Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Sebastian Günther has just recently been appointed professor and chair in Arabic and Islamic
Studies at the University of Göttingen (Germany). Prior to this, he has held positions at the
University of Toronto (Canada) and the Martin Luther University of Halle-Wittenberg
(Germany). In addition, he has been a frequent visiting professor at al-Azhar University, the
American University in Beirut, and the United Arab Emirates University. His research inter-
ests include the Qur’an, hadith literature, Arabic belles-lettres, and Islamic thought. Currently,
he is writing a book surveying educational philosophies from Islam’s classical period.
PLEASE NOTE: Arabic expressions in the present article follow a simplified transliteration:
different apostrophes serve to distinguish between the Arabic consonants hamza (’), a voice-
less glottal stop, and `ayn (`), a laryngeal voiced fricative. Long vowels are indicated only in
transliterated book titles that appear in the article’s main text. All translations from the Arabic
are my own, unless otherwise specified.
2 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25:3
Islamic East. During the final years of his life, he settled in his hometown of
Bust and joined a Sufi monastery located at the edge of the river Hilmend
(known also as Hindmind) near Bust.14 He died there at the age of 67 in
Rabi` al-Akhir 388 (April 998).15
Medieval Muslim biographers unanimously consider Abu Sulayman al-
Khattabi to be a leading scholar in the fields of the Islamic Prophetic
Tradition (hadith) and Shafi`i jurisprudence. They characterize him as one
of the most knowledgeable and acclaimed authorities of his time (ahad
aw`iyat al-`ilm fi zamanihi; imam min a’immat al-sunnah), a trustworthy
and reliable transmitter (thiqa mutathabbit), and the author of numerous
fine works (sahib al-tasanif al-hasanah).16 In addition, they note that he was
a renowned man of letters, philologist, and lexicographer, as well as a mas-
ter of Samanid poetry (the Samanids ruled between 819-999 in Central Asia
and Greater Khorasan.).
Al-Khattabi’s colleague and friend, Abu Mansur al-Tha`alibi of Nish-
apur (d. 429/1037), who is mentioned here as an example of the medieval
biographers’ overwhelmingly positive remarks on al-Khattabi, draws spe-
cific attention to his expertise in belletristic literature (adab), asceticism
(zuhd), piety (wara`), and transmission of knowledge and teaching
(tadris), along with his writing activities (ta’lif).17 Due to these special aca-
demic qualifications and skills, al-Khattabi’s contemporaries compared
him to Abu `Ubayd al-Qasim ibn Sallam al-Harawi (d. 224/838), the well-
known Qur’an expert, philologist, and transmitter of traditions.18 The only
difference between the two scholars was, as al-Tha`alibi notes, that in
addition to his scientific achievements, al-Khattabi was also an accom-
plished poet.
Al-Khattabi’s remarkable scholarly reputation rests, above all, on his
extensive work on the hadith literature, including, in particular, his commen-
taries on two of the most famous authoritative Sunni hadith collections:
In it, al-Khattabi transmits those hadith reports that are not found in
the earlier books on the same topic by Abu `Ubayd al-Qasim ibn
Sallam al-Harawi (d. 224/838) and Ibn Qutayba (d. 276/889).
With these three major works on hadith, al-Khattabi earned his place in
Islam’s intellectual history as someone who broke new ground in hadith stud-
ies. Several factors support the accuracy of this assessment. First, not only is
his Ma`âlim al-Sunan one of the most prominent medieval commentaries on
an authoritative collection of prophetic traditions in general and Abu Dawud
al-Sijistani’s (d. 275/889) collection in particular, but it is also the earliest
such commentary on what was to become the canonical Sunni hadith litera-
ture. Second, his commentary on al-Bukhari’s Sahîh, which he composed
shortly after the Ma`âlim, is similarly precious for at least two reasons: (a) it
is the earliest commentary on al-Bukhari’s Sahîh, a collection that came to be
recognized as the most important of the five or six canonical Sunni hand-
books of traditions, and (b) al-Khattabi’s work on al-Bukhari’s Sahîh is in
many respects highly original, as it resulted in a book that should be charac-
terized as a polemical treatise rather than a neutral commentary.22 In other
words, al-Khattabi’s commentaries on two of the most important hadith col-
lections are not only the earliest and among the richest in the vast and yet still
understudied literature of hadith commentaries, but indeed inaugurated that
very genre.23
Finally, his Gharîb al-Hadîth represents a significant contribution to
another type of hadith study, namely, that which examined uncommon and
often unique prophetic traditions (and/or such expressions in these accounts)
selected from the hadith literature as a whole, instead of from just one indi-
vidual hadith collection. On the one hand, then, al-Khattabi followed in the
footsteps of such prominent scholars as Ibn Sallam al-Harawi and Ibn
Qutayba, who are well known for their works in this subcategory of hadith
studies, and, on the other, inspired later scholars with his own research in this
field, including, most notably, his student Abu `Ubayd al-Harawi (d.
401/1011; see appendix).
tives he set himself when compiling it. Finally, he expressly says that his
teaching activities have prompted its preparation and publication.
The precision with which al-Khattabi outlines his scholarly objectives,
together with his erudite style, are clear evidence of his adherence to his own
rigid academic principles. Such a style illustrates his sincere dedication to
teaching and clearly demonstrates his considerable literary skill. The mere
existence of these sophisticated introductions shows that his academic ambi-
tions went beyond those of a teacher who prepared notes for his lectures.
Indeed, in these introductions al-Khattabi confidently presents himself as the
“author” of scholarly writings, which he fully conceptualized before dictat-
ing and publishing them.
Al-Khattabi’s introduction to the Ma`âlim al-Sunan fi Sharh “Sahîh”
Abî Dâwûd is particularly interesting for it both introduces the audience
more generally to Abu Dawud’s Sunan31 and includes a pointed discussion
on the state of major religious disciplines. He begins his analysis of this
complex topic by identifying the two main motives that prompted him to
prepare the Ma`âlim collection. One reason, he says, was that his brethren
had expressly asked him to “clarify what is problematic” (idah ma yushkil)
in Abu Dawud’s sunan work with regard to the content and the language of
the traditions contained therein. The other rationale was his belief that there
was a real need to draw special attention to those legal opinions in the bulk
of Abu Dawud’s Sunan that (a) were evidently of particular importance to
Muslims and (b) that offered indispensable guidance, even though their con-
tent or expression might not have always been immediately clear to every-
one. At the beginning of his introduction, therefore, al-Khattabi states:
Now, my brethren – may God bless you – I have understood your inquiry
and that which you requested in respect to the explanation of the Kitâb al-
Sunan by Abu Dawud Sulayman ibn al-Ash`ath [regarding]:
[a] The clarification of what is problematic in its expressions;
[b] The explanation of what is difficult in its concepts and the guiding
principles of its rules;
[c] The guidance to the passages in its accounts from which one can
draw conclusions and find insights; [and]
[d] The disclosure of the implied interpretations of jurisprudence (fiqh)
in the accounts, so that all may grasp and understand their deeper
meaning, in addition to the surface meaning of the account.32
As the Qur’an plays the most fundamental role in all aspects of Muslim
life and learning, God bestowed upon the Prophet Muhammad, as al-
Khattabi highlights, the duty “to make clear to humankind what was sent
8 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25:3
down to them; and so haply they will reflect” (Q 16:44). Moreover, the
Qur’an left “no question of religion … without an explanation.”33 However,
al-Khattabi subtly but clearly distances himself from the perceptions that
were prevalent among certain Muslim scholars who adhered solely to a lit-
eralist interpretation. He reveals his inclination toward Ash`ari thought by
indicating that all matters of religion in the Qur’an belong to two principal
categories:
[a] The obvious explanation (bayan jali), which the Qur’an expresses
literally; [and]
[b] The hidden explanation (bayan khafi), which is implied in the mean-
ing of the Qur’an; whatever is of this [latter] type of explanation was
entrusted to the Prophet Muhammad. … Thus he who acquires [the
knowledge] of the Book (i.e., the Qur’an) and the Sunnah (i.e., the
Prophet’s Tradition) would have fully received the knowledge of
both types of explanations.
In this book of his, Abu Dawud has compiled accounts that deal with the
fundamentals of [gaining] knowledge, the most important of the pro-
phetic traditions, and with the rules of Islamic law. About this last, as far
as we know, no one before him had ever done anything similar and no one
after him had ever matched what he had done.34
It is related of Abu Dawud that he said: “I did not include in my book any
tradition on which the consensus of the people was that it should be left
out.” Prior to the time of Abu Dawud, scholars of the Prophetic Tradition
classified the traditions in collections of the jamawi` type,36 masanid
type,37 and the like. In addition to the prophetic traditions (sunan) and
legal rules (ahkam), these books collect reports (akhbar), stories (qisas),
admonitions (mawa`iz), and rules of proper conduct (adab).
As for prophetic traditions [crucial to Islamic law], the sunan proper,38
none of them (i.e., the pre- and post-Abu Dawud scholars) pursued the
collection, exhaustive review, clarification, or abbreviation of the length-
ier accounts in the way Abu Dawud did; nor did they provide references
as to their context (siyaq). This is why the leading authorities in [the lit-
erature of] the Prophetic Tradition (a’immat al-hadith) and the scholars of
the Prophetic Heritage (`ulama’ al-athar) viewed this book [of Abu
Günther: Al-Khattabi’s Critique of the State of Religious Learning 9
jurisconsults) have attained, and that they (i.e., the scholars of the Pro-
phetic Tradition) are sinning by defaming them.48
Yet he then appeals directly to both the masters of the Prophetic Tradition
and the law experts by urging them to understand that they depend on each
other, despite the fact that they form two different groups. This was so
because, on the one hand, the Prophetic Tradition (hadith) “constitutes the
foundation” (bi-manzilat al-asas) and the “root” (asl) of religious learning,
while, on the other hand, “expert legal knowledge” (fiqh) is the “building”
that rests upon it (bina’), or its “branch” (far`). However, any building that
does not rest upon a “basis” or a “foundation” is destined to collapse, while
“any foundation devoid of a building” is bleak and the equivalent of a
“ruin.”49
Al-Khattabi affirms that both groups of scholars are in real need of each
other’s insights and expertise. In spite of this, he warns, both groups behave
like “brothers who are moving away from each other” (ikhwan mutahajirun)
and who neither support nor assist each other, nor collaborate sincerely on
their paths to the truth.50 The jurisconsults, he states, know only very little of
the Prophetic Tradition; in fact, they barely differentiate between “sound”
and “defective” traditions and between “accepted” and “rejected” ones.
Indeed, they would not even shy away from hadith accounts whose credibil-
ity they themselves have already questioned. Hence, they use these weak
accounts as supporting evidence in their discussions with opponents, as long
as they “are somehow in agreement with their law schools … or opinions.”51
Al-Khattabi demonstrates this by saying:
[Likewise,] you will also find that in his school of law the followers of
AL-SHAFI`I61 rely only on the transmissions by AL-MUZANI62 and al-Rabi`
ibn Sulayman AL-MURADI.63 However, if they come across a transmission
by HARMALA,64 AL-JIZI,65 and the like, they do not take it into account or
consider it to be among his statements. As such, this is the habit of each
group of scholars when [considering] the rulings of the [different follow-
ers] of their religious leaders and teachers.
If this is their habit (da’b) – [and] one cannot convince them in the mat-
ter of positive law (furu`)66 of the transmission [of these laws] on the
authority of [their] masters, except by ascribing [this transmission] to the
[aforementioned] scholars, [as related by them] in a written document
(wathiqah) or an authentic, reliable statement (thabat)] – then how can
they be allowed not to care in the most important matter, or rather the
most significant issue (al-khatb al-a`zam), and to be indifferent to the
communication and the transmission (al-riwayah wa-al-naql) from the
highest leader (imam al-a’immah), the Messenger of the Lord of Power,
whose judgment is binding and to whom obedience is obligatory; and
whose judgment we have to accept and whose order we have to follow,
without distress in our souls for what he (i.e., Muhammad) has judged or
resentment in our hearts for anything he has ratified or concluded?67
However, there are people who may find the path to the truth rough, and
the time to gain fortune long if they love speedy gain. Thus they shorten
the path to knowledge and content themselves with bits and pieces
detached from the sense of the foundations of jurisprudence, calling them
“causes” (`ilal).69 They take them as banners for themselves in pretending
to be knowledgeable and use them as a shield in their meetings with their
opponents, and as a target for them [in order] to start discussing and argu-
ing [with them] in debates and clashes over them. At the end of the dis-
cussion, the “winner” will have been accredited with “astuteness” and
“superiority.” He is said to be the “distinguished jurisconsult of his time”
(al-faqih al-madhkur fi `asrihi), the “glorified leader of his country and
region.” However, with this the Devil (shaytan) has already introduced a
“fine trick” to them and drawn them into a grave plot. He (i.e., this so-
called “distinguished jurisconsult”) then says to them: “That, which is in
14 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25:3
Conclusion
Abu Sulayman al-Khattabi lived at a time when Islamic civilization in the
eastern parts of the empire underwent particularly decisive and even dra-
matic change. On the one hand, the (proto-) Sunni components of Muslim
society had increased their influence to such a degree that they were about
to win the battle for political authority and power. On the other hand, the
Abbasid dynasty – although already weakening politically – had become a
“symbol of religious unity” and a “champion of perceived orthodoxy.”71 The
methods and approaches, however, that religious scholars (ulama’) in gen-
eral and legal experts (fuqaha’) in particular would use to determine the
“right religious path” (shari`ah, Q 45:18) governing Muslim life and society
was of the utmost concern to both Muslim intellectuals and rulers.
Al-Khattabi’s scholarly oeuvre as a whole and, importantly enough, his
explicit statements in the introduction to his Ma`âlim al-Sunan commentary
attest that he, like other scholars of his time, sincerely strove to help define
this “right religious path.” By highlighting core principals of the Shafi`i
juridical tradition, for example, he reaffirms the unqualified authority of
Günther: Al-Khattabi’s Critique of the State of Religious Learning 15
the people, especially the inhabitants of our land of Khorasan and the terri-
tories of the east. ... [In fact,] nobody now remains who is capable of unit-
ing (jam`) the science of true religion, which is a product of the Holy Spirit,
with the science of creation, which is an appendage of philosophy. For the
philosopher relegates these so-called scholars to the rank of the beasts, and
on account of their ignorance despises the religion of Islam; while these so-
called scholars declare the philosopher to be an infidel. As a result, neither
true religion nor philosophy remains any more in this land.77
Appendix
I. Al-Khattabi’s Most Important Teachers78
(1) Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ziyad ibn Bishr ibn Dirham, known as Abu
Sa`id ibn al-A`rabi (d. 341/952):
A historian and scholar of the Prophetic Tradition, he spent much of
his youth studying hadith and, later on, wrote several books on
Islamic jurisprudence, history, and mysticism.
He was a well-known student of Abu Dawud who knew the latter’s
Kitab al-Sunan knew by heart (hamala … `anhu). His copy of this
work, however, is said to have been incomplete.
He was al-Khattabi’s most important teacher in hadith studies. Al-
Khattabi studied with him in Mecca.
(2) Ahmad ibn Salman (Sulayman) ibn al-Hasan ibn Isra’il ibn Yunus al-
Baghdadi, Abu Bakr al-Hanbali, known as Ibn al-Najjad (b. 253/867;
d. 348/959):
A respected scholar of the Prophetic Tradition and Hanbali law
from Baghdad, known as “shaykh of Iraq,” he is said to have held
a weekly study circle (khalqah) before and after the Friday prayer
at Baghdad’s Mansur Mosque.
He attended Abu Dawud’s lectures and became known for compos-
ing a voluminous and systematically arranged work on sunan (san-
nafa … kitaban kabiran). His fame, however, rests on his Musnad
compilation.
He was al-Khattabi’s teacher in hadith and belles-lettres (adab). Al-
Khattabi studied with him in Baghdad.
(3) Ja`far ibn Muhammad ibn Nusayr ibn al-Qasim, Abu Muhammad al-
Hawwas, known as al-Khuldi (b. 253/866 in Baghdad; d. 348/959).
18 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25:3
(4) Al-Hasan ibn al-Husayn al-Baghdadi, Abu `Ali Ibn Abi Hurayrah al-
Faqih al-Qadi (d. 345/956):
A respected scholar of Shafi`i law.
He was al-Khattabi’s teacher in Islamic jurisprudence. Al-Khattabi
studied with him in Baghdad.
(5) Isma`il ibn Muhammad ibn Isma`il ibn Salih al-Baghdadi, known as
Abu `Ali al-Saffar (d. 341/952 at the age of 94 years):
A knowledgeable grammarian and philologist.
Al-Khattabi’s teacher in hadith, belles-lettres, and grammar. Al-
Khattabi studied with him in Baghdad.
(6) Muhammad ibn `Abd al-Wahid ibn Abi Hashim al-Mutarriz al-Bawardi
al-Baghdadi, known as Abu `Umar al-Baghawi al-Zahid as well as
Ghulam Tha`lab (d. 345/957):
A Baghdad philologist and man of letters who reportedly dictated
all of his books from memory. His books, however, are said to have
lacked organization (wa-jami` kutubihi innama amla’aha bi-ghayr
tasnif).
He was the author of Kitâb Gharîb al-Hadîth.
He was al-Khattabi’s teacher of Arabic language and belles-lettres.
(7) Muhammad ibn `Ali ibn Isma`il, known as Abu Bakr al-Qaffal al-
Shashi al-Kabir (b. 291/903 or 904; d. 365/975 or 976 in Shash):
Al-Qaffal (“the locksmith”) from Shash (or “Tash,” which, with
the common Sogdian suffix -kent, became Shashkent or Tashkent).
Known as a particularly knowledgeable scholar of Islamic law and
one of the most important Shafi`i authors of the fourth/tenth cen-
tury, he was as well versed in the Prophetic Tradition and the
exegesis of the Qur’an as he was in belles-lettres, philology, mys-
ticism, and “rationalistic theology” (kalam). In his youth, when he
was in Baghdad, he studied with the famous historian and exegete
Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (d. 310/923).
Initially a Mu`tazilite, he “converted” to Ash`arism and orthodoxy.
He was al-Khattabi’s teacher in Islamic jurisprudence. Al-Khattabi
studied with him in Transoxania, probably in Nishapur.
Günther: Al-Khattabi’s Critique of the State of Religious Learning 19
(8) Muhammad ibn `Amr ibn al-Bukhturi ibn Mudrik ibn Abi Sulayman,
known as Abu Ja`far al-Razzaz Musnid Baghdad (b. 251/865; d. 339/
950):
Al-Khattabi’s teacher in the Prophetic Tradition. He studied with
him in Iraq, most likely in Baghdad.
(9) Muhammad ibn Bakr ibn Muhammad ibn `Abd al-Razzaq al-Basri al-
Tammar, known as Abu Bakr Ibn Dassa (d. 346/957 in Basra):
He was reportedly the last scholar who transmitted Abu Dawud’s
Sunan as a whole (haddatha … kamilan). Due to his superior knowl-
edge of this book, he was known as rawi al-sunan. His copy of the
work is said to have been the most exact. Based on Ibn Dassa’s copy,
Abu Dawud’s Sunan became known especially in the Maghrib.
Moreover, a duplicate of Ibn Dassa’s copy of Abu Dawud’s Sunan
was with al-Khattabi when he composed his commentary on it.
He was al-Khattabi’s teacher in hadith. Al-Khattabi studied with
him in Basra.
(10)Muhammad ibn Ya`qub ibn Yusuf ibn Ma`qil ibn Sinan al-Umawi al-
Naysaburi, known as Abu al-`Abbas al-Asamm (d. 346/957 at the age
of 77 in Nishapur):
A noted transmitter of prophetic traditions, he traveled extensively
for the purpose to study with scholars in Mecca, Cairo, Damascus,
Mosul, Kufa, and Baghdad. At the age of 30, he returned to Nish-
apur where, shortly thereafter, he went deaf and then blind.
He was an important teacher of al-Khattabi’s in the Prophetic
Tradition and in belles-lettres. Al-Khattabi studied with him in
Nishapur.
(12)`Uthman ibn Ahmad ibn `Abdallah ibn Yazid, Abu `Amr, known as Ibn
al-Sammak al-Baghdadi al-Daqqaq (d. 344/955):
Known as a particularly reliable transmitter of prophetic traditions
in Baghdad.
20 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25:3
(1) `Abd (Allah) ibn Ahmad (ibn Muhammad) ibn `Abd Allah ibn Jufayr al-
Ansari al-Khurasani al-Maliki, known as Abu Dharr al-Harawi and as
Ibn al-Sammak al-Mujawwid (d. 435/1044 in Mecca):
A Maliki jurisconsult who was considered a knowledgeable and
reliable transmitter of prophetic traditions, a pious mystic, and
Ash`ari theologian. He was from Herat (Afghanistan), but spent
most of his life in Mecca.
He studied with al-Khattabi in Khorasan.
(2) `Abd al-Ghafir (`Abd al-Ghifar) ibn Muhammad ibn `Abd al-Ghafir
al-Farisi al-Naysaburi, Abu al-Husayn (b. 350/961; d. 448/1056):
A respected transmitter of prophetic traditions, historian, and
Qur’an expert.
He studied with al-Khattabi in Nishapur and reportedly transmitted
the Kitâb Gharîb al-Hadîth from him.
(5) Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad, known as Abu Hamid al-
Isfara’ini (b. 344/955; d. 406/1015 or 1016):
One of the most respected scholars of his time and a well-known
authority on Shafi`i law.80 Recognized as the “Leader of the Sha-
fi`ites” (shaykh al-Shafi`iyyah) in Baghdad, he was originally from
Isfara’in (Khorasan) but went to Baghdad at a young age.
He was al-Khattabi’s student (probably) in Baghdad.
Günther: Al-Khattabi’s Critique of the State of Religious Learning 21
(8) Muhammad ibn `Abd Allah ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn
al-Husayn ibn Musa, known as Abu `Amr al-Razjahi al-Bastami81 (b.
341/952; d. 426/1035 in Bastam, where he went in his old age):
A transmitter of prophetic traditions, man of letters, and Shafi`i law
expert. His study circle (khalqah) is said to have enjoyed remark-
able attention.
He studied with al-Khattabi in Nishapur.
(9) Muhammad ibn `Abd Allah ibn Muhammad ibn Hamdawayh ibn
Nu`aym ibn al-Hakam, Abu `Abdallah [(ibn Muhammad) ibn al-Rabi`
al-Dabbi] al-Hafiz, known as al-Hakim al-Naysaburi or Ibn Bayyi` (d.
405/1014-5 at the age of 84 years in Nishapur):
A renowned scholar with Shi`i tendencies. He authored so many
books in the field of the Prophetic Tradition that he was considered
“the leader of the hadith scholars at this time” (imam ahl al-hadith
fi waqtihi). He was also a famous chronicler of Nishapur.
• He studied with al-Khattabi in Khorasan, most likely in Nishapur.
(11)Muhammad ibn `Ali ibn `Abd al-Malik (`Abd Allah) al-Farisi al-
Fasawi, Abu `Abd Allah:
He was still alive at the beginning of the fifth/eleventh century.
He studied with al-Khattabi in Iran.
22 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25:3
Endnotes
1. The quotation in the title comes from a statement al-Khattabi makes at the
beginning of his commentary on Abu Dawud’s famous compilation of
prophetic traditions. See Abu Sulayman Hamd ibn Muhammad al-Khattabi,
Ma`alim al-Sunan: Sharh Sunan Abi Dawud, ed. `Abd al-Salam `Abd al-Shafi
Muhammad, iv parts in 2 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-`Ilmiyyah, 1411/
1991), i, 3.
I also wish to note that the present article revisits and continues research on a
topic first dealt with in my study “Der šafi`itische Traditionalist Abu Sulaiman
al-Hattabi und die Situation der religiösen Wissenschaften im 10. Jahrhun-
dert,” in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 146. no. 1
(1996): 61-91. I warmly thank Ms. Sonja Adrianovska (Toronto) for her assis-
tance in translating several passages from the original German article into
English; these passages are included here in revised form.
2. Studia Islamica 17 (1962), 37-80 [part 1]; and 18 (1963), 19-39 [part 2].
3. Studia Islamica 59 (1984), 5-47.
4. Studia Islamica 17 (1962), 38-40.
5. H. Halm, Die Ausbreitung der šafi`itischen Rechtsschule von den Anfängen bis
zum 8./14. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: 1974), 32-41 (“Schafi`iya und
Asch`ariya”), and 51 passim.
6. “`Ilm al-kalam is the discipline which brings to the service of religious beliefs
(`aqa’id) discursive arguments, which thus provides a place for reflection and
meditation, and hence for reason, in the elucidation and defence of the content
of the faith. ... It seems ... likely that kalam referred at first to discursive argu-
ments, and [that] the mutakallimun (‘loquentes’) were ‘reasoners.’ This was
the case as early as the time of Ma`bad al-Juhani (d. 80/699-700). Kalam
became a regular discipline when these arguments and discussions dealt with
the content of the faith. It is this character of discursive and reasoned apologia
which was to attract the attacks both of the traditionists and of the falasifa;” cf.
Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, iii, 114 (L. Gardet). See furthermore M. E. Mar-
mura, “Avicenna on the Kalam,” in Probing in Islamic Philosophy: Studies in
the Philosophies of Ibn Sina, al-Ghazali and other Major Muslim Thinkers
(Binghamton: 2005), 97-130; W. Madelung, “Der Kalam,” in Grundriss der
Arabischen Philologie (GAPh), 3 vols. (Wiesbaden: 1982-92), ii, 326-37) and
the literature given there; T. Nagel, Geschichte der islamischen Theologie: Von
Mohammed bis zur Gegenwart (München: 1994), 86-94 (“Der kalam”); T.
Ibrahim and A. Sagadeev, Classical Islamic Philosophy (Moscow: 1990), 17-
28; D. Gimaret, La doctrine d’al-Ash`ari (Paris: 1990); M. A. Cook: “The
Günther: Al-Khattabi’s Critique of the State of Religious Learning 23
Prophet himself or those of a Companion. In this general sense, the term came
to be applied to all hadith collections that contained such traditions. More
specifically, the term stands for those collections that (b) organize traditions
according to the name of the earliest (or oldest) authority mentioned in an
isnad. This type of hadith collection ignores the hadiths’ thematic contents.
Examples are the early musnad works by Abu Dawud al-Tayalisi (d. 204/812),
Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 233/847), `Abd Allah ibn Abi Shayba (d. 235/849),
`Uthman ibn Abi Shayba (d. 237/851), and Abu Khaythama (d. 234/844). It
may also be noted that these works differ greatly in terms of their internal
organization. Some arrange the quoted authorities alphabetically, others
according to the recognition that people earned for their contribution to the
spread of Islam, to their participation in important events in Islamic history, or
to the degree of solidarity their tribe showed toward to the Prophet
Muhammad. See also Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, ii, 228-30; id.
Muslim Studies, ii, 211-13.
38. Sunan works are hadith collections that exclusively contain prophetic tradi-
tions that deal with the sunnah proper, that is, the legally binding statements in
the Prophetic Tradition. For this reason, sunan works generally do not include
traditions of historical, ethical, and dogmatic relevance. See also Goldziher,
Muhammedanische Studien, ii, 249; id. Muslim Studies, ii, 229-30.
39. Fa-duribat fihi akbad al-ibal wa-damat ilayhi al-ruhal; cf. al-Khattabi,
Ma`alim, i, 7. See also Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, ii, 256; id. Mus-
lim Studies, ii, 235-236.
40. Al-Khattabi, Ma`alim, i, 8.
41. Ibid., i, 6 and 8.
42. See, for example, Burke O. Long, “Two Question and Answer Schemata in the
Prophets,” Journal of Biblical Literature 90, no. 2 (1971): 129-39. For the
question-and-answer scheme in Christian disputations on Islam, mainly writ-
ten in Greek, see Johannes Damaskenos und Theodor Abu Qurra, Kommen-
tierte griechisch-deutsche Textausgabe, eds. R. Glei and A. Th. Khoury
(Würzburg: 1995) (Corpus Islamo-Christianum, Series Graeca 3).
43. In Islamic jurisprudence, for example, the question-and-answer scheme helped
develop the genre of legal responsa, with its earliest evidence dating back to
the beginning of the second/eighth century (cf. H. Motzki, Die Anfänge der
islamischen Jurisprudenz. Ihre Entwicklung in Mekka bis zur Mitte des 2./8.
Jahrhunderts [Stuttgart: 1991], 72 and 98). For quaestiones (Arabic: masa’il)
as a literary genre, see G. Endress, in GAPh ii, 464. Aside from the medieval
context, it may be noted in passing that the question-and-answer scheme con-
tinued to feature prominently in the influential educational periodicals of the
nineteenth-century Arabic press. Cf. D. Glass, “Die Masa’il-Kolumne in al-
Muqtataf. Ein Indikator für die Rezeption einer arabischen Wissenschafts-
zeitschrift des 19. Jahrhunderts?” in Ch. Herzog et al. (eds.), Presse und Öffent-
lichkeit im Nahen Osten (Heidelberg: 1995), 59-82.
Günther: Al-Khattabi’s Critique of the State of Religious Learning 27
44. B. Englisch, Die Artes liberales im frühen Mittelalter (5.-9. Jh.) (Stuttgart:
1994), 408 passim.
45. Al-Khattabi, Ma`alim, i, 3.
46. Ibid. The Arabic term fiqh originally meant “understanding,” “knowledge,” and
“intelligence.” Initially, it applied to any branch of knowledge (as in fiqh al-
lughah [the discipline of lexicography], for example). In later times, it gradu-
ally became the technical term for jurisprudence, “the discipline of religious
law” in Islam. Like the Roman iurisprudentia, fiqh covers all aspects of reli-
gious, political, and civil life (cf. “Fikh,” in EI2 ii, 886 [Goldziher/Schacht]).
47. Al-Khattabi, Ma`alim, i, 4.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., i, 3.
50. Ibid., i, 4.
51. Ibid.
52. Abu `Abd Allah Malik ibn Anas ibn Abi `Amir ibn al-Harith al-Asbahi (d. 179/
762 in Medina), one of the most highly respected scholars of Islamic law in
Sunni Islam. His main work, Kitab al-Muwatta’ (The Well-Trodden Path),
offers a systematic description of legal and religious practice based on
Medina’s common law. The Malikis view reliance on a literal interpretation of
the prophetic traditions as superior to an expert legal opinion. See also GAS, i,
457-64.
53. Abu `Abd Allah `Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Qasim ibn Khalid al-`Utaqi (d. 191/
806), probably Imam Malik’s most important student (he is said to have stud-
ied with Malik in Medina for twenty years) and the important transmitter of
Malik’s teachings in Egypt. He, in turn, was the teacher of the later famous
Maliki scholar Sahnun. See also GAS, i, 465-66.
54. Abu `Amr Ashhab ibn `Abd al-`Aziz ibn Dawud al-Qaysi (d. 204/819), a
highly respected jurisconsult and noted transmitter of Imam Malik’s teach-
ings in Egypt. See also GAS, i, 466-65.
55. Abu Muhammad `Abd Allah ibn `Abd al-Hakam ibn A`yan ibn Layth al-Misri
(d. 214/829), a student of Imam Malik in Medina. After he returned to Egypt,
he became a famous jurisconsult. His Al-Mukhtasar al-Kabir fi al-Fiqh served
especially the Malikites in Iraq as the basis for their legal system. In addition,
this book seems to be the first systematic work of Maliki law. See also GAS, i,
467-568.
56. Abu Hanifah al-Nu`man ibn Thabit (d. 150/767), eponym of the law school
that bears his name. The Hanafi law school, the most liberal Sunni law school,
accepts individual legal expert opinion (ra’y) in the absence of precedent as a
primary source of Islamic law. See also GAS, i, 409-19.
57. Abu Yusuf Ya`qub ibn Ibrahim ibn Habib al-Kufi (d. 182/798), a student of
Imam Abu Hanifah. He acknowledged ra’y, but differed from his master in
that he considered the Prophetic Traditions to be more important. Under the
`Abbasid caliph al-Hadi (r. 16670/782-3-86), he became the supreme judge of
Baghdad (cf. GAS, i, 419-21).
28 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25:3
58. Abu `Abd Allah Muhammad ibn al-Hasan ibn Farqad al-Shaybani (d. 189/
796), one of the actual “founders” of the Hanafi law school. Caliph Harun al-
Rashid appointed him judge of Raqqa. See also GAS i, 421-33.
59. Abu `Ali al-Hasan ibn Ziyad al-Lu’lu’i (d. 204/819), one of Imam Abu Hani-
fah’s most important students and a vehement defender of ra’y. He was
appointed judge of Kufa (cf. GAS i, 433).
60. Al-Khattabi, Ma`alim, i, 4-5.
61. Abu `Ali al-Hasan ibn Idris ibn al-`Abbas al-Shafi`i (d. 204/820), founder of
the school of law school after him. A student of Imam Malik in Medina, he is
credited with establishing the consensus of the scholars’ opinions (ijma`) as the
third pillar of Islamic law, next to the Qur’an and the Sunnah. See also GAS,
i, 484-490.
62. Abu Ibrahim Isma`il ibn Yahya al-Muzani (d. 264/877), an important student
of Imam al-Shafi`i in Egypt, even though he differed from his master in cer-
tain views. See also GAS, i, 492-93.
63. Abu Muhammad al-Rabi` ibn Sulayman ibn `Abd al-Jabbar ibn Kamil al-
Muradi (d. 270/884), an important student of Imam al-Shafi`i in Egypt. See
also GAS, i, 487; under al-Shafi`i).
64. Abu `Abd Allah Harmala ibn Yahya al-Tughibi (d. 243/858), a well-known
student of Imam al-Shafi`i. See Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, ii, 229; Ibn Khallikan,
Wafayat, ii, 64-65; and al-Subki, Tabaqat, i, 257).
65. Abu Muhammad al-Rabi` ibn Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Jizi (d. 256/870), a stu-
dent of Imam al-Shafi`i and an “upright legal scholar.” See al-Subki, Tabaqat,
i, 251 and Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, ii, 292.
66. For furu` meaning “positive law” (literally: the “branches,” i.e., the law’s prac-
tical norms) as opposed to usul, “legal theory” (literally: the “roots” of the
law), see J. Schacht, “Ahkam,” in EI2, i, 256; and id., “Usul al-Fiqh,” x, 931.
67. Al-Khattabi, Ma`alim, i, 4-5.
68. For the early meaning(s) of mutakallim/mutakallimun, see Van Ess, Theologie
und Gesellschaft, i, esp. 46-56.
69. Certain Muslim scholars adopted the Arabic terms `illa and its plural `ilal from
the Aristotelian Theory of Causality, i.e. the logical explanation of the relation-
ship between one “event” (the “cause”) and another “event” (the “effect”). In
this sense, both Shi`i thinkers and the peripatetic Islamic philosophers (the
falasifah, i.e., those belonging to the Aristotelian school of philosophy) used
them. Yet these two terms also play an important role for the various groups
among the mutakallimun who use them in their resumes and refutations of phi-
losophy. Furthermore, see “`Illa,” in: EI2, iii, 1127 (L. Gardet).
70. Al-Khattabi, Ma`alim, i, 5-6.
71. A. Black, The History of Islamic Political Thought: From the Prophet to the
Present (Edinburgh: 2001), 33.
72. Studia Islamica 18 (1963): 37.
73. Van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft, includes several pieces of information
specifically relevant to a fuller appreciation of nazar. See, for example i, 340
Günther: Al-Khattabi’s Critique of the State of Religious Learning 29
79. Al-Harawi is said to have been the first scholar who collected “uncommon”
(gharib) words from both the Qur’an and the Prophetic Tradition in order to
study them in one work (GAS, viii, 225). He is not to be confused with his
namesake, the earlier Qur’an expert Abu `Ubayd al-Harawi (d. 224/838).
80. Jabal min jibal al-`ilm, cf. al-Subki, Tabaqat, iii, 24.
81. Razgah, a town near Bastam (or Bistam, cf. EI² i, 1247), which in the fourth/
tenth century was an important trade city of the province of Qumis/Khorasan
and an old stronghold of Shafi`i law. In addition, it is to be noted that the Bas-
tami family was also one of the most important Shafi`i families of Nishapur;
cf. Halm, Die Ausbreitung, 53.