity, as well as preserving
the runic alphabet. In the arctic isles too they would be reorganized into chiefdoms reminiscent
of pre-Christian times as opposed to a formal feudal system, which would eventually help future
historians understand more about ancient Rombergian history. The remaining Christians took on
a more zealous character, with a large quantity of documentation and artefacts of a religious
nature dating to this era found, as both confessions tried to win the other over, with little success.
Economic and military troubles, as well as incapability of the monarchy led to many
Rombergians to head to the sea, where during the medieval period Rombergian long ship
technology was arguably unrivalled. Despite being Christians, pagans and Christians of the
opposite sect were fair game, and Rombergian pirates pillaged and traded all around
Northwestern Astyria. Archaeological evidence has suggested that Rombergian activity reached
as far South as Eth Bandig in Trellin, where the remarkable burial of a man was found together
with buried possessions indicating that he was a trader-warrior as opposed to a slave. Yet there
were definitive foreign elements present in the burial further establishing his role as a trader in
former life. Coins buried with the skeleton were dated to the late 12th century, and carbon dating
of the bones have reached a similar result. Yet by then Rombergian piracy was on the wane.
Although conditions back home hardly improved, advances in naval warfare and increased
defensive capabilities of potential targets spelled the end of Rombergian piracy in the North.
Thus continued a long period of decline as Rombergian society became more unequal and
polarized. This would all abruptly end in the 16th century as dynastic disputes resulted in a
personal union of Romberg with Glisandia. Under Glisandian rule, Romberg flourished again
although it would always remain the junior partner in the relationship. However, with frequent
rebellions by the nobility, the rights of nobility were severely curtailed under Glisandian rule,
with some of the most active rebels even having their entire extended family massacred. As
collective punishment to the Rombergian nobility too, many of their historical rights were
abolished, including most importantly the ending of serfdom, freeing up many peasants who
would see market improvements in their lives in the years to come. Those who remained loyal to
the Glisandian crown however escaped more or less unscathed bar their loss of the right to own
serfs, with some even gaining further royal favors, lands and titles, and they would be patrons of
the arts and sciences in their own right, contributing significantly to the renaissance and
eventually the enlightenment.
In the meantime, in the Catholic South of the nation, the ideas of Martin Luther arrived
not long after his pinning of the 95 theses, and these ideas were readily adopted by the nobility
and the clergy alike. There was a small amount of bloodshed in the process as some Catholics

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stayed loyal to Rome, but ultimately the religious transition was smooth. By the eve of the
personal union, over 80% of the formerly Catholic population of Romberg had embraced the
Reformation, and this is reflected by a sudden change in religious art to a more austere and
utilitarian style.
A product of this is the first ever document found written in Rombergian German, which
had up to now been largely overshadowed by Middle Rombergian. The said document was a
translation of the Bible, now found in the Heiligenkreuz Monastery complex, which itself was
dissolved and converted into a military fortress. This marked the beginning of a sharp decrease in
usage of the Rombergian language in documents, as most would be replaced by the local
vernacular, whether it be German in the South or Russian in the North. As a response to the
change in church language in the South and the Reformation too, Northern churches decided to
change their vernacular to Russian and adopt the Gregorian calendar among other actions taken
to modernize. Those who refused were often persecuted, although the majority of the population
was receptive of these changes.
As time passed by however, and with the advent of the Industrial Revolution and rationalism, the
grip of the Church on society began to weaken, with pagans eventually tolerated. A series of
devastating rebellions in the 19th century led to ever increased Glisandian control of Romberg
and its aristocracy, which had the opposite effect by driving many more Rombergian aristocrats
and nobles to seek their fortunes abroad or support local autonomist or secessionist movements;
some openly, some clandestinely. Indeed, for the first time in ages somehow this persuaded both
Northern Orthodox and Southern Lutherans to unite in a common goal of independence. With the
support of native Rombergian nobility as patrons, Romberg began to experience a cultural
awakening, with arts and literature of a romantic nationalist genre flourishing in this period,
expressing a yearning for freedom and independence. As a result of this, interest in ancient
Rombergian culture too increased significantly, with the moribund pagan community revitalized,
and it was during this time that the isolated community of the Arctic Islands were revisited, and
their cultural significance understood for the first time. However, the Rombergian language fell
into disuse as German and Russian became much more prominent as the vernacular of the
people, only surviving barely through dedicated volunteers, often operating clandestinely in fear
of Glisandian repression.
With both passive and active resistance increasing throughout since the 19th century, one
would be tempted to think that the Glisandian authorities would crack down even harder on the
native Rombergians. However, in the same period, Glisandian power waned dramatically as it
was itself plagued by instabilities both external and internal. With Glisandian ability to respond
to rebellion crippled, the Rombergian military resistance movement would continue gaining
momentum, although still not having the audacity to openly wage war against the Glisandia,
even if in a guerrilla capacity. However, the native Rombergian aristocracy was now also

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beginning to be open to achieving independence by violent means, with some members active in
their ranks and others using their status to shelter individual cells.
A vicious cycle was thus set up, with increased Glisandian crackdowns only leading to
more acts of sabotage, assassinations and other forms of resistance. A fatal blow to Glisandian
control over Romberg was the appointment of Ulrich Herzog und Reichsgraf von Hohenstein as
the Glisandian administrator for Romberg. The Hohensteins had preserved their prestige and
status as the premier Rombergian noble family during the period of personal union by staying in
favor with the Glisandian authorities, and although most Rombergian nobility had been looked
down on by the Glisandians or otherwise seen as untrustworthy, somehow the Hohenstein
avoided a similar fate, continuing to flourish. Appointing a Hohenstein to this role, they thought,
would thus be using a local as a puppet to control Romberg in a form of divide and conquer.
What they did not anticipate however was the fact that Ulrich von Hohenstein had been in
contact with Rombergian resistance ever since he had returned from military school in Glisandia,
and these contacts would prove to be crucial to the future of Romberg in the early 20th century.
A dynastic and geopolitical dispute would soon turn into all-out war, termed the Great
Astyrian War by later historians. Glisandia was a major player in this, and many Rombergians
were drafted into the effort. Under-armed and often badly equipped or fed, casualties were high
but those who survived became hardened soldiers, manpower who would prove to be valuable in
later battles. During this period, Ulrich von Hohenstein was crucial in helping to crush domestic
dissent to the draft, and though this decision would be seen as controversial in the future, it did
much to increase the military preparedness of the Rombergian population in general. His
personal diaries would reflect his inner turmoil in having to repress his own people, being the
patriot he was, and knowing that his name in history would rest on a massive gamble.
This gamble would realize in the last year of war, when all sides were exhausted.
Glisandian units were on the brink of collapse, and it was at this time when Ulrich von
Hohenstein ordered the Rombergian National Revolution, ordering all Rombergian units to
desert or switch sides and for gross resistance on the home front. With the help of battle hardened
troops on the front and veterans back home, this would prove too much for the Glisandian
military to bear, and in a matter of weeks the war would be over. With a significant amount of
combat ready troops lost and with its largest possession in open revolt, and without enough
troops and administrators to quash the rebellion on Romberg or to defeat the insurrection on the
front, the war would be over.
As a consequence of this gamble, Romberg earned its independence, and Ulrich von
Hohenstein would go down in history as one of the greatest leaders to have ever lived he would
hence be known as Ulrich the Great of Romberg. It was thus without surprise that Ulrich von
Hohenstein was acclaimed the new leader of Romberg post war. During the postwar
reorganization of the nation, many Glisandian structures were retained as a stopgap measure,

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although despite his noble heritage and contrary to the expectations of many nobles, their rights
and privileges were not guaranteed nor restored. Apparently, liberal democratic ideas had
influences the young Ulrich von Hohenstein, and republican ideals had a certain appeal to him.
The title of Kaiser for the leader was the only monarchical measure kept, and even so was only
kept at the insistence of his closest advisors. A democratic parliament was set in place, and
referenda as well as a full constitution were promoted. The existing nobility was not satisfied of
course but due to the immense personal popularity of Ulrich von Hohestein, they could not
achieve much while he was still alive.
Succession was never an issue during the reign of Ulrich von Hohenstein as even if terms
were introduced, the amount of work required to create a functioning government would mean
he would have a legitimate reason to suspend the constitution for the duration of his life and his
personal popularity would mean this measure would still have the support of the majority of the
population. However, illness would cut his life short. Conspiracy theories have claimed the
nobility had planned to get rid of Ulrich von Hohenstein to hopefully get another person on the
throne and perhaps restore their rights, however no evidence currently exists to support this
claim. Before his death though, Ulrich von Hohenstein had managed to codify a succession law
in place, calling for a life term for Kaiser and electors based on members who were awarded civil
and military decorations.
Yet without the unifying force of a popular leader and economic depression, the nation
was soon ripped apart in civil war, with nobles rising up to demand greater rights, supported by
their fascist allies, while communists also use the window of opportunity to attempt to induce a
popular revolt against the central government. What followed was many years of continuous war,
with the central government only having effective control in the central highlands, where the
mountainous borders would prove to be impregnable to both factions. This period of civil war
would also prove to be a sudden shock to Rombergs dealings with Astyria, as trade plummeted
to almost zero and diplomatic activity nearly non-existent as well.
What followed was a period of both military and political deadlock as neither
communists nor fascists successfully subjugated the other, and the central government could
not be seized nor was it powerful enough to unify the nation. Widespread decrease in the
standard of living followed, as atrocities were reported by all sides, although it appeared that the
central government was marginally less culpable then. Then with the accession of a new Kaiser
still in the central mountains, his introduction of universal conscription a model still practiced
today, as well as the diversion of all resources towards military spending would prove to be the
situation changer. In a concerted assault accompanied by propaganda broadcasts, and knowing
that this would be a final stand, the central government left its defences in the central mountains
in a singular drive towards the capital of the fascist government, facing total annihilation
should the effort fail. Somehow the offensive succeeded and attention then shifted to the
communist government, which fell several months again. Finally, Romberg was again fully

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under the control of the central government under a Kaiser, but the damage was done. The
population was decimated and economic activity was almost reduced to a standstill. Besides,
large divisions within the now pacified populace remained, as was the issue of the widespread
availability of weapons in the population presenting a revolt risk.
With this in mind, the now single leader of the nation had only reconciliation and
redevelopment of the nation in mind. Most important among the measures was a general amnesty
towards the defeated combatants of the rival rebel governments, and in some cases the
reemployment of some in the new government. Weapons could be turned in for monetary reward,
and after which gun control laws were in place to solidify central government rule. At the same
time, conscription was now amended into the constitution to provide a continuous military
reserve force to defend the nation if necessary. To appease the leftists, taxation was readjusted
and a full social safety net was enacted. Then to appease the rightists, some hereditary rights of
nobles were ensured including limited succession of titles, as well as the modifying of electors
into official nobles. Economic liberalization followed to attract foreign investment in rebuilding
the nation. History and religion were also reemphasized to promote national unity through
national pride or God(s) now the main focus was no longer on their own faction or ethnicity, but
rather the nation and what being a Rombergian meant. Against all odds, the situation in Romberg
had stabilized in a matter of years, and was entering a period of calm with an outlook of
prosperity as economic activity slowly but surely began to rise. Yet sadly the Kaiser at the time
would not be able to enjoy the fruits of his labor as due to stress and over-exertion he would die
young.
Had things not changed much since then, Romberg would still be a stable nation, but
would be at best third world status though with a bright future. However, what followed was
what would be known as the Great Rombergian Miracle. In what seemed to be a routine
geological survey, oil was found on Rombergian soil. The presence of natural gas deposits and
further oilfields both on shore and offshore in Rombergian waters followed. Yet despite the
sudden discovery of such an important strategic resource, the first thing the government did was
to enact ever tougher anti-corruption measures. This would prove to be an extremely wise
decision as wealth gained from sales of crude oil and natural gas would enrich the nation for
many years to come instead of being squandered away or only benefitting a small minority. It
also hence made Romberg a safe place for investment, and in all helped to boost Romberg into
the Northern Powerhouse of today.
As environmental concerns began to come into the picture, and possible evidence of
global warming in Astyria seemed to have been documented, a greater push towards greater
environmental regulation was thus conducted, and what followed was a reduction in fossil fuel
extraction, with an end scheduled for 2018 except for grandfathered contracts with foreign firms.
However, without wealth from fossil fuel extraction, increasingly Romberg would be relying on
mining as well as semi-renewable resources such as seafood and timber, whilst further

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developing a service based industry and further investment in science and technology. Should
current trends continue, it is predicted that the Rombergian economy should be able to handle the
complete cessation of fossil fuel extraction, and possibly even an eventual end of mining. Indeed,
in most scenarios, the Rombergian economy is predicted to have continual growth over the years.
With the economic front stabilizing in recent years, successive Kaisers have made
reintegration of Romberg into mainstream Astyria. This was achieved in the term of the previous
Kaiser Hans II, and with this came a declaration of neutrality, forcing Romberg to not take sides
in conflict, while opening up trade opportunities to all sides of the conflict. A renewal of the
Eternal Accord of the Three Crowns also helped ensure the integrity of the nation through its
association with two other powerful nations in the Northwest of Astyria. Astyrian trade now
makes up a significant portion of Rombergian trade, and the proportion is predicted to only
increase in the future, although it is expected that diversification of trade is a major priority in the
foreign policy of future Kaisers.
On the other hand, a more assertive foreign policy was also pursued. With wealth,
significant amounts of money were invested in the Rombergian military, transforming it from a
force of conscripts to a professional fighting force that could still rely on reserves should the
worst happens. Recently, in 2015, Kaiser Johann VI decided to radically alter the composition of
the Rombergian military, cutting its active force by more than half. Analysts have feared that this
may decrease the fighting capabilities of the Rombergian military, however their fears were
mostly dispelled by the fact that the new military composition would further refine the
Rombergian military to respond to modern military threats, while still drawing on a large enough
reserve force to defend the nation should the need arise. Nonetheless, and still with the nations
neutrality on the forefront, the Rombergian military has definitely taken a more active role in
international affairs, being willing to intervene in other nations as a peacekeeping force. This in
turn helped to increase Rombergian military prestige in the eyes of many. Current support for the
military and conscription still does appear high, and there does not seem to be any reason not to
think that the Rombergian military would remain a highly capable fighting force in the future.
As this meant that Romberg does seem to be safe from both internal and external threats
in the near future and is still expected to be an important world player in the future, as well as an
expectation of continued economic growth and development, the current Kaisers main priority
was thus cultural in nature. Further economic liberalization and military reorganization were
major policies enacted by the current Kaiser, but in his words, his proudest policies were those
which would help develop Rombergian culture. Museums were better funded and more
exhibitions were held, as were archaeological expeditions. More government support for the arts
were granted, hopefully leading to a culture renaissance. The Rombergian language too was
again given a more prominent role, with it being given a more important role in public life,
although German and Russian would stand as the official operating languages of the language,

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with English, known as Standard Astyrian in Romberg, as the lingua franca. Rombergian would
remain a cultural language but would receive more coverage and support.
Above all though was the restoration of some rights to the old nobility. Though nobility
would no longer confer any political privileges in the interests of fairness and equality, it was
seen as inherently linked to the history and culture of the nation, and rightly so. As a result, some
recognition was given to the most important families of the old Rombergian nobility, including
extension of nobility to all members of these families, although in return they would take up a
ceremonial role and help to carry out official functions as well as promoting Rombergian culture.
What followed too was a deal with the house of Hohenstein, and the transformation of the nation
into the dual monarchy, with the arctic islands and the Hohenstein ancestral seat transferred into
the second entity. Should further territorial acquisitions be made, they too would fall into this
second entity. This formation of the second entity and the agreement of the house of Hohenstein
would also hence confirm the family as the premier hereditary noble house in Romberg. It was
true that there was some opposition to what some saw as a harkening to an oppressive regime
and serfdom of the past, however by and large the public were unconcerned with the
reinstatement of old nobility, although the value of some families such as the house of
Hohenstein to Rombergian culture was seen. With that in mind, extra care would be taken to
ensure only families with prominent connections and contributions to Romberg would ever be
considered for hereditary nobility at all. It is hoped that this would help enrich Rombergian
culture and maintain ancient traditions while at the same time not affecting the principles of
equality and freedom which modern Rombergians hold dear.
To sum up Romberg in one sentence is not easy. However, as one writer put it best, it
could be said as firmly grounded in the present with an eye for the future and another eye
looking nostalgically at the past. The unique geography and history of Romberg had molded it
into the nation it is today. Its people Slavs and Germanic folk alike have gone through much, at
times fighting each other, at times at peace. In the end, the one thing that unites them is the
Rombergian identity. Similarly, with its eclectic mix of policies, the Rombergian government
should not be stable. Yet somehow it does, having progressive laws on one hand yet retaining the
institution of monarchy on another. Perhaps ultimately pragmatism and resourcefulness would be
the core values which define what it truly means to be Rombergian. And nowhere could one see
this better than through Rombergs history.

Kaiser Johann VI von Lenesov is the current Head of State of Romberg;

Professor Heinrich Freiherr und Edler von Rakovskiy, Faculty of Politics, Kaiser Ulrich the Great University of
Business and Political Science, Knigsberg
Dr Olga Weissmann, Faculty of History, Imperial and Royal University of Holmgard

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The First Proconsul:

Joaquin Dubois

Alexandre Is Enduring Message

to Astyria

It is debatable whether
Alexandre Rossignol understood the significance of his solemn declaration before the assembled
host of Chteau Floure on May 19th, 1900. Cahuzac Prfecture had long been a hotbed of
seditious activities and democratic protests; Montrat in particular was the site of a civil protest
that had been violently surpressed by Alexandre's grandfather Maxime in 1889, when the young
Sraphin was but three years old. Brought to testify before the very men who had thrown his
erstwhile-father douard II into a window-less cell at Roche Island Prisona cell from which he
would never escapeAlexandre was paraded before men some forty-to-fifty years his senior,
and asked to give account of his father's treacherous activities. The young ruler, who had
indirectly ascended to the throne on the same day he said goodbye to his father for the last time
just five days before, could have denounced the democratic revolutionaries as usurpers, and
exhibited the customary Rossignol pride in the face of what would have been certain arrest. He
could have fled the country, as his mother was wont to do.
Instead, with tear-filled eyes and shaking hands, the last Sraphin of Cassonne stood
before the founders of the Seraphic Republic as a fourteen-year old child attempting to mature all
at once. What followed was perhaps the most shocking speeches in the history of Southern
Teudallum, bringing exasperation even to the staunchest of the Rpublicain hawks. On May
19th, 1900, young Alexandre Rossignol accepted familial culpability in place of his father, and
pledged to devote his life to the restitution of the new Republic that his father's captors planned
to create. It was a stunning moment that caught onlookers by surprise, and shifted the tone of the
narrative being preached by the more aggressive voices in the halls of Chteau Floure.
It also may have proven that not all revolutions come through warfare. In the totality of modern
Astyrian history, not all countries share the same peaceful transition of power from a monarch to
a democratic government. The Democratic People's Republic of Heideland stands in stark
contrast to the Cassonnaise experiment, having seen Communist revolutionaries upend and
destroy the Heider Monarchy in 1924 following their unsuccessful prosecution of military efforts
in the Great Astyrian War. Revolution is often thought of as a synonym for violent war and

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rebellion, and not without some merit. But in the case of the young Seraphic Republic, one man's
actions quite probably dissuaded millions of Seraphic subjects from going to war with one
another. It was a fantastic achievement, made all the more remarkable considering young
Alexandre had been offered protection by the Glorieuse Arme's Neuvime Bataillon in
Mzerville, Bouisse Prfecture had he wished to fight for power.
Instead, Alexandre capitulated without a fight, instructing loyalists that their true loyalty
was not to Citadelle Royn, but to each other. In doing so, he defused the counterrevolution, and
brought about the peaceful change to the new Crowned Sortition.
It is no accident that the position of Proconsul was established by the framers of the new
Republic in Chteau Floure with Alexandre in mind, or that the former royal capital of Citadelle
Royn became the new Rpublicain capital, much to the chagrin of northerners in Cassonne. The
founding fathers of the Seraphic Republic understood that maintaining a link to the Rossignol
Dynasty was imperative to bringing monarchists and non-affiliated loyalists still on the fence
over to the Rpublicain cause. With Alexandre pledging his support to the young Sortition, the
new Crowned Republic established in place of the dying Empire would have its best possible
chance to succeed. As of 2016, the gamble seems to be paying off in spades.
But the abdication of Sraphin Alexandre in the Chteau Floure Declaration, and the
succeeding speech made by the elderly Sir Alphonse of Auberon (at one time Alexandre's father's
most vociferous critics) that promoted the concept of a servant-regent, serves as far more than
the masterstroke of democratic revolutionaries in Montrat. Chteau Floure could have served as
the match to ignite the tinder pile of disagreeableness that threatened to rent the young Seraphic
Republic into pieces from the very outset. Instead, it became the embodiment of peaceful
transition, and the power that selflessness carries in monarchs. Most importantly, it became a
symbolic representation of what was possible in Astyria when men of great character and
conviction sought reason over pride.
Alexandre would live long enough only to see the young Republic's first full decade,
dying fourteen years into his new role as Proconsul when his vehicle was struck en route to a
matriculation speech he was to give at Collge Alzonne on August 19th, 1914, ironically on the
importance of investing in transportation infrastructure. He missed the Republic's participation in
the Great Astyrian War, and the following period of Libralisation which recast the Seraphic
Republic into an embodiment of the promise of liberty and reason. Yet even in death, the first
Proconsul, he who had been the last Sraphin, resonated through time as the example to which
countries in transition should follow. The violence of revolutionary politics could be tempered by
the reason and selflessness of a humble leader, who put the welfare of his country above the
prestige of his throne. In doing so, the Seraphic Republic today stands as a powerful reminder
that democracy and the peaceful transition thereto is not a foolish endeavor.

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On the contrary, it is the good hope that men of conviction aspire to realize.
Proconsul Alexandre Rossignol (1886-1914) would be canonized as one of the founding fathers of the Seraphic
Republic, an incomprehensible truth to the men planning the overthrow of the monarchy in 1900. His statue resides
on the grounds of the sixth generation of Rossignol Proconsuls' estate, Alexandre III in Citadelle Royn.