Running head: COLONIALISM AND BOKO HARAM

Colonialism, Boko Haram and Ethno-Tribal Conflict In Nigeria

By Gbadebo Fuad Olanrewaju

COLONIALISM AND BOKO HARAM

Abstract:
This article explores the historical legacies in Nigeria that contributed to the
rise of the fundamentalist Islamic terrorist group, Boko-Haram. An
understanding of the manmade boundaries that were created by the British
and some of the colonial politics that drive the wedge of tribal division and
tribalism. This tribal pride is accented by religious hubris creates a situation
of constant tension and also drives the problem of religious extremism. The
role which economic disparities and poverty that cuts across the fabric of
Nigerian society play in the extremism and tribal conflict is explained.
Keywords: Colonialism, Tribalism, amalgamation, Economic disparagement.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction and Background
History of Religious Extremism prior to Advent of Boko-Haram
Nigeria in a state of economic shambles and Gross disparities
British Colonial Administration and the division of Nigeria
Conclusion

Colonialism, Boko-haram and ethno-tribal conflict in Nigeria

COLONIALISM AND BOKO HARAM

Introduction and Background

The insurgency within the West African country of Nigeria garners a lot
of media attention and there is often a lot said about Boko-Haram in the
Western media but the true context of the issue require a real understanding
of the history and religious politics that exists within Nigeria. According to
Key Data from the Nigeria Country Review (2011); Nigeria is a country with
about 250 different tribal groups with unique dialects and cultural
understandings. It is also important to note that Nigeria is the most populous
country in Africa at 150 million with diverse geographical plains and
resources; most notably oil, make Nigeria a resource wealthy country. To put
the issue of Boko Haram into context and understand the insurgency of
this locally cultivated terrorism, the history of Nigeria plays into the factor
and also the economic situation of Nigeria is a very big aspect of this as well.
Boko Haram is associated with the Northern part of Nigeria and their base
of operations seem to cut right across the upper parts of Nigeria and into
neighbouring countries such as Chad and Cameroon (CBC Radio, 2015). The
fundamentalist Islamist aspect of Boko Haram and alleged claims of
sponsorship from terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda make Boko Haram a
sensationalized thing in the media. The reason why it is important to
understand the history and politics of Nigeria before being able to analyze
Boko Haram and start to understand possible pathways to solutions of
domestic terrorism is because of the tribal culturalism that exists within
Nigeria. There are hundreds of different languages and tribes and although

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certain aspects of the cultures of these different tribes intersect with each
other, it is important to understand that these cultures were coalesced as a
result of an amalgamation and Imperial colonialism by the British in the early
20th century. The British rule under Lord Lugard amalgamated the upper and
lower regions on Nigeria in 1914, also forming the protectorate of Nigeria in
the same year (Crowder, 1986; Funk & Wagnalls, 2015). In historical
accounts, inter-tribal wars throughout Nigeria have always been present
predating colonialism even highlighted in the fictionalized novel, Things Fall
Apart is the depth of these inter-tribal rifts. These manmade boundaries and
the division of Nigeria into 36 different states along tribal lines is something
very recent and only created within the last 60 years. In the 1960s, the
Biafra war had the three dominant tribes within Nigeria at odds with each
other. In between 1967-1970, Biafra became its own autonomous state as a
former territory within Nigeria and this was only seven years removed from
becoming a sovereign nation following the period of being a protectorate of
Britain. Biafra functioned as an independent state and had become a
separate state because of ethnic, cultural and religious conflicts. Biafra was a
region that was short lived but it put the tribal issues and cultural boundaries
that have been a part of Nigeria since its inception as a unified country into
context. Understanding the history, there are three main tribes within
Nigeria, the Igbo, the Yoruba and the Hausa. The Northern region is typically
occupied by Hausas while Western Nigeria is occupied mostly by Yoruba and
the East of Nigeria is occupied by high populations of Igbo people. The Biafra

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war and the secession of the state came as a result of some Igbos being
systematically victims of tribal and religious violence. It is important to note
that the influence of religion in helping to incite conflicts within Nigeria
cannot be overlooked because the majority population of Hausa people are
Muslim while most Igbo people were religiously indoctrinated by British
people into fundamental Christianity as well as Catholicism. The Yoruba
people of Nigeria have an almost even percentage of Muslims and Christians
within its population. Central to this discussion, is the tribal pride within
Nigeria which is a very real phenomenon and when religious indoctrination,
pride and ambition come into play with tribal politics, it creates a concoctive
mix of angst which can become sectarian and tribal violence. This essay will
explore the history of Nigeria from the amalgamation and also the advent of
religious colonialism and how these things help to shape the tribal and
religious climate of Nigeria today. The essay will then delve into how these
politics of tribalism and religious fundamentalism have influenced the
insurgency of Boko Haram.
There is also a need to look at the economic situation of Nigeria when
discussing this issue because there is always an economic aspect to every
situation of war and violence. In the paradigm of states and how states retain
power and function, if you were to look at each tribal group as a state that is
actively bolstering its own ethno-political ideals; then religious
fundamentalism only serves to heighten this issue of Sectarian violence. To
examine, the reason why Boko Haram has garnered such media attention

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and continues to push its agenda of insurgency using Islamic teachings as a

shield then it is important to understand socio-economics. Nigeria is a
country with an hierarchical structure were a small percentage of the citizens
enjoy the majority of the wealth and the lions share of the population lives in
hand to mouth poverty. It is important to understand how poverty and
feelings of being oppressed can drive the intent to become an insurgent
almost as a counter-culture and also to get your voice heard. Boko Haram
recruits young people at an early age and have been reported to use young
girls as brides and sex slaves and this is all a part of the misunderstanding of
religion but more importantly because there is no financial system to protect
these people. To put this argument in context, if an individual is unable to
secure a job and have adequate means to provide for themselves and their
family, it can bring about a desperation and rebelliousness against society.
Boko Haram recruits young people because these people have no economic
capacity to change their lives or change their reality in terms of being able to
move around and employ protection and therefore for many of these
recruits, Boko Haram offers an outlet for all the pent up frustration of poverty
and disenfranchisement. It is always important when examining any form of
insurgency or a tribal war discourse to follow the money trail and look at the
socio-economic factors because those things play a huge role in incubating
the psychological conditions for violence. Nigeria is a very good case study
for tribal wars and the role that economics play because it is often touted as
Africas most populated country and also one of the worlds top emerging

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economies within Africa. Nigeria is also a country that has been well
documented for its corruption and less than 20 years removed from a
military dictatorship and while less than 60 years independent from being a
British protectorate. The colonization of Nigeria by the British and also the
collectivization of different ethnic groups along a man-made statute of states
is perhaps the root cause for the Sectarian violence that is prevalent now.
This discourse will trace the history to amalgamation and colonial history of
Nigeria and how the transition from British rule to an autonomous state and
the various military governments as well coups have help to contribute to a
storied history and unique political climate.

History of religious extremism prior to advent of BokoHaram.

The Northern region of Nigeria is vast and is inhabited by almost half of
Nigeria`s 150 million people and many of these people fall under the Hausa
tribe of Nigeria under which the majority of their population ascribe to the
Muslim faith and many of the Northern states are governed under Sharia
Law. There is a history of the British rule taking a discriminatory posture
towards the Hausas and inhabitants of Northern Nigeria and often these
people are seen as poor, under-educated and uncivilized due to the Islamic
tensions but more importantly the economic disparagement that was alluded
to earlier within this research. Such religious issues, as with everything in
Nigeria, are complex. Life for most people is a desperate and constant

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struggle, more so perhaps in the predominantly Muslim northern regions that

are often seen as worse off than the Christian south. Resources are scarce,
poverty is rife, and the area bears witness to some of Africas worst healthcare statistics (Hargreaves 2001, p. 1900). The understanding of some of
the regional disparities within Nigeria will require an analysis of the nature of
pre-colonial Nigeria and how the British imperial ambition serves as
precursor to the inter-tribal problems that exist today. According to the
scholarship of J. Hill (2013) in regards to the rise of Boko Haram in 2009 and
becoming a global threat to security;
this is not the first time that the interests of a global power have
been threatened by a radical Islamic group operating in and out of
northern Nigeria. In the mid-1920s the British Residents in Kaduna,
Kano and Zaria all raised concerns about the presence and
activities of Tijani missionaries in their provinces. Echoing the
concerns of their French counterparts in neighbouring Sudan, the
Residents identified the missionaries as disturbers of the British
peace. Herein lie the roots of an intriguing historical irony: that a
religious body currently being courted by Abuja, London, Paris and
Washington as an ally in the struggle against Boko Haram, namely
the Tijaniyya Brotherhood, was itself once considered a threat to
international interests in northern Nigeria and the surrounding
region (Hill 2013, p.236).
This excerpt brings clarity to the understanding of religious clashes and
British Colonial rule at a period in time when Nigeria was only newly a
Protectorate of the British colony. The influence of Islam in Northern Nigeria
cannot be overlooked as it was widespread throughout the North for almost a
thousand years before Nigeria was claimed as British colony. This explains
the reason why the seeds of the Boko Haram insurgency group had been
planted at a time period when Muslim missionaries and crusaders were

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canvassing across the Northern region of Nigeria and looking to convert

people. Perhaps the Tijani missionaries sprang up as a response and an
action force against British Imperialism and what many Nigerian Muslims
consider as westernization of their cultures. The Tijani missionaries often
colloquially referred to as Pseudo-Tijanis were termed as disturbers of
British peace and to make a parallel to Boko-Haram as disturbers of the
democratic government of Nigeria; the parallel here is that Boko-Haram and
the Tijanis rebuffed against the administration of government during their
respective periods of time. The main difference between Boko Haram and
The Tijanis of Nigeria is that Boko Haram is willing to use violent means to
garner controversy and attention and also Boko Haram follows a Salafist sect
of Islam that ascribe to a different understanding of the Quran and the
supporting Hadiths.
There is a need to go back into the history of Nigeria before the arrival
and installation of British Colonial rule as Nigeria had many thriving citystates in its Northern regions as well as all over the country. Long before
colonial rule, Nigeria existed as independent states and empires, which
included among others, Nri Kingdom (948-1911), Kanem-Bornu (1068-1900),
Kwararafa (1400-1800), Benin (1440-1897), Hausa States (1500-1808), Oyo
(1608-1800) and Sokoto Caliphate (1809-1903). All these states, kingdoms
and empires had well organized religious and political systems that existed
for centuries before the arrival of European explorers, merchants and
missionaries (Abdurrahman 2012, p.167). The arrival of the British and the

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ensuing slave trade are a result of the weakening of these empires and also
the acceptance of Christianity by many of the groups that worshipped in a
traditional African manner and had their own unique systems of governance
and conflict-solving, the amalgamation of Nigeria forced the combination of
all these unique kingdoms into becoming one nation. The new conflicts that
have arisen with Boko-Haram and regional turmoil eviscerate the old
boundaries and culture of law and politics that existed within Nigeria during
British rule. The implementation of Sharia law for Northern states is a perfect
example of the ways in which politics and locus of regional control had
shifted from the British towards Nigeria becoming an independent state. The
historical parallels between Boko Haram and other such fundamentalist
Islamic groups within Nigeria have been established and the role which
colonial rule played in helping to radicalize and create divisiveness within the
Nigerian fabric of society has also been established. The economic disparities
between the classes of people and also along tribal lines must be examined
to get a full understanding of insurgency within Nigeria and also how British
rule set Nigeria up for failure in the long run.
Nigeria in a state of economic shambles and Gross
disparities
The understanding of poverty in Nigeria must be examined along the
lines of a tribal divide and a system whereby many Nigerian citizens are
often born into and learn to live within the system of poverty often being
unable to escape disenfranchisement via lack of employment, poor

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12

education and the absence of any nation-building Infrastructure. The

problem of poverty and the descent of Nigeria into a decadence and
impoverishment is a problem that continues to get worse over the years and
as statistical findings curated and compiled by Aigbokhan (2000) indicate;
that an increasing number of Nigerians were living in absolute
poverty over the study periods: 38% in 1985,43% in 1992 and 47%
in 1996. Poverty is higher in rural areas than in urban areas. The
corresponding numbers are 38%, 35% and 37% in urban areas, and
41 %, 49% and 51% in rural areasthe regional distribution of
poverty is profiled at two levels: at the level of the individual states
of the federation and at the level of geo-political zones. Poverty
tends to be lower in the southern zones than in the northern zones.
Poverty incidence actually improved in the southern zones during
the 1990s, but deteriorated in the north, particularly in rural areas
(p.2).
The statistics here are very important because it explains the problem
with present day Nigeria and shows that poverty has progressively gotten
worse in Nigeria especially becoming a widespread problem in the 1980s and
reaching new levels in the 1990s. The poverty of rural regions that continues
to increase over the period of time is very telling because inhabitants of rural
regions in Nigeria survive largely off subsistence farming (Key Data, 2011)
and therefore if the incidence of poverty is more pronounced in these regions
then there is a problem of lack of stimulation/investment into agriculture and
rural development. Farmers still rely on traditional and archaic methods and
tools and this means that the commercialization of farming in these regions
is largely difficult without access to tools and resources needed to be
successful in the complex world of commercial agriculture. The other
problem as it concerns agriculture is that resources (food, minerals)

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harvested as a result of subsistence farming is largely wasted and there is no

culture of exports to allow for income return so many of the resources
produced are often sold for much lower than market rate or go to waste. The
excerpt above makes reference to the Southern and Northern zones of
Nigeria and explains the nature of the Northern zones being subject to higher
levels of poverty and low stimulation and development. This connects with
the understanding of British colonialism because the British largely
developed and governed the Southern, Western and Northern corridors of
Nigeria and implemented infrastructure while neglecting the north and
taking a stance against educating the inhabitants of the northern region as
well. This sets a background and historical context for the problems that are
present throughout the Northern region of Nigeria today because these
regions were deliberately ignored to keep them behind the times and more
economically disparaged than the rest of Nigeria. It is important to
understand that Islam is foreign language that was largely installed within
Northern Nigeria and other West African States by virtue of Arab incursions
and influence from the Middle East and therefore Islam in Northern Africa is a
foreign religion and can be understood as a colonial problem as well.

British Colonial Administration and the division of Nigeria

The Hausa-Caliphate was the primary mode of governance in Northern
Nigeria and it was largely based on religious hierarchy and the teachings of
Islam are central to this mode of governance. M. Ochonu (2008) concluded

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14

based on the discourse and understanding of numerous scholars stating that;

For Nigeria, James Coleman argued as early as 1958 that the divide
and rule ethos of Indirect Rule compartmentalized the diverse
elements of the Nigerian area and subsequently made national
unity difficult. Emmy Irobi asserts that Indirect Rule reinforced
ethnic divisions. Echoing the same thesis, Davis and Kalu-Nwiwu
remind us that the structure of British colonial administration and
the drawing of arbitrary boundaries delineating ethnic territories
restricted development of a national consciousness within the
broad expanse of Nigeria's borders. Indirect Rule is analyzed as a
catalyst for ethnic differentiation and the postcolonial problems of
national unity that are rooted in it
These scholars are asserting and assuming the position that the British
had an insidious intention in the way that it dealt with the Caliphate
government and playing regional politics to create division and further drive
a wedge into the possibility of a unified national front. Although Nigeria was
largely governed via small satellite communes, villages and empires who did
not combine themselves to form a region, the British used these natural
subtle differences to play a politic of divisiveness and further division along
the lines of ethnicity and religion.

Conclusion
The rule of the British in Nigeria is hallmarked by the infrastructural
landmarks and laws that are of British origin and somewhat are still reflective
in modern day Nigeria. It is important to examine colonial rule in Nigeria to
understand the rise of Boko Haram and the politics of regional control that

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15

continue to drive a wedge between Nigerian citizens and a rising religious

extremist sect. Boko Haram as an organization is classified as a terrorist
organization allegedly funded by Al-Qaeda and using Islamic extremism as a
fuel for terrorism and senseless violence, kidnappings and killings.
Fundamental to understanding the rise of this type of extremism is to first
understand the history of Colonial rule and the British colony having dealt
with a similar but less radicalized and violent organization to Boko Haram,
Known as the Tijans. This was in the mid 1920s and the colonial masters
had reported back to the British that the Tijanis were a threat to British rule
and British peace. These Tijanis were against imperialism and Western
education and values replacing the historical lineage of Islam in Northern
Nigeria. Boko Haram is against Western value and has openly declared war
against the Nigerian government therefore a parallel can be made between
both of these organizations. There is another key factor that cannot be
overlooked when engaged in a discourse about the extremism of Boko
Haram and this is the role of economics and poverty and how this factors in
to the motives of Boko Haram. It is statistically evident that Northern Nigeria
is more ruralized and faces higher levels of poverty than other regions of
Nigeria and this is resultant of deliberate lack of education and distribution of
infrastructural resources that can be traced back to the British rule of
Nigeria. The British had made allusions to policies and regional laws that
would prevent the inhabitants of Northern Nigeria from receiving an
education and also many of the institutions of development were deliberately

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16

erected in other regions and ignoring Northern Nigeria as a means to keep

the inhabitants and Islamic states from advancing and becoming
modernized. The level of poverty within Nigeria began to spiral out of control
shortly after the independence of Nigeria and most of the populace of
Northern Nigeria in the present day are still subjected to abject poverty and
degradation of their infrastructure and a lack of stimulation to their
economies. In conclusion, the end result and by product of British colonial
rule in Nigeria can be tied to many of the problems that are present and
widespread throughout Nigeria today whether it is terrorist Sectarian
violence or abnormal levels of national poverty.

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