BR 1720 .

C8 B4 1897
Benson, Edward White, 182 91896.
Cyprian: his life, his

CYPRIAN
HIS LIFE

HIS TIMES

HIS

WORK

CYPRIAN
HIS LIFE

HIS TIMES

EDWARD WHITE

BENSON,

WORK

HIS

D. D.,

D. C.

SOMETIME ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY

WITH AN INTRODUCTION
By THE Right Rev.

HENRY

C.

BISHOP OF

D.

POTTER,

D. D.,

LL

D.,

NEW YORK

NEW YORK
APPLETON AND COMPANY
1897

D. C. L.

Authorized Edition.

::

PREFATORY NOTE.
A few

the September of last

and handed me
book that

my father

days before

is

left

Addington for Ireland, in

year (1896), he called me

here presented asking me

struck m.e in

into his library,

proof of the preface of his Cyprian

the

to criticise

anything

the

tfiat

it.

The following day I brought him a paper of minute sugges-

He

tio?is.

and

some,

went through them with the utmost patience, accepting

carefidly justifying the rejection of

had finished,

said, "

lie

You

seetn to

find m.y

to

"

say that I thought he ivas too careful

No"

he said,

thing without

" it's

not that

customary periphrases

tJie

to

does."

I ventured

avoid the obvious

I only wish

he

style very obscure!'^

who

[smiling) "you are not the only person

When

ot/iers.

to

say the obvious

all comes of hours

it

and

hours spent with intense enjoyment over Thucydides, weigh-

ing

tlie

to

force of every adjective

of how more

Truro, he

years

thaji fifteen

had come

that his Cyprian

was

all done: only a

he
table

" practically finished"

few

and

corrections
it

I went on

A nd

this

was

when he was
Yes" he

said, "

verifications to
:

"

"

at

and announced

/ ought

but I

am

it

make!'
to be ;

some of the proofs on

then he looked up with a smile :

glad my only amusement will

"

was done

said, a?id began turning over

:

before,

out of his study one evening,

I asked whether he was not glad

"

every particle!'

ask whether the Cyprian was really finished, and reminded

him.

is

and

"

the

not really

be gone!*

literally true

my father was

less capable

of

amusing himself!* of resting, than any one I have ever known

PREFATORY NOTE.

iv

from

his holidays were merely a change

work

to

interest,

one intense kind of

another: if he was in a place of artistic or antiquarian

he worked at pictures

the business

of his

life

an

artist.

churches, as though it

he stored his

mind with

precise

were

and

In

scenes of natural beauty, he studied

At

home, when at work, at Lambeth and

graphic impressions.
detail like

and

Addington, he had a

^^

Cyprian"

table,

where his books and

papers lay often untouched for weeks together: late at night,

when

early in the morning,

all his official

work had

been done

with the minute precision so characteristic of him, he

hour from,
of

tJte

at all

never

sleep

stole

an

the authority

Bishop of Winchester, who was with him constantly

times
let

constitute

and

for saying that not only did he

places,

his literary

work

interfere with his official work, or

a reason for avoiding a piece of business, or deferring

an engagement
a

for his beloved book : but I have

bict

that he regarded

it in

the strictest sense as

recreation only.

Thirty years ago,

College, he

found

when he was Headtnaster of Wellington

work was so absorbing

that his professional

that he felt himself in danger of losing sight of study, of erudi-

of antiquity, and resolved, on the suggestion of his dear

tion,

friend Bishop Lightfoot,

to

undertake some definite work, zvhich

might provide both a contrast

to

and an

illustration

of modern

tendencies ajid recent probletns.

Year after year, at L incoln, at Truro, at Canterbury, these

patient pages have grown
in the elucidation of some
took,

sometimes weeks would be consumed

minute technical point : he even under-

a few years ago, a joufney

topography:

of

unbroken leisure

late
!

to

North Africa

to

study his

he has often sig/ied for "six weeks of

/ could finish my

and fifty pages were put into print

had reached the end, they required

book."

The first hundred

so long ago that

to

when he

be entirely revised

and

PREFATORY NOTE.
But

rewrittett.

book with him

MS.,

at last

it

was

finished, attd he took the whole

Ireland, most of

to

in

it

proof and part of

it in

in order to endeavour to see the end.

Two significant efttries in his Diary in the last year of his

may here, I think, with advantage be quoted, to sliow how

life

how definite a purpose

of self-education it liad been pla?med and carried out, and hozv
ardently he desired tJiat it should serve true and high ends.

his hopes were bound up in the book, with

March

Friday,

1896.

6,

Finishing what

really think

is

the

end of my Cyprian

the

examination of the Lists of Bisliops who attended Councils under

Cyprian.
The test of genuineness which they offer was one of the first
things that struck me.
J then wrote otd at (sic) the Lists and criticized

This can certainly not have been later (if

them.

and I have
notes made

to-day sent that originally written

to-day to the

30 years apart

least

I pray God
the fire

Have now

is

of place here :

and

fny

with fresh
copy'

But please God, may

If it ever

sees the light,

and

If He

stubble,

the event, or " to

I have merely

I add

jnany will think

adorn a

But

tale "

tried to indicate

the significant fact that

it

a few of
it a very

has edified

tJie

tJie

would

be out

history of the

completion of his

and so

ojily

majestically with

ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER BENSON.

1897.

and

it last.

the tertninatiofi of his earthly energies.

I,

at

it for.

literary enterprise coincided so strangely

Jan.

is

22, 1896.

what I began

To empluisize

notes,

good of His Church.

in building hay

Folk are edified in such different ways.

book.

me, which

book,

it.

to the
life

practically finished a big book, unless

the Greek comments.

odd

Cyprian

spent half my

must consume

Sunday, March

So that

University Press.

than 1865,

so late)

and

in its work.

bless this

I have

bless it not,

list

EDITORIAL NOTE.
Among
found a
the Rev.

Language of
siastica,'

my

the last proofs which

memorandum to
E. W. Watson's
Cyprian

S.

vol. IV.

write an

father corrected

was

Appendix dealing with

valuable Essay on the Style and

in

the

'

(Oxford, 1896).

Studia Biblica et EccleIn

all

other respects. the

book had been completed.

Mr Watson

has since most kindly verified some compli-

cated references from two important codices in the Bodleian.

I

must here also be allowed

gratitude to

references
in

father's dear

who gave him

Larpent,

and

my

and suggesting

conjunction with

to

record

and honoured

my

friend,

sincerest

M. Alexis

invaluable assistance in verifying

corrections, compiled the index,

my

brother,

Mr

E.

F.

Benson,

corrected the final proofs.

A.

Feb. 12,

i{

C.

B.

INTRODUCTION TO THE AMERICAN

EDITION.
This volume may seem

to

have a very slender

est to readers of this generation.

times, and

work

of

one

It

inter-

deals with the

life,

of the Christian Fathers, and, with

the general student and with

many

theologians also, the

come

authority or even interest of the Fathers has

something dismissed, sometimes, with a

That such an estimate

to be

smile.

often the result of ignorance,

is

the testimony of a living theologian,

whose rare

gifts

and

ample learning command universal recognition, abundantly indicates. Says Canon Gore, in his Dissertations
on Subjects connected with the Incarnation
be utterly misrepresenting

my own

feeling

myself to be understood as disparaging

Fathers as theologians. ...

in

if

"
I

should

allowed

any way the

do not believe that, taken

on the whole, so much, whether of theological or moral
illumination, is to be gained from any study outside Holy
Scripture as

who

is

to be gained

from the great theologians

are called, and legitimately called, the

'

Fathers.' " *

Such a judgment prepares us to understand the intervolume in the life and work of
Cyprian. That interest, as these pages will show, he
believed to be abundantly justified by the way in which,

est of the author of this

to use his

own

words, " a powerful and fascinating per*

Dissertations, etc., p. 214.

vii

INTRODUCTION.

viii

sonality dealt masterfully with lasting problems in the

Church," and

which

life

left

behind him a theory of the Church's

is still " a living

theory," with

power

to speak

to the perplexities and to rebuke the errors of our

own

generation.
In this, undoubtedly, lay a large element of the

at-

tractiveness of the teaching and the episcopal administration of Cyprian to

He

Archbishop Benson.

beheld

Christendom vexed by questions which were not new

when Cyprian came

in their interest

now

The

as then.

to Carthage,

and as

far

and which are

as vital

reaching in their importance

great question of Christian unity, to

and anxious interest in which the Christian world

more than ever keenly awake to-day, was a question

a deep
is

which Cyprian treated with a large vision and

temper

generous

of

aspects of

them may

in

in some
modern student

comprehension which
well surprise the

while with the papal claims of his

own

time he dealt

with a vigour and conclusiveness which compelled the

Roman

advocates of those claims in later generations, as

Archbishop Benson has shown with masterly and crushing conclusiveness, to mutilate and interpolate the original text of

Cyprian with unscrupulous hand,

might pervert
If

ume

its

if

so they

plain meaning.

there were no other features of interest in this vol-

two would make it of lasting importance to

thoughtful minds to-day. Christendom has no graver
responsibility than for its divisions no more urgent
these

duty than to strive to heal them.

And

ultimate triumph of the truth have no

cern than to watch and

to

resist

all

friends of the

more

serious con-

those unwarranted

claims and pretensions which offer to Christendom a false

INTRODUCTION.
unity upon a false basis.

where who

To
author

will come as a rare boon.

who knew him and his great

volume

those

will be revealed in its

his close observation

;

his

his rare

touching

pages

in

some

career
of his

all

his

most

and often picturesque

his quaint

courage when

charm and grace

of

that he does with a

these characteristics those

its

His wide and various learning;

amazing precision and thoroughness

minutest research

and

and to those every-

inquiry in matters of faith and

engaging characteristics.

style

these,

are the friends of sound learning and of a

searching- and candid

order, this

To

IX

in

the

was

called for;

mind and

of temper,

it

fine lustre of its

who know and

own

loved him will

recognise and welcome in this volume as though, some-

how, he had come back

to them.

H. C.

P.

DUOBUS MARTINIS

ANIM^ PATERN^
SPEI MATURESCENTI

IN PACE

B.

PREFACE.
It

a long time since

is

Work

fixed on the Life and

The

Cyprian for a special study.

reason,

think,

was

of

first

this.

times which, like ours, were both

In

extraordinarily

picturesque and extraordinarily crowded with business, a

me

powerful and fascinating personality appeared to

to have

done most to turn the Pagan to the Christian temper, to

have dealt masterfully with lasting problems
have

to

left

behind him a living 'Theory'

the ecclesia principalis has never ceased

retouch

it.

He was

Visible

Church

gravely dissent without one

in

wound

it

and

us.

too fruitful
of the

attributes

He

to peace.

spoke a

for lack of the charity

which possessed him, we do not receive

living that

But he said and shewed how men might

watch-word of comprehension which,

it

among

tempted into the noble and alas

Invisible.

although

so

Church,

to fret over

In short he appeared to be

error of arraying the

Church

in the

in

the churches,

must needs precede the Unity we dream of

hope that

in

study

this

have not ever been un-

mindful of the present, and yet have not committed what

I

hold to be a grievous fault in a historian, the reading of

the present into the past.

have

tried to sketch

what

saw.

It is

only thus that the past can be read into the present

the

Lesson of History

'

'

learnt.

b2

PREFACE.

That we have some need of the Lesson of the Cyprianic

times

Sure that

feel sure.

it

might have saved us some

of our losses.

was not overcareful to point the morals

Still I

where

could

it

escape no thoughtful reader wherein they

or what they

lie,

in places

Such simpler morals

are.

are of infinite

who draws them out for himself. Not of

one who should read them over and think

value to a student

much

value to

that he had always thought them.

As

have dared to take the reader into confidence by

placing two names, sacred to me, on a leaf of this book,

may perhaps

be allowed to explain

why work

so long ago

commenced is so late committed to the reader's indulgence.

At school under Prince Lee the very name of Cyprian had
At Trinity Lightfoot and I read the
attraction for me.
De Unitate together on Sunday evenings in my Freshman's
At Wellington,

term.

at

even at this Addington

Lincoln, at Truro, at Lambeth,

cara ubi tot cava

the day, often of the week, have been

ashamed
feel

to

to call a

that

if

know

my

him,

of labour has

life

love for the

may humbly

man

all

minutes

that

left

what

only of

am

not

Therefore

me.

has surpassed

my

ask that some excuse

ability

may

be

allowed me.
If the earlier part of this Life

because
to the

thought

same

when the

level

real

it

is

somewhat

not worth while to bring up

thin, that
its

is

primiticE

and same fulness as those days of Cyprian

problems of Church and World were upon

him and he wrestling with them.

The Texts

of the Latin Versions witnessed to in

and too large a work

writings are too special

to

his

be included

here.

The

smaller type

is

for student-studies not essential to

PREFACE.
the main course of story or

shew the source of the

to the general reader

text.

who

xi

comment, although they

Some

will

nevertheless

often

commend

soon see whether or no they

have interest for him.

To

Prof.

Lanciani

chapter on Xystus.

owe

course

owe the map which

The two

their accuracy to

They of
M. Charles Tissot and to the

others are compiled.

grand Archaeological Atlas of Tunisie which

lished

for his

the

my

being pub-

gratitude to

my

friend

M. Larpent

minute and learned assistance to me while seeing

work through the

itself

is

by the Minister of Public Instruction and Beaux-Arts.

must express

illustrates the

Press,

and the Publishers

and to the University Press

for their patience.

EdW: CaNTUAR:
Addington.
September,

1896.

CONTENTS.
Page
xxi

Chronology of the Times and Writings of Cyprian

xxiii

INTRODUCTION.
XXV

Carthage and her Society

CHAPTER
The Last

xxxvii

I.

of the Long Peace.

Section
I.

n.

Cyprian's Preparation in

Cyprian's Preparation under the Church

That Idols are not Gods

'

III.

Heathendom
'

'^

Lay-work

'To DoNATUs' ['The Graceof God']

IV.
V.

VI.

VII.

IX.

X.
XI.

'

IQ
^

Presbyterate
to

"
'^5

Cyprian made Pope of Carthage

"9

of Papa'

Episcopate
Cyprian's view of the Authority and the Design of the

Divergence of Cyprian's from

Bishop's

Work

Modem

Views

31

35
^^

uphill

Discipline Clerical and Lay

Of Clerics not to be Tutores

Of

Xm.

'^^

Laymen's Scripture Studies

'To QuiRiNus' ['Testimonies']

Helps

'

XII.

'3

Cyprian Deacon

Cyprian's Title

VIII.

^^
+7

'

Christians not to train for the Stage

The Eighteen Months

continued.

Literary Character of the

Virginal Life in Carthage

Book 'Of THE Dress OF Virgins'

5^

51

57

CONTENTS.

xiv

CHAPTER

II.

The Decian Persecution.

Page

Section
I.

II.

The Roman Theory of Persecution

On
III.

....
......

The Outbreak of the Decian Persecution

Of Genuineness in Nomenclature

The

...

Etecusa and Numeria

The

^.

IV.

V.
VI.
VII.

the

Form and

The Retirement

the

....

..........
...
..........
Roman

'

Confession which

is

The adopted policy was Carthaginian, not Roman

On the Thirteen Epistles of which Cyprian sent

Romans
IX.

Diocesan Disquietudes

X.

Declaration of Parties

Growth of

72

74
75

79
82

Novatus and Felicissimus

the Opposition at

Rome

95

98
99

copies to the

89

derived f-om

102

.106
.108

Budinarius and Sarcinatrix

XI.

64

87

for Restorative Discipline

Proof of

60

84

Rome

the Martyrs

these events

VIII.

....
.....

Lapsi'

of Cyprian

The Cyprianic Scheme

On

'

Contents of the Libelli

Interference of the Church of

The Lapsed and

...

The'Stantes

Persecution at Carthage. I.

On

Rome

117

The Confessors and Novatian

CHAPTER

n8

III.

Sequel of the Persecution.

I.

Cyprian's

'

FiRST Council of

Carthage

Question

I.

The

Question

2.

Decision on Felicissimus

Question

3.

Novatianism

Four

'

Title of Cornelius

129
.

.131

134

different Pictures from the year ^ijO

Of Cyprian before his own Presbyters

Of Cyprian before the Roman Presbyters
Of Felicissimus as a more faithful representative of
.

.148

153

Evanescence of Novatus under Ritsckfs Analysis

Question 4. The Decision on the Lapsed
.

III.

Return of the Confessors

Continued Action against Novatianism Roman Council of A.D. 251,
-

........

Antiochene of A.D. 252

in

identifying

Dionysius wrote

Why

is

Hippolytus,

to the Romans,

Dionysius^ Epistle to the

through

154
156

Advance of Novatianism

Difficulties

150

the

Church

Of the

II.

148

159

163

whom

with Hippolytus ofPortus

169

Romans

171

called 5taKoviK-q ?

XV

CONTENTS.

Page

Section

IV.

V.

i?^

Constitutional Results of the First Council

: Puritanism
The 'De Lapsis'

Corollaries

Flight

Saint-Merit:

from

Suffering.

i74

MaVs supposed Fragment

of Cyprian

CHAPTER

179

IV.

Cyprian *of the Unity of the Catholic Church.'

I.

II.

Time and Substance

180

of the Treatise

Two Questions on Cyprianic Unity, i. Was it a theory of Convic2.

Does it involve Roman Unity?
tion or of Policy?

186

Catena of Cyprianic passages on the Unity signified in the

Charge to Peter

i97

III.

The Appeal

of the

modern Church of Rome

Unity of the Catholic Church

//ozu to

make

'

by way

the best of the Forgeries

Note on the Citation from Pelagius

CHAPTER
The Harvest

of the

on

of Intei-polation

now

'

The
.

200

.219
220

II.

V.

New

Legislation.

Penances 'The Second Council'

I.

The

softening of the

II.

The

Effect on Felicissimus and his Party

III.

to Cyprian

222

225

The Legacy of Clerical Appeals under the Law of the Lapsed

'The Third and Fourth Councils.' Episcopal Cases. The
Spanish Appeal against

Rome

230

CHAPTER

VI.

Expansion of Human Feeling and Energy.

I.

The Church
1.

in relation to Physical Suffering

Within itself. The Berber Raid

Of Genuineness
2.

3.

II.

236
.

.239

The Church in relation to Heathen Suffering. The Plague

The Theory. Unconditional Altruism. 'Of Work AND
Almsdeeds'

Resentment. To Demetrian

The

Style of the

Demetrian

246

256
260

Interpretation of Sorrows

'On the Mortality'

'To Fortunatus' ['Exhortation TO Martyrdom']

240

249
256

'

'

Of the
III.

Geographical

264

CONTENTS.

XVI
Section

IV.

Intelligent Devotion.

Page

On the

Lord's Prayer

Table shewing the Verbal Debts

De Dominica

Treatise

On

to

Oratione

'

267

Teriullian in CypriarCs

-275

..........
......
and Genuineness of

the Characteristics

Oratione

the

De Dominica
280

Compaq ison ehuidating the Dates

V.

287

The Mixed Cup

The Age of Baptism

Ritual I.
2.

289
295

Objection to Council III. on account of

CHAPTER

its

Antipelagianism

297

VII.

The Roman Chair.

I.

II.

III.

The End

The

of

Cornelius

Sitting of

298

Lucius

304

The Church

Stephanus.

not identified with or represented by

Rome
1.

2.

307

The Spanish Appeal

The Gaulish Appeal

311

314

Intercalary.
Presbyters as

Members

of Administration

CHAPTER
I.

II.

323

VIIL

The Baptismal Question

331
335

2.

The
The

I.

Position of the Leaders

2.

Dates (Council of Iconium and other)

Acts and Documents

I.

Tradition of Africa

.....:..

Tradition of Asia Minor East

339

Cyprian and Stephen

....
.

343
347

349

Fifth Council, First on Baptism

Sixth Council, Second on Baptism
Did Stephen excommunicate the Bishops of the East 1

349
351
.

Dionysius the Great

354
354

.....

360

Potnpey (Ep. 74) and Stephett's Epistle

quoted therein are earlier than the Third Council

361

.......

362

That

the7-e is

no reason to suppose

the Correspondence with Stephen

That the Epistle

letters

from

are missing

to

That Ep.

72 to Stephen

is

rightly

put down

to the

Second

Council, not the Third

That Quietus of Bui-uc who spoke in the Seventh Council
.
is Quintus the Alauretaiiian, Recipient of Yj^. 11 .

363

CONTENTS.

xvii

....

Section

Seventh Council, Third on Baptism

Page

Firmilian and his Letter

On

372

the Genuineness of the Epistle

of Firmilian
Quotations of Scripture in Firmilian
Basil and the Letter of Firmilian
.

The Nameless Author on Rebaptism

'

III.

i.

Objective

2.

Subjective

Baptism in the

390

'

399
401

....

Name of Christ alone

IV.

405

406

3.

Historical

408

4.

Biblical

411

Stephen's Arguments

C M^

377

.386
.388

The Arguments
Cyprian's,

364

/brr(f

413

6"/'(f/A^'j

Nihil innovetur nisi

.421

Ecclesiastical Results.
I.

1.
3.

The Unbroken Unity

The Baptismal Councils failed doctrinally and why
The Catholic and the Ultramontane Estimate of

Cyprian

423
424
432

CHAPTER

IX.

Expansion of Christian Feeling and Energy (resumed).

The

Secret of Conduct

437

'Of THE Good OF Patience'

'Of Jealousy AND Envy'

X.

2.

CHAPTER

437
448

X.

The Persecution of Valerian.

I.

I.

The

Edict and

its

occasions

.......

Macrian. The 'Uprising of Nations

On Kephron and

the

'

Lands of Kolluthion

457
463

Treatment of Cyprian

464
471

4.

Numidian Bishop-Confessors
'To Fortunatus' ['Of Encouragement to Confessor-

5.

Rome.

I.

The

2.

3.

ship']

II.

456

474

Accession of Xystus and his immunity

Rescript

2.

Rome.

3.

Memorials of Xystus and his Martyrdom

The Exclusion from the Cemeteries

475

477
.

.481
487

CONTENTS.

xviii

CHAPTER

XI.
Page

The Birthday

493

Where was Cyprian Martyr buried ?

Where was Cyprian tried and executed
The Dress 0/ Cyprian
The Soldiers and Officers named in the Trial
Of the Massa Candida

509

517

Acta Proconsularia

518

CHAPTER

f,iz

513
516

XII.

Aftermath.

APPENDICES.
A.

'Principalis

Ecclesia,' Note

on the meaning of Principalis

(p. 192)

537

B.

Additional note on Libelli and two extant specimens of them (pp.

C.

The Intrigue about

D.

The Intrigue about the Benedictine Text.

Mabaret (p. 213)

E.

Text of the

8184)

541

collations

F.

On points

G.

On

'ityiX.

ViscontPs Letter

(i).

111)

in

De

544

Additional note on du

546

Unitate

c.

iv.

with

in the Chronology ^Valerian's Reign (pp. 456 sqq.)

(p.

...........
Interpolation

the nameless Epistle

Xystus

I,

yizxiMSAw^

Ad Novatianum and the

attribution of

new

547
552

it to

476)

557

H.

Exatninatioft of the Lists of the Bishops attending the Councils.

{Genuineness.
Seniority)

565

K.

The Cities from which the Bishops came

on the First of September, A. D. 256

573

L.

On

S. Cyprian's

Day

in Kalendars.

England on the 26th instead

to

the Seventh Council

And how

of the 14th of

it

came

September

to be in
.

610

CONTENTS.

XIX

MAPS.
Page

The Cemeteries on

the

Appian

Way

near

Rome

481

Carthage (Environs of)

509

Proconsular Africa and Numidia to illustrate the writings of Cyprian

573

WOODCUTS.
Loculus of Fabian

66

Loculus of Cornelius

124

Loculus of Maximus

163

Coins of Cornelia Salonina

300

Ninth Century
Callistus

............

figures of

Cyprian and Cornelius from the Cemetery of

Loculus of Lucius

Well of the Legend of Stephen's baptizing

List of

302

306
in

Cemetery of Domitilla

Books quoted

332

621

Index

626

ERRATA.
p.

48.

p.

120.

Insteac/ 0/ CsedVms, read Cxcilia.nus.

n. 4,

read Privatus of Lambaese had Five adherents,... Five Bishops

attended Cornelius at the reconciliation of Maximus.

p. 160.

Read, the Bishop Evaristus,

consecrators.

who had

been probably one of Novatian's

CHRONOLOGY
OF THE

TIMES AND WRITINGS OF CYPRIAN.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE

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INTRODUCTION.
CARTHAGE AND HER SOCIETY.
A SAILING vessel running before a fair wind from Ostia, could reach
Carthage on the second day. Yet to the Roman Africa never lost the
sense of distance and weirdness. His business transactions with it were
enormous. It is all strewn with relics of his factories, yet his scientific
notes on it were as weird as the tales of its wild men. Its lion understood what was said to him. Its python checked his legion. New species
of creatures were continually produced there.
His armies trod floors of
He quarried Atlas, his precious tables were
salt over bottomless pits.

made

of

its

wood, yet

was the mountain

it

Even

inexplorable mountain.

'

of

fable,'

the inexhaustible,

in the sixth century his description of

Mt

Aures is merely fantastic. He never shook off his feeling about the city
which had wrestled with him for the empire of the earth, and had been so
foully thrown.
He still heard with awe that, where other nations called
on their gods, the African breathed only the name of Africa before a
'

new

'

enterprise.

Into this region opened two glorious gates, the valley of Egypt and this
other.

Through these two must pass and repass

all

that the Mediter-

ranean fetched and carried to or from the infinite Soudan. Through this
alone went all that they lent or borrowed from the antient and resourceful
civilizations which lay between Sahara and the sea, and all the human
hosts which served and violated the multitudinous interests there involved.

For its coast from the Nile to the Atlantic lay thus. First a lowland of dunes, whose sands invaded the sea in two vast Syrtes, swept by
the hurricanes from the Sahara over the rocky rim, and swirling in shoals
and quicksands and shifting banks, along ever-shifting currents. Then
down upon these, slope after slope, fell the buttress ends of two Alpine
chains which, barring breaks and rents, rolled out their snowy ridges side

by

the northern chain, a vast rampart cresting

side to the Atlantic
along over the iron-bound coast which it made the southern falling by
:

C2

INTRODUCTION.

xxvi

plunged

its roots in Sahara, and flung its

Between the twin giant ridges, sometimes linked together by cross fells and yokes of lower height, were high
plains and hollows full of mountain basins and small streams, so that
there were endless rich sheets of land and fertile slopes, and sometimes a
succession of fat plains, as on the Medjerda, as well as oases of bewildering fertility out in the deserts. Horses and cattle, cereals, the heaviest
wheat and largest yield then known, minerals, unique marbles, palm
groves southward and olive woods northward, and mountains of cedars
stocked and stored the land. The yield of oil was prodigious, and a third
of all the corn consumed in Rome and Italy was grown here.
These three lines, the northern slopes, the southern terraces, and the
vast central lap, were thick from immemorial time with native villages,
most of which grew into towns of which scarcely one was insignificant in
its possession of some source of well-being.
It was on the brow of the seaward head, between highlands and lowlands, where the ends of the two chains brought the westering shore to a
sudden stop and turned it north, it was in that gate, commanding the
mouth of the Medjerda valley, that Carthage had long since sat herself down,
Italiam contra, and looked straight north to Rome. So dangerously near
it was, that Cato shewed the senators a fresh fig pulled two days before

plateau after plateau

it

till

torrents into leagues of salt lakes.

in Carthage, as a token that both could not exist.

The end

had been the beginning for her of unequalled

wealth. When her warships had been towed out to sea and fired she
became a neutral, free of the seas, while war kept out of commerce all the
of her power

maritime peoples of the East for half a century.

But that prosperous interval stifled the spirit of a state for which
Hannibal had not been ambitious enough, when he sketched an honour-

and Africa for a safe dominion. The pursuit of gain thinned

and filled them up with mercenaries. The fifty years over,
they had nothing but the wish for peace and a readiness to give and keep
any required guarantees, to oppose to the stolid animosity of Cato and
the craft of Masinissa.
It would have been a sore exchange for mankind
able peace

their troops

if

semi-orientals scrambling into democracy through constitutional decay

had
its

prevailed.

But the

Roman

policy, inspired

secret instigation of the barbarian,

by both fear and greed,

simulation of impartiality, has

its

been called by the calmest of historians diabolic' It flared out in the

atrocities of the siege and the capture.
Through seventeen days the city,
which lately contained 700,000 people, burnt as one funeral pyre.' Then
the plough was foolishly dragged about her vitrified walls.
*
*
*
A quarter of a century, and her history began again through Caius
Gracchus, but in a dreary fashion. She loomed too large still to be left
The capital was suddenly
to Phoenician boatmen and Libyan mapalia.
'

'

CARTHAGE AND HER SOCIETY.

and the lands

repeopled

allotted

to

Roman

XXVll

colonists,

speculating farmers, and hosts of slave labourers.

But

old soldiers,
still

jealousy

would permit no real development. They had to protect themselves.

There was no military station. The walls were never restored, and
something forbade the inhabiting of the precinct, so that 'the ruins of
Carthage,' in which Marius was seen sitting, were half a mile perhaps
from bazaars and basilicas.
But all was changed once more when great men and statesmen, a
Then began a real policy,
Julius and an Octavius, undertook the thing.
selfish enough, but a policy which enriched vast classes, created a
yeomanry, found a subsistence for every peasant, and fed Italy.
Carthage first, and then the old towns began to receive privileges as municipia
and colonies, sometimes titulary, but often with many settlers capable of
Romanizing the thick and thickening population. They slid quietly
from the administration of Sufetes, 'Judges,' to that of Duumvirs and
Decurions. After Trajan's time nearly all towns had received honours
and privileges, and took occasion to glorify themselves with little municipal buildings and large market-places, above all with amphitheatres.
Many temples and basilicas and arches, though not perfectly pure in
taste, were great and stately, as they consecrated themselves in marble to
their own Severus, to his Julia, Geta and Caracalla.
Wealthy villas, surrounded themselves with dependents and with
industries, had to be taken into account in the communal system like
small towns, and were less easily dealt with.
The Roman farmer of Africa has left his mark. His Moorish successors, though for civil and religious purposes using the Arabic Kalendar,
name the months of their agricultural operations from his Latin. He was
proverbial for two points. His daughters worked as well as his sons, and
his own implement was the Oculus Domini.
He worked and made
everyone work. Pliny saw him or his native tenant in Byzacium yoking
an old woman with an ass, a practice not dropped until of late. He
held his land usually upon a military tenure.
The brilliant Third Legion executed works of immense magnitude and
of admirable utility, while from its soldier towns it fenced civilization off
from the Berber hordes. A few of their clans were more or less ticketed
and enrolled, but all were subjects in the eye of the law, generally rebels
but subjects.

The whole
and

Office

telligible,

civil and military organization, from the Proconsul's Staff

downwards, was without a break, absolutely continuous, inminute and instant.
We know it from their innumerable

monuments

as

precisely

as

we know

that of counties, parishes

and

boroughs.

shadow dogged

all this

national genius and individual

vigour, the inherent vice of the

Roman

spirit,

Yet a

fearful

the scornful inhumanity

with which uncivilized populations were unhelped and repelled.

It

was

INTRODUCTION.

XXVlll

with its ever-growing train of consequences, this and not the

Vandals, which wrought the last wreck.

this,

material Carthage we have less solid knowledge than of any great

Carthage has been learnedly rebuilt in the air, its temples and
streets mapped and named by departments, but all are as visionary as
mirage. Archaeology has spoiled Carthage for museums as Arabs did
for harems, and Italian Republics for cathedrals.
Until science and
system explore what lies interred under cloisters we can know little of
a city whose two effacements were not more wonderful than itself in
When Cyprian was there in the height of his repute, Carits majesty.
thage is reported by Herodian to have been in population and wealth
the equal of Alexandria and second only to Rome. Its beauty matched

Of

city.

its

rank.

The

first

few steps

in

it

to-day are enough to shew us that these Arab

quarters were laid out by no

through

its

Arab hand.

Two

streets of great length

largest dimensions, intersect at right angles,

the city northward and westward as imperial roads.

and environs they form base

each way for

lines

and pass out of

For the outer

many

city

other streets set

out at right angles, and frequently interlaced again with convenient

diagonals.

and

In the inner

steeps, the streets

city,

still

with

made

its

winding edge and

cliff, its

heights

a singular symmetry of squares and

was rapidly traversed and every awkward plot

Most of this literal geometry was Roman, but in the
older citadel-region and religious quarters there are traces perhaps of
those streets with which, earliest of all world-cities (it was believed),
Carthage was laid out in regular plan. In another feature this Inner
City resembled modern sea-ports and was unlike ancient ones.
The
harbour was excavated in regular basins, outer and inner. The outer
oblong, for vessels of commerce, the inner, called Cothon, fitted for 220

triangles, so that space

made

serviceable.

This ran round, or nearly round, a circular island,

from which the Punic admiral's quarters had commanded the lake of
Tunis and the sea. All was constructed at the one corner which gave a
straight shore, south and north, for quays and a short end southward
and sheltered for the harbour mouth. Everywhere there was a genius
for adaptation visible.
At the intersection of the two great streets are
the extraordinary reservoirs, Roman too, but on Punic lines. The substructure of the citadel a unique contrivance (except so far as it
resembles the sub-structure of the Temple) is a nest of chambers
where water was purified and stood in vast volume. Of the triple wall

full-sized triremes.

of the

inner

city,

believing all that

is

itself

in

At the heart of the

containing

Appian, we

stabling

may

and barracks, without

believe wonders.

isosceles triangle which, as

city shaped out, rose three

hundred

feet high, the

we can

perceive, the

famous Bozrah

climbed

CARTHAGE AND HER SOCIETY.

XXIX

by three streets of rapid gradient the Byrsa of the legend, and of the
most 'truthful and moving' of all siege narratives save one.
On the crown of it had been in all Punic time the tutelary temple
of Eschmoun, heavily pillared and yellow stuccoed, replaced perhaps
in the times we are busy with, by the Corinthian or Ionic temple,
Now it is the chapel
of whose columns a few fragments remain.
of the saint and king who died on the shore below in the arms of
Joinville.
Here were the Basilicas, where Cyprian pleaded, the great
Library he used, the Senate House, the Praetorium facing the sea

and

all

the

home

of a State.

Close by the inner side of the harbour rises a miniature Byrsa, on

which perhaps

Caelestis

had her shrine

Ashtaroth, the 'abomination

the Sidonians,' and the despair of Virgil, after

whom

of

Gracchus tried to

re-name the town Junonia.

The fragments which thickly strew the ground are all Roman. The
Punic city lies below them under a deep layer of calcined earth and wood
ash.
Nothing of it presses on our eyes but the enormous tufa blocks
marked with fire, the bases of the ramparts. Within their northernmost
reach but seemingly beyond

and

little hills

old dwellings

all

dells of limestone,

is

the city of the dead,

Djebel Khaoui, where

lie

hundreds of

Their places have been sunken, burrowed, and scooped,

tenanted, re-tenanted and desecrated again. Thousands of dull monu-

thousands.

These date onward from the second

Their forefathers had buried in the Inner Town. The
ponderous sepulchres of the oldest Phoenician lords are in the sides of
Bozrah. Tertullian had shuddered at what he saw disclosed when the

ments teach us nothing but names.

Phoenician epoch.

Odeon was excavated.

headed skeletons with

who

are these

Here are Christian emblems, and here are beheads laid carefully upon their laps. And

their

Within the ramparts partly, but for miles outside them, stretched the
woods and gardens of the Roman peers, an extent of Horti unmatched
at Rome, and across them from the western hills strode the colossal
'

'

aqueduct.
If we did not know that the marble wealth of its structures, so
conveniently stratified for a second quarrying, had tempted not only

anti-Christian Tunis, but supremely Christian Pisa,

we should gaze with

blank eyes upon the blank spaces where such marvels have been. Of
Amphitheatre and Circus no trace but immense shallow troughs in the

Of Theatre, Odeon, Forum itself, scarce a sign. The Christian

Fathers did not prophesy in vain, when they declared that these, the
most prominent, most imposing institutions of that age, were dissolving
soil.

the primary institutes of society

for

Government, and

refuses to reason with Christians.

only for

men

still

and nature respect for Life, for Virtue,

About the Amphitheatre Tertullian

for Justice itself.

heathen.

He

can consider

it

an open question

In the Circus mere madness

is

king,

no

XXX

INTRODUCTION.

authority acknowledged.
theosis of sin, this

Forum

note of our city that

all

Cyprian

tells

them

this

Theatre

the living spirit of Falseness.

is

It is

the apo-

a strange

these have been not ruined but annihilated.

we may

picture to ourselves a material something not

wholly unlike what Carthage was. Scarcely any city yields so many
scenes. The streets gathering themselves in unique symmetry to the feet
of sudden steeps and many-tinted marble heights, or opening full on the

Faintly then

and the breathless harbour: graceful hills about it

crowned with shrines and villas, great levels spreading in chase or
garden; low 'difficult hills' with 'artificial passages,' which yoked the
neck of its foreland the vast lake where navies of commerce and of
pleasure rode close to the streets, severed by a thread from the open
sea; mountain crests in snow watching from the distances; through all
and over all the keen light and intense blue of Africa.
glistening quays

More
habits

to us than the splendours of the place

is

the population,

its

and temper.

One of its unlikenesses to other capitals was

made and kept a city of Peace, luxurious but not

way

in

which

idle Peace.

The

the

it

was

policy

of its re-peopling did not suffer it to be a military centre. A third of the

Third Legion was always quartered, not at Carthage, but wherever the
Proconsul was, and the brilliance of his court was unsurpassed.
When Carthage called the Gordians to the Empire, ten years before
Cyprian became a Christian, the military ceremonial of Rome was
punctiliously represented there, but Maximin taunted the city which
would make Emperors, with being kept in order by a handful of lictors,
having no weapons but hunting-spears, and no drill but the dance. The
population of the rich territory outside was not more martial. They
poured in armed only with hatchets and country sticks. It was the more
striking because their neighbour Numidia was a land of forts and camps,
and, thanks to its marvellous old Masinissa, famous for its native javelin
men, who rode without bit or bridle and 'steered' their barbs, the costliest
in the world, with cord and switch.
Three of the finest of earth's races lived together in its circuit. The
Roman, as he is best known, so is he also least patient of a rapid touch.
We need say here no more than that of all the vast institutions and
organizations of power, rule, pleasure, corruption which we may touch on,
he was the creator. The Romans of Carthage did not see themselves, as
at home, sending out, as from a source, all the legislative, administrative
and executive powers, and receiving the appeals and prayers of all nations,
nor yet, as in other capitals, few in number but sovereign through military
peace and unswerving law. At Carthage the commerce, wealth and social
influence of their preponderating numbers were shared by Punic families

Latinized since the last colonizations.

If the native race largely supplied

CARTHAGE AND HER SOCIETY.

them with

slaves,

it

had

also

XXXI

an independent population within the

city

naturally recruiting itself from the clans.

The Berber

by

this, its

northern name,

versal stock of the continent

the Berber

He

is

may

whom

we may call the earliest uniknew by many names

the antients

be studied now as well as at any of his unrecorded eras.

unchanged.

He

is

nearly half the population.

In large districts

he talks 'Libyan' still, which his masteis never allowed on coin or document, and seldom indeed could speak. He is no child of Shem like the
Arab he lives with. His notions are of equality among men, honour for
women, village communities (in the hill-tops if possible), neighbourly
federation.
He is tall, strong, supple, healthful, often 'like a bronze' for
form and colour, often fair and blue eyed. We do not know whether he

came in by Gibraltar. Before our times he had learnt enough of Roman

manners along the seaboard. How the Roman used him and what he
made of him in the interior we shall tell by and bye. Of his third
century relations to Christianity we know nothing at all. In his time he
has learnt the Phoenician, Roman, and Christian religions, and he retains
All that was important in them he dropped before
little spots of each.
Islam.
He saw all other races in and will see them out.
The administration of law was perforce rigorous. The complicated
agrarian and military conditions under which land was incessantly being
antient
acquired, leased, sub-let, and transferred by Roman farmers
freeholders and tenants being generally maintained in their rights, and
an elaborate corvee system worked with an eye indeed to the benefit of
;

Italian proprietors, yet with a

and not

tendency to keep peasant-life tolerable,

all this developed highly in

to aggravate traditional service

'Africa, nurse of pleaders,'

some branches of

legal

skill.

Inscriptions

witness to the care with which peasant farmers had their cases heard,
and the awards recorded monumentally for future information and
security.

The moving part of the population consisted, not, as with us, of people
their way up to the metropolis to be lost in it, but of families and
masters, often veteran soldiers, halting on their way up the country, and

making

often increasing their Uttle capital by the ingenious use of opportunities

which a seaport offered in the way of new arrivals, commodities accessible,
and industries in requisition. But finally they were in quest of rich
rewarding plots of soil, as near as might be to the countless little towns
which were growing out of villages and Punic stations in the plateaux
and slopes of Atlas. After a while they and their factors again crowded

the quays with their produce, and employed a conflux of foreign sailors,
porters, dock-labourers, to which the 'Rhuppapai' of the Piraeus was a

small orderly company.

Meantime the ultimately ruinous transfers of land were proceeding, by

which the superior ownership was concentrating itself under fewer and
fewer titles. Farms were therefore ranging themselves more and more

INTRODUCTION.

XXXll

round the bright towns, rich in every natural advantage of water and
wood and quarry, while enormous tracts of land were being afforested.
All this implied an immense class of lawyers and agents, of architects
and engineers, builders of aqueducts and road makers, with Colleges of
Surveyors who had never found it convenient to drop the augural system
which gave a Divine sanction to their mensuration. Their verdicts must
be no more disputed than those of the magistrates, who similarly supported their excellent character for justice by conjuring tricks, by retaining
priestly functions, by a grave acting of religious sentiments which few of

them entertained.

If there was one thing they disliked, it was having to

punish opinions which at first seemed to them only eccentric. Yet the
Christians turned even this into a grave necessity.

How

many

could there be

so

many

without

races

many gods?

Yet these

Him

a new one. How could

races have unity or coherence without the cultus of the one

Christians would have but one God,

and

Emperor?
Before his bust in the standard of the legion, before his image in the

He might be
His numen was an earthly Providence practically more useful than a heavenly one so useful that after
a temporary interruption by Christian Emperors the same cultus revived
and still flourishes on the same earthly centre.
Among Celts and Africans schools of Latin were a necessity. They
naturally became schools of Rhetoric.
Spain, Gaul and Africa were each
famous, and Augustine admits no rival to Carthage except Rome, for
Professors of Oratory and of all the knowledge which oratory demands.
Fronto, with his 'gravity,' glorified as 'the Orator' and canonized by
Aurelius' lavish friendship, was of Cirta.
But as of old it was remarked
that Africa had produced no astronomer,' so to the last she reared no
shrine of the domestic cloister, incense went up continually.

but he was the Unity of Man.

vile,

'

philosopher.

Augustine,

who owed

so

of Carthage with affection.

even

more

much
Its

'

to its schools,

cannot be said to speak

which swept away

riot of flagitious loves

'

dancing and scenic shame, and scarcely

less the falsity of its rhetorical training and the objects to be effected by
that training, made Carthage a blot on his memory.
He speaks with yet
further horror of street scenes in which he never took part, the abominable
'

the

^versiones,
riots in

sedate,' its stage

which seem

to

have perpetuated the tradition of those Punic

which, as at Alexandria, Polybius says the youths took as

much

part as the men.

But

in

general her citizens were as 'enamoured

-wished his countrymen to be of Athens.

by Apuleius, himself 'a half

He

speaks of her schools,

The

'

of Carthage as Pericles

feeling

is

not

ill

represented

Numidian' from Madaura.

her commerce and her religion as the never
Gaetulian, half

CARTHAGE AND HER

XXXUl

SOCIETY.

worn out boast of her alumnus. Devotion to her as the one lasting
between two distinguished friends of his own.
Cyprian himself, confessing to the full the stains upon his own grave
professional life, yet exclaims as to Carthage itself, Where better, where
gladlier might I be than in the place where God willed me to believe and
grow ? {credere et crescere).
#
Of the Phoenician population of Carthage there has been much to

rivalry

'

'

imagine,

little to

know.

Scant record but an enduring type.

had stepped

sixteen centuries before Christ they

More than

by point
along the Mediterranean coasts on their way to Spain and outward.
Here an island, there a foreland or a peninsula had served their turn and

made them
this

was

hither, point

masters or controllers of the moving currents of wealth.

far their noblest settlement.

About the eighth century

it

But

may

have been reorganized, receiving the name which appears on coin and
monument, Kart Hadasat, the New City which Cato tried to pronounce
in his 'Carthada.'
They checked the advance of Cyrene, planting
along the edge of the Lesser Syrtis, as far on as the Greater, a chain
of advanced posts, whose collective name of Emporia stamps the spirit
of their foundation and indicates their wealth.
Where there were
lagoons they rejoiced, and made them serviceable with quay and aqueduct
and causey. These towns they lost and won again and again in conflict

They cared nothing

with native princes.

for the peoples

they fared, and nothing for their broad lands.

They paid

among whom
tribute readily

day came when it could be repudiated. A

hard unsympathetic spirit marked their rule. They amalgamated no
tribes, allied no governments, conciliated no loyalty.
Their nearest
neighbour, Utica, whose interests seemed identical with those of Carthage,
was first to turn on her when her stress came.
They had brought a rich material dowry to their new country: purple
murex which on the seabanks of the Isle of Meninx became a source of
to the inland tribes, until the

untold wealth

pomegranate, the date-palm which

olive, vine, artichoke,

The

soon possessed the land.

of

of gardening was
That they did not introduce deer or boar is just a token of how little to them was the inland.
But they almost adored the native horse, and stamped him on their coins

Mago's.

They imbedded

first

all treatises

the city in gardens.

with perfect appreciation of his points.

They also brought with them worships which had the fascinations of
orgy, cruelty and secrecy, worships ever deadliest to the religion of revela-

The Romans favoured or adopted the service of the 'Daemon' or

'Genius of the Carthaginians,' Baal or Heracles or Eschmoun as well as
tion.

'

'

of Astarte, Tanit, the

Juno or Virgo

whose observances there

are not wanting traces in the Moslem villages of to-day. But everywhere
there is the commercial touch. Amongst the most important of our Punic
inscriptions are two tariffs which tabulate for Carthage and Marseilles
'

'

Caelestis, of

INTRODUCTION.

XXxiv

the fees and perquisites of sacrifices and the price of victims.

Of two

Punic words in Augustine, one is 'Mammon,' which he renders 'Lucre,'

and he quotes one proverb, 'The Plague asks a coin: give two to be rid
of him.' Commerce was their aristocratic Hfe, seacraft and ship-building
their ancestral pride.
'Thy benches of ivory; fine linen with broidered

work of Egypt thy

sail;. ..wise

men

thy calkers'; so Ezekiel touches in

the Tyrian galley, such a ship as sailed with

its

annual freight of

'

First-

and low,
intriguing and bribing for office, says Polybius, with a bribery which
at Rome in his time would have been penal and capital
ambitious
with a passion which Hannibal himself failed to gratify.
The character of the race was permanent like its physiognomy in
both they were Che7iani, as they called themselves to the last, genuine
fruits'

from the daughter Carthage.

gainful people, high

Canaanites.

When

the last Colonia settled 'within the vestiges of great Carthage,'

there were

some thousands of Chenani lingering there, safer than among

They were not ejected. There was nothing to hinder

Libyan nomads.

the redevelopment of their antient tastes, but everything to promote them.

The Romans who had been so scared when the jackals pulled up the
boundary rods were only too glad to adore and to endow the gods in
possession.

how under

Empire the rich and

and sailors
found more employment than ever on the quays, harbour and lake, where
rode fleets of all nations. The memory of their past was written in colossal
characters all round them, and would have tended to keep a less supple
people separate in the pride both of achievement and of suffering, and
probably in a distinct quarter of the city. But of this we hear nothing.
And although some great Punic families probably withdrew gradually to
their remoter estates, as the Mahomedan gentry now slip away from
It is

not hard, then, to understand

able Chenani prospered, and

how

the

their craftsmen, labourers

Algiers even against the wish of the French, yet at any rate in Carthage

strong interests promoted fusion.

It is more hard to say what hold Christianity took on them.
The
copious Augustine, who flashes into every corner, finds it needful to call
attention to only two Punic words, even incidentally. The second was

We must not assume from this that the language had receded
two previous centuries, for Cyprian and TertuUian mention none.
The two Sacraments were known among them by beautiful names,
meaning Salus and Vita, which Augustine supposes must have come to
them through some original Apostolic channel of their own. Yet in the
Messiah.

in the

Cyprianic documents, flowing over with sacramental language, there

is

but

one doubtful allusion, 'Laver of Health,' and that is in the retranslation

from Firmilian.
For official use Punic had been soon disallowed, and in Carthage the
Phoenicians soon became bilingual, but the Romans never. In the more

CARTHAGE AND HER SOCIETY.

XXXV

was talked by the lower orders, and was

up by higher circles, together with a little shocking
Greek, and no Latin to speak of. That was the case in Tripolis. Forty
miles from Hippo it was necessary in the fourth century to place a Punicspeaking Bishop in the town of Fussala, and the saintly Valerius took
Augustine for his coadjutor because it was impossible for him as a Greek
Phoenician then was a living tongue, and it had, we
to teach effectively.
know, an eloquence of its own. Severus was 'very prompt with it' Its
old literature was read, and 'the learned found much wisdom in it.'
There was a free use by the population of an incorrect Latin, of which
we have examples in the Letters of Celerinus and Lucian, and relics in
many forms. The anti-Donatist 'Psalm' or Ballad, made to be sung about
by the idiotce, was in Latin. It was scoffingly said that if Donatism were
the only genuine Christianity, as it claimed to be, only two of the Pentecostal tongues were worth anything, for it talked only Punic and Latin.
There is no trace of a Phoenician Christian Literature. Of a hundred
and forty or fifty names of Bishops in the Cyprianic papers, not more
than a dozen maybe non-Latin, but apparently not more than one may be
Punic. All the facts look one way, and they scarcely could be what they
are if Christianity at the time we speak of had taken hold of the Phcenician
primitive towns alone Punic
patriotically kept

nationality in either

its

lower or

its

cultivated strata.

The Latin

Christian

speech which there developed was due to the fact that while the Church
in Rome was still a Greek Church, a Church of foreigners, the most
advanced classes in Carthage, of Roman origin and Latin tongue, were
the most Christian.

And when the jurists and the

men qualified to form with

rhetoricians were

accuracy the new

vocabulary of the new subject, and not to be deterred by the necessity for
fresh combinations of words when they set out to express truth with
touched, they were the very

The

strength.

languid literature, for such

*
Their 'Africa'

for the

Roman

it

had been, was regenerated.

*

of Carthage was as proud of that name,

which had somehow come in with him and was unknown to the Greeks,
as the Londoner is of 'England' had begun to glory in having saturated

itself

with

meant

for

all

the religions,

morals moralists

all

the pleasures, 'of the Greeks.'

tell.

What

that

itself

was

Salvian groans that the city

came in.
It is enough for us to say that, for the masses, the standard, much
more the discipline, of morals went down before the flood, unstemmed by
so

little

purified

by Christianity

till

the strong, pure Vandals

the pious propitiation of 'daemons,' ever multiplying, swarming on every

branch of life, while all life was pervaded by a sense of the unreality of
God.
Exceptions were eminent, possibly numerous. The monuments shew
that the old chaste, grave, diligent virtues were in honour.
Of the many
lecturers in philosophy few, perhaps, were not in some small degree
effective in raising the moral tone of their best disciples.
Some worked

INTRODUCTION.

XXXVl
a stern,

if

self-satisfied, code.

vidual only

and

was moved

But when the best was done, the indiand the individual grew daily of less

or raised,

less account.

The one

thing desirable, the one thing unattainable by any known

method, was a re-casting of Society, such that selfishness should be
discounted as an evil, the source of evil, and yet the individual be made
of

full

account.

Society faithful to the

Individual, the

Individual

devoted to the Society.

Meantime there had been growing up for more than a century and
a half in every grade of society a kind of Union, or rather a kind of
'People,' for this was what they meant to be, although not in any sense
a nation. They were uniformly loyal to the Government, save only as
But averse, even adto the one article of bearing arms in its service.
verse, to almost every other influence, rule, tone, opinion, habit and sacred
observance of every locality in which they were found.
It was understood that they were bound together in a federal network,
and their leading officials generally well known, and that by the same
They sought the individual whom they
official titles in all countries.
thought likely to join them. They cared for the stranger. If he became
one of them, they made him, wherever he travelled or settled, one of
a circle of pledged friends with vowed teachers. God and Life and
Death were not the same things to them as to any others. There were
In
daily, and sometimes more frequent gatherings of their local groups.
public life they were irreproachable except for their strange conventions,
betraying their new associations by nothing sometimes but a deranged
Yet the least moral of their neighbours had more than doubts
character.
of their secret licentiousness.
theories.

Historically

and

Few knew

the affiliations of their tenets or

'scholastically' they

were bound up with the

Jews, but Judaic hostility to them was unsleeping. Admired professors

of philosophy considered that, with more or less clearness, their ethical
notions were unaccountably sound, but so disfigured by being adapted to

such hopeless people, and their evidently philosophic Founder so disguised behind a wild story and a sacrilegious theory, that if the ethics had
fit

no practical effect on them this could not be wondered at.

Their unpopularity must rest on some deep contradiction to human
Social harass,
principle, or it could not be so instructive and universal.
popular outbreak, magisterial severity, imperial thunder were perpetually
breaking on them, and were less than unavailing; in fact stimulated
Until lately they had been
interest in them and adherence to them.
a non-descript between ethnics and Jews, a Tertium Gejius whom 'our
recognized tolerance could scarcely be expected to tolerate. Yet people
began slowly to be aware that the singular persons whom they knew
'We are men of yesterday,' says
belonged to an invisible 'majority.'
'

TertuUian, yet they were

rooms,

even

camps,

'filling cities, islands, castles,

the

tribes, the decuries

boroughs, council

palace,

senate,

forum

CARTHAGE AND HER SOCIETY.

every place but the temples.'
of them

still

They had come

XXXVll

in so insensibly that

some

plied former callings inconsistent with their principles.

Now

and then some were seen in the cunei at the habitual spectacles.
Here in Africa at the Gate which all passed through^there was nodoubt such another hospice on the quay as there was at Portus. There
were no doubt in the town Basilicas and 'Fabrics,' such as Fabian had,,
and built at the same time in Rome. The private estate of their wellknown chief was large and beautiful. Then all along both ridges of
Atlas, and on to where he dipped to his own ocean, there was not a town
where they had not a footing and a constitution, officers and an inner
circle not a farm where they did not claim a slave, if not a son.
Their
officials, 'servants,' 'sub-servants' and 'followers,' flitted to and fro with
missives and carried monies on ships, through prison doors, among barracks and mines. When they were recognized they were gone. Their
'Overseers' convened themselves for deliberation when and where they
pleased.
Their public death-scenes from time to time were to their sect

a kind of grave

festival.

was and is vain to try to ascertain where and by what avenues the
flood had poured in.
Cyprian only knew that the 'sacerdotal unity,' the
one order of bishops, traced to the 'primal church' of Rome. Augustine
only thought that the Punic Sacraments, called by names not borrowed or
rendered from the Latin, traced to some other Apostolic source. That is
all.
They were there and they were one. The Christians had in fact
come into possession as the Phoenicians themselves had come into possession of harbours and marts, not like the noisy Roman colonies, but
It

without violence or observation.

It is

with a few years of this People that

ourselves.

we

are

now

to concerri

CHAPTER

'

I.

THE LAST OF THE LONG PEACE.

I.

Cyprians Preparation in Heathendom.

Such was

the city and the society in which, possibly after

long practice as an advocate, Thascius Cyprianus became the

most eminent master of

member

the leading

Of

forensic eloquence^; that

tantam

...in

ut

gloriam

venit

elo-

'

oratoriam quoque doceret

extremum

Chronicon
...et

torias

Div.

II.

(De Viris

Lactant.

tuba

reads

mendaciorum certamina

name

loqui

cognomentum

converted him, he

Cyprianus.

vocis

...tantae

mendacium.

'

Cseciliani

'

as

in the only place

mentions him

solebat acuere...suam et aliorum linguas

docuerat

'

Jerome

self quotes

professione quasierat.

quae forensium

who

to

Ep. 66) is called Csecilius

But the adoption must be
doubtful, since every MS. and ed. Man.

Olymp. 258.

I.

of the

III.),

After

Thascius.'

et

became Thascius Csecilius Cyprianus,

and in his proscription (which he him-

Euseb.

magnam sibi gloriam ex artis ora-

Inst. V.

both his

according

adoption,

of the presbyter

Carthaginiensis

episcopus martyrio coronatur.

Cyprianus qui

his

Hieron. comm. Jon. c. 3.

Cyprianus primum rhetor, deinde pres-

ad

to say

nomenclature of antiquity.

in the

Carthagini.

byter,

we know nothing

his birthplace or family

names^ are almost unique

quentise

is

of the highest of the professions ^

(c.

4),

presbyter's

where Pontius

and Pontius adds

nothing on the subject.

In alia

the

The

pleasant

schola, &c.

fancy was likely to occur to biographers.

from and

The only recurrence of the prsenomen

which I find is in the African Kalendar,
which commemorates a 'Tascius Martyr'

Aug. Serm. 312, c. 4 (4).

^ On the high rank and fortunes attained by many advocates and rhetores
after the second century, see

L. Friedlander, Darstelliirtgen
Sittengeschkhte Roms, B.

(1888

90,

vol.

I.

pp. 322

on Sept. I. Its rarity no doubt leads to

the misnomer Tatius ( Tassius, Tarsus)

and

Cyprianus in the Decree of Cone. Rom.

axis

c.

iii.

330)

d.

note in supplement.
'

I.

Thascius Cyprianus he

by the proconsul {Acta

Proc.

3,

4,

c(.

Pontii Vit. Cypr.), and in the singular

heading of p. 66 he
B.

styles

sttb

Gelas.,

Labbe

V. c. 388.

The name Cyprianus occurs later,

among African Christians possibly called

called

is

after

him

e.g.

one of the Fathers

in the

Carthaginian council of a.d. 416 (Aug.

himself
i

CYPRIAN

and when he speaks affectionately of Carthage as the happiest

where God had willed that he should
place on earth to him,
believe and grow up (in the faith)/ he would scarcely have

'

omitted to claim a native interest in the beloved home, had

he possessed

it\

All that to us

represented by the influence of the press

is

Far

power of eloquence.

lay in an ancient capital within the

from any shade of unreality resting on them the teachers of

^

The

oratory were courted leaders in society.

publicity of

the majesty of national audiences, the familiarity of the

life,

culti-

vated classes with the teaching of the schools, required the

orator to be not only perfect in the graces of

versed in ethical science; to be

as well

as

to

than attractive

and an

tician

At

be
;

facile

armed with

of invention

be a wit and a student, a poli-

in short to

eclectic philosopher.

so named, as

is

Deacon who

also

carried the remarkable

Augustine (Aug. Epp. 71

et

Q.

From

whom Jerome

ii"]-]

the connection of Cyprus with

Carthage

writes as

to derive

xiLn.

TASGlvs FORTVNATVS.

sqq.)

Augustine's fourth

also Corp. Inscrr. Latt. vol.

Jerome and

correspondence between
Presbyter, to

is

placing himself

still

under the tuition of the Rhodian Molonl

the

arguments

solid

not less convincing

the age of nearly thirty Cicero was

^Pp- 175, 181)

but to be

life,

might have seemed possible

it

Cyprianus thence

if

Cyprius

Presbyterorum studiosissime,' Ep. 140

('39) (13) 01^ Psalm 89 (90); and a

had been an ascertained proper name,

but scarcely otherwise. Pape connects

Donatist Bishop (Aug.

it

c.

litt.

Petil.

iii.

34 (40)) ; in C. Insc. Gr. iv. 8954

from Bethlehem, 9203, 9412 'E.-i]tcpt]{a)c.

vov; in C./nscrr.
(a

LaU.vlu.

Bishop of Bagai), viii.

in Procopius as the

ii.

i. 4S1S,,

22gi

10539; ^^^

name of a Dux fcede'

with

Cypris

'

Copper.'

divine names, ApoUonius, Herculanus,

&c., be

more common. Names given

goddess come generally from

^^'^"^ ^^^^

Aphrodite.

The

ratorum in the Vandal and Gothic wars.

Thus Pape properly calls it a late name.

The origin of both names is unknown.
The Mozarabic Vesper Hymn for his

cated

day begins 'Urbis magister Tasci^,'

ZjV. Moz. ed. Migne li. c. 1201 (ed.
Card. Ximenes, 'Tuscise'), but this
cannot be identified with the African
town Thacia (Tad. Feut.), Qaala {Ptol.),

KapxriS<l}v...i^

'

or regarded as

more than a

guess.

See

from

derived

If

would, as other derivatives of

it

birthplace

by the

is

not really indi-

passages

from

quoted

Prudentius Peristeph.

xiii.

prius patriae martyr,'

and Suidas,

ing

their

rjs

wp/iaro,

authority

to

'

est pros.v.

even suppos-

be

sufficient.

Jerome's 'Cyprianus Afer' cannot be

taken, as by Fechtrup, to

mean

neces-

sarily a native of Africa,

^

Yox the

third time Cic. Brut. 91.

'

AT THE AFRICAN BAR.

I. I.

book on Christian Doctrine shews us that

five centuries

and

a changed religion did not abate the value placed on technical

No

perfection.

name had

statesman's

com-

for generations

manded such reverence as was paid in Cyprian's times to the

and memory of Timesitheus the Rhetorician, whose daughter
the young African Emperor had espoused', and whose honour
life

and universal

cultivation

and experience had

Ob. a.d.

for a brief interval

restored purity to the court, dignity to the senate, and discipline to the

To

camps of Rome.

the well-moulded strength of

Roman

eloquence Africa;

nurse of pleaders*,' had added a fervour not unlike that with

'

With a powerful
Cyprian had
pursued the highest literary culture. 'What gold, what silver, /
exclaims
what raiment he brought with him out of Egypt
which Ireland has enriched the English

memory', and a methodic,

bar.

classificatory mind,

'

'

And

Augustine.

Jerome, treating the conquest of the literary

world by Christianity as grander than any triumph over mere

power or luxury, and seeking an instance of the true

of the World,'

'who

are last of

all

Kings

to hear the word, yet

from their thrones to

'

at length, like the Ninevite, descend

'

plebeian levels, lay aside the radiance of their eloquence, put

away the

'

content themselves with the majesty of Christian thoughts

^
'

intoxicating draught of words, and

thenceforth

selects the great Carthaginian master*.

Jul. Capitol.

Gordiani Tres

c.

23

causa eloquentioe dignum parentela sua

[The incredible name il/?W//i<j-

Nero

Julius Africanus in the time of

were orators

whom

Quintilian

(x.

i,

118)

compares

givenhimbyjulius.andthatof 7i'w^j<r/fj

latter

he describes as 'concitatior sed in

by Zosimus (i. 17, i8) are both mistakes.

His wzxaQ-v/zsiaiaW C. Furius Sabinius
AquilaTimesitheus. See two interesting

cura verborum nimius.'

Inscriptions in Orelli, Inscrr. Latt. v.

memoria suggerebat.'
^ Comm.inyon.c.

putavit. '

3,

pp. 103, 4, nn. 5530,

with facsimile

and

I.

full

The former
comment in

L. Renier's and J. B. Monfalcon's ed. of

J.

Spon (Lyon
*

Juv. Sai.

dicorum

1857), pp. 162, 3.]

vii.

Africa.'

148 'nutricula causi-

Domitius Afer and

to

the

ancients;

the

Memoriosa mens, Pont. Vit. 5. Cf.

'quantum mediocris

preface to Testim.

(9r, xxiv.

Kara

3.

So Greg. Naz.

6 ...T6rwj'X67W'

/cpdroy, twj' re

<pL\oiXo<piav Kal offoi rrji dXXrjj rrai-

5ei;<rewy,

Kal toOtuv 6 /3oi;\ec fi^poi' wj

/xdXKov fxiv

iKoan^

t6 itoLklXov ^ rb dxpov ep

davfi-A^eadai.'

jxaWov 5i rb evSb-

CYPRIAN.

No

accessions, indeed, to the Christian ranks were

Versed

important than the conversions of the great lawyers.

and

in letters

modern thought, practised

in

more

in the sifting

of

moving in that
which Minucius gives so delicate a

evidence, cold to the voice of enthusiasm,

circle of refined habit of

picture in his barrister's holiday at Ostia, accustomed more-

over to see Christians at the worst worldly advantage, they

became witnesses and disciples at once. Nor are any phenomena more significant of the hold which was being gained
upon the Roman world than first the conversion, and next
the superiority to contemporary ethnic writers, in genius alike

and

TertuUian, a Felix, a Cyprian.

in cultivation, of a

The
the time

middle

had attained might alone imply that

position he

when he

had passed

landed property

affluent, his

of which he speaks to Donatus as no longer

purged eye

own

sketched apparently from his

is

The

Carthage spacious and beautiful ^

large, his gardens in

home

attracts our notice Cyprian

first

His wealth was

life\

at

the

fair to

a villa

it is

of more than Pompeian richness, with frescoed walls, gilded

ceilings,
Ki-fJiov

and marble-lined
w&vTa

iv iKd<TTC{) TTJi TTepl

fjM0las.

It is evident that

saloons*.
TToKv-

Gregory had

read some at least of his treatises (and

see also c.

There

7).

no ground

is

for

calling

him ( Or.

according to the story,

supposing his other Cyprian to have

Pont. Vit.

written anything.

Ad Don.

Pearson rightly

sets aside

*senio,'

as

to

his

in

c.

and observes

age,

that Pontius gives no hint of

would be strange

Baronius'

Ad Donatum

inference from the

it.

This

a biographer, and

although supergresstis vetustatis cztatem

Pont. Vit. 2
antiquity,'

may mean

it is

'surpassing all

just possible that in his

superfine style he

may parallel

veteribtis

xxiv. 6) to riji veoTTjTo^

him with the Oriental

Cyprian who was somewhat over 30
avOo^, confuses

(8)

(atria)

'

2,

15.

ad Donat.,
Compare

Forensibus

autem

i, 15.

Vitruv. vi.
et

disertis

elegantiora et.spatiosiora ad con-

ventus excipiundos.' I do not introduce

to the text Gregory's 6 TrXoiJry irepKpaV7)i

koL Swaffrelg, Trepi^XeTTTos Kai yivet

yvil)pL/jLos...<TvyK\^ov
/cai

TrpoeSp/a

whether he has the

him.

^ovXijs

because there

Or. xxiv. 6.

right

is

fierovcrla

no knowing

Cyprian before
of

Ad Don.

own

position,

The end

has no relation to his

hy vetustatis and senibus\>y atatem, thus

c. 3

implying old age. Antiquity

'Fascibus ilk oblectatus...iyiV stipatus

of the antithesis, and he

is

is

not part

contrasting

CjTJrian with those

who had heard

truth all their lives.

Gregory Nazianzen,

the

clientium cuneis' are picturesque

trations simply,

illus-

HIS PERSON

I, I.

AND

PLACE.

His personal address was conciliatory yet

manner

affectionate, his expression

dignified, his

by a

attractive

certain

His dress, quiet yet appropriate to his

grave joyousness.

was remarked on as answering to his calm tone of

mind \ He never thought it necessary to assume the philosopher's pall, which TertuUian had maintained to be the
true dress of a Christian, for to him the bared arm and
rank,

Augus-

exposed chest seemed rather pretentious than plaint

when acknowledging

tine,

the benefits he had derived through

Cyprian's intercessions, dwells especially on the never-hard-

Gentle he was when he

ened tende rness of Jijg.xharactr.
'had yet to endure amid various temptations this world's
'

Even to the last

senator and knight, by the
'

perils

was claimed by

his friendship

'.'

oldest heathen houses, and the

highest ranks of the province*.

Yet wealth and elegance, cultivation and good sense, might

have left him the mere ornament of his circle or perhaps of
Gravis vultus

et Isetus

nee severitas

nee eomitas nimia...nec cultus

tristis

dispar a vultu, temperatus et ipse de

medio; non ilium superbia

nee

inflaverat,

tamen

Pont. VtL

6.

Gregory Nazianz. surely had read the

irepl

rds ivrev^as

Kal (piXdu'dpuirov, ws laov

6/j.ov

De Bono Patientice 2

minudi

demns

pectoris,' &c.

the

mode

re

dir^x^'-''

Or. xxiv. 13.

evreXeias Kal avdadeias.

'^

v\l/7]\6v

'

exserti ae se-

That

is,

he con-

of wearing the Pallium

which Justin kept and which TertuUian

recommended as ascetic and Christian.
It is

represented in the Cemetery of

Callistus

on

two

figures

(de Rossi, R. S., vol.

11.

of

teachers

p. 349,

Tav.

These belong to the middle

of the second century, and the fashion
does not reappear. If Gregory N^ianzen means that Cyprian wore the
pallium (as he seems to do. Or. xxiv. 13,
^^-

7> 9)-

praises

in

0t\o(7o<^oi/)

him

it is

rb

irepi

rrjv

one of his count-

mistakes about him.

less

adfec-

passage which he thus beautifully condenses, t6

^o-^^a

saecularis

prorsus

tata penuria sordidarat.

when he

Serm. ^12,

c.

Pont.

14.

Vii.

respect for

i.

And

heathen

this

him remained.

Greg. Naz.

sa.ysTd /j^v 6vo/jMTro\inrapaTrd(nKvirpM-

vov Kal ov XpuTTiavoh /movou

ttju

^^

^7-

Kai

name

'

works

Peters, p. 38, solemnly

out, as if

from Lactantius, that a niek-

Coprianus

was

'

effectually used

Carthage to laugh away Cyprian's

at

influence.

All that Lactantius says

Divin. Instt. v.

accomplished
say

of

dWa

ivavTiav i)fMv TTayiJ^voii...Or. xxiv.

fifty

it

that he

man

break

had devoted

old wives' fables.'

G/oss.

Ti'd.

The

that 'so elegant a wit,

for better things,

Suet.

this sorry jest,

years at least later.

was

Cf. inter

point

meant

itself to

copreas,

Scurra qui ineopriatur,

61.

Isidor.

is

had heard an

ap.

Philol. (1698) v.

11.

M. Martini

Lexic.

CYPRIAN CALLED FROM THE BAR.

the church, but for his instinctive delight in concerting action

men about

with others and in gathering influential

finely

developed tact

suitable

in

moment, and a

of weight informed of
habits

may

belong to

him, a

approaching the right person at the

real laboriousness in

keeping people

Such

they could desire to know.

all

men

of small conceptions

if

they are

moves the

the accompaniments of genius, such a genius

world.

The

peculiar expressions of two authorities, one of

whom

from local opportunities, the other from the character of his

may have

investigations,

imply

that,

seen good reasons for their words,

somewhat more than the common function

in

of an advocate, he had concerned himself with maintaining

Whether

polytheism.

in processes

touching temple endow-

ments, or in procedures against Christians, in panegyrics, or in

some more speculative way, cannot now be determined, but

Jerome

been a vindicator^ of

distinctly speaks of his having

idolatry,'

and Augustine dwells on

'

'

the garniture of that

'noble eloquence whereby the crumbling doctrines of daemons

'

were once undeservedly decorated,'

'

as

'

that eloquence wherein,

from some precious goblet, he once drank pledges to

'deadly errors 2.'

The purport

of the Christian rites had nevertheless not

Like

escaped his earlier observation as a moralist.

many

known what it was to rebel against

The power of Baptismal Grace had been men-

noble heathen he had

sensual habit.

Yet the
suppression of passion and surrender of indulgence was still

tioned in his hearing and not excited his derision.

Comni. in fon. 3 'adsertor idolola-

clesiae

Optat.

9 adsertoribus ecCatholicje.' So Aug. Cotif. viii. 2

trise,' cf.

i.

c.

'

says that Victorinus the rhetorician

up

to an

had

advanced age defended with

fanatic eloquence

(ore

monstrous foreign gods.

tion of A.D. 495

terricrepo)

the

In an inscrip-

on Donatus Bishop of

Tanaramusa (C. Inscrr. Latt.

viii.

ii.

n.

9286) he

is

styled (mu)LTis exiliis

probatvs et fidei catholicae adsertor dignvs inventvs.

As to Cyprian we scarcely dare quote
(saepe)

Gregory Nazianzen
his dai.fj.6vuu

iriKpoTaros
dition.
^

for

such a

may

represent the

Or. xxiv. 8.

s^rm.

fact.

riv dpa.irevTT\s...K<d

'^\i, c. 2 (2).

But

Siwkttjs

same

tra-

CYPRIAN THE CATECHUMEN.

I. II.

At

an incredible dream to the observer of human nature^

last,

with closer observation,

came

the recognition of a Divine

Presence in the world, adequate even to those

presbyter of high

effects.

character in the city, Caecilian

a.d. 146.

cWi. C.

by name, p^gg^^

was permitted to crown a long life and devoted friendship for ^'^^^
Cyprian by imparting to him the Nova Vita of the world-.
Cyprian became a Catechumen of the Church of Carthage,
famous already for her 'faith, organization, and quietude^'

The head

of the society was Donatus*.

II.

Cyprians Preparation under

The
getic a

the Church.

period of Catechesis would naturally engage so ener-

convert in that closeness of study which

indicates,

and which

enormous

his

classified

Pontius

copiousness of

illustration evinces to

have been at some time bestowed by

Cyprian on Scripture.

But, qualified as his mature reason

have been for reflection, the habits of the

lated thought into

man

may

instantly trans-

His work never became speculative,

life.

He

scarcely ever was purely doctrinal.

read to practise'.

His friend dwells on the vividness with which in the conver-

and the subsequent months he analysed

sations of these

for

himself and for the group which surrounded him lessons of

*

God-pleasing' lives to which his

^

Cum

in

meae nescius,
possibilis,'

tenebris...jacerem... vitse
veritatis

. . .

alienus

.
. .

'

Qui

Ad Don.

favebam.
2

et

setate

presbjrteri, qui euni

tunc

et

Pont.

z;?V.

honore

4.

converted

is

Minucius Felix,

in

Novimus

who

the

Carthaginiensis Ecclesiae

fidem, novimus institutionem, noviraus

Ep.

clergy (Novatian).

fratrum'^//.
i,

16.

36. 3,
Cf.

from
'in

Roman
operibus

10. 5, 'antecessoribus' 15.

i.

amicum animse

Ep.

pa-

'

Prudentius well touches this charac-

coaequalem sed tanquam novae

jectures without

memoriae

ad agnitionem verae

divinitatis...owyazw ut

rentem.

by Octavius

humilitatem.

3, 4.

et laudabilis

...viri justi

Caeciliani

the Cascilius Natalis

aiebam, 'tantaconversio?'...

desperatione melionim malls meis...et

new readings introduced

vitse

DomMarancon-

any ground that he

is

teristic,

trare

59. 10.

'

FiV^f

dogma

yj/?V/aOT Christi pene-

nostrum.'

Per.

xiii.

32.

'

CYPRIAN THE CATECHUMEN.

He

man

of the world.

relic

of Cyprian's talk.

wording

gives us the very words* of one vivid

It

is

about Job, and though the

throughout, the thoughts are almost identical

differs

with his later reflections on the character which appear in the

book Of Patience.

How

deep-dyed a stain rested on society

was attached

singularity which

moment

seen in the

from the

to the fact that

of his entrance into the ranks of the Catechumens,

and before the

'

insight of the second birth,' the

What he

devoted himself to perfect chastity^

moral obligation of his position

of the headings of his

is

'

is

new convert
to be the

felt

no doubt expressed

in

one

Testimonies,' soon afterwards compiled

Catechumen ought to sin no more.' This is however

singularly deduced from a false reading of St Paul Let us do
whose damnation is justl'
evil while goodis coming
Thus early* also he reverted to the primitive examples of
'that a

and

liberality,

seeking to palliate the incurable pauperism

in

of his time parted with his property, whole farms apparently

and

at once^
^

Observe the

distributed all the proceeds.

direct tenses,

Compare De B.

how

and the

Pat. 18.

Observe also

a forger of either of these pieces

would

have

copied

while

genuine one

words from

the

two independent

forgers could never have so coincided in

thought and tone.

coincidence

the

is

The one word of

calling of God's

commendation a 'blessing'

{benedictio

vio.1.

This alone shews how the

and

dypvirvlai attributed to

Greg. Naz, are in a

belong to
3

'

tAis

'

false key,

Cyprian.

xa/^ei'-

him by

and do not

Or. xxiv. 13.

Faciamus mala dum veniunt bona

quorum damnatio
ap. Test.

iii.

Rudis

'

The

tractis

ix. 26.

text here

is

interesting.

rum pacem

sustinendam,

pretia dispensans, &c.'

ing in Pont.

Vit.

c.

is

The

able.

But 'pacem

2.

justa est,'

Rom.

iii.

98.

fidei et cui

crederetur,' Pont.

nondum

Vit. 2, i.e.

forsitan

whilst his

conversion was probably distrusted, like

'

')

meaning
intoler-

is

reading of Bodl. MS.

Bodl. Laud. Misc.

cem

prope

tola

freedom from persecution

good

Dis-

Hartel's read-

in this material sense (and not

'

'

rebus suis ad indigentium multo-

fol.

(ms.

i.

192) 'indigen-

tiam multorum pauperum

benediceret).
2

St Paul's, Acts

Pont. Vit. 3.

introduction of dicebat.

'

is

not only

sense, but also accounts for

'

pa-

through an intermediate abbre-

pm.
Yor pretia most editions have pretio,
but pro proelia preda is the reading of
Cod. T, the favourite of Hartel. The
corrupt proelia preda indicates more
than the word pretia only, and Fell's

viation

'tota

harsh.

pmdia pretio dispensans'

Dr Hort once suggested

is

too

to

me

HIS FIRST EXERCISE.

I. II.

Two

works of Carthaginian authorship had probably been,

Caecilian, instrumental to his con-

hands of his friend

in the

version,

the

Octavius of Minucius Felix, and the Apolo-

was the
first to grapple with the amazing difficulty of making the
speech of the Roman a vehicle for Theology. That his style
Tertullian's passionate genius

geticum of Tertullian.

was hard, dark, granitic is no wonder. Cyprian henceforth

was his devoted yet discriminating disciple. He daily called
Give me
for some manuscript of his in the famous phrase
The MasterV
His first labour probably was, with the condensation and
'

the lucid arrangement of a pleader, retaining as far as possible

the words of his originals, yet avoiding whatever was dis-

who

pleasingly rugged or ambiguous, to produce for those

had

witnessed his activity in the opposite

little

camp, a

telling

resume of Minucius' anti-polytheistic arguments^ and

of Tertullian's magnificent presentment of the Person of

Christ.
It

came

we know not when,

out,

pretia prcsdiorum,'' and

Dr Westcott

iota prope pradia.^

Bodl. MS.

plurima

I.

originally read

was

//Jrt

into a tall

This MS. which

shape like others.

full

pro

has been corrected

by changing the tall / of

the original abbreviation

in

tota

pretia,' but

into propria,

'

of errors was corrected through-

out by a contemporary hand, and

we

have here perhaps the right reading,

tota propria

Quite a Pontian

pretia.'

And

venalium.'
ix.

quotes

36,

nemo

a Thesis headed

as

Augustine, Ep. 185,

Acts

iv.

32

as

*et

See

dicebat aliquid proprium.'

P. Sabatier, Bibll. SS.Latt. Verss. Antt.

Cyprian

I.e.

de

unit.

26

has

'

fun-

dos...in usus indigetitium pretia.''

op. et

25

el.

'

De

prcedia...dispensandam...

distracto.'
^

'

Da

Magistrum.'

Hieron. de Virr.

///. 53.
2

simple juxtaposition of passages

way

shews the Octavius to be the original,

own.'

and Jerome in his de Virr. III. to be

right in naming Minucius earlier than
Cyprian. Divisions i and 2 of the tract

of expressing that as in Acts v. 4

the prices 'after it was sold were his

The passage

is

evidently a

remi-

34 which in the
Versio Latina Antiqua ran 'Nee enim

niscence of Acts

iv.

eis.
Quotquot
enim possessores pradiorum aut domo-

indigens aliquis erat in

rum

erant vendentes adferebant pretia

are compiled from Minucius 20

32.

The 3rd from

23.

9) the

27,

18,

Tertullian Apol. 21

Cyprian had also read [Quod Id.

De

Testimonio

Anima.

CYPRIAN THE CATECHUMEN.

lO
'

That Idols are not Gods^'

work of a

It is the

learner,

not of a teacher'.

he challenges the world's Life

little later

was

this

his

review of the world's Creeds.

Thepopular

I.

he argues, be

Divinities can,

identified with

Their variety, the survival of local

benefactors.

historical

one national group to

tradition about them, the inferiority of

another, the occasional suppression of one group

sufficiently

demonstrate

was one of the

least

The

this.

indigenous

by

another,

Roman group

Who

prominent or least respectable.

could credit Picus or Tiberinus, Pavor or Cloacina with the

Rome } To

rise of

owed

native deities the greatness of the

Empire

After lodging this shaft, he accepts the theory,

nothing.

supported by a consensus, as he says, of the master minds of

antiquity, of the operation of wandering and impure
spirits.

Their presence

is

sufficient

many

to account for the

phe-

nomena

of vaticination and possession upon which the super-

stitious

fabric

of worship has been raised

Their

rational service of God.

false,

deceiving

office is to

'

He

and being deceived.'

the

to obstruct

confound true with

then confidently

challenges their votaries to be present at a Christian Exor-

He

cism.

speaks of extraordinary scenes

the confessions,
as familiar

the lamentations, the departure of these spirits

events ^
^

For

sint,'

the

title

kept in

'quod Idola

dii

non

the manuscripts, and

all

confirmed by Jerome Ep. 70 (84). 5 ad

Magnum, and by Cyp. Ep. ad Fortunat.

opening with the same words, nearly all

editions have substituted 'De Idolorum
Vanitate,'

so

destroying

the

character of a simple thesis.

modest
There is

no shadow of ground for Peters' treatment of this and the Letter to Donatus
together

as

forming

an

Pontius omits

Jerome

it

from the

(/.^.)

praising

it

know how

was.

For

omnium

scientia)

did

simple a compilation

instance,

it

betrays no fur-

ther acquaintance than comes through

21) with Euhemerus the
whose 'lepd 'Ava^pa^^,
translated by Ennius, was exactly to

Minucius

(c.

Rationalist,

Cyprian's purpose,
* I

am

not sure that Cyprian means

list

of his

he had been an eyewitness,

not, he should have written
still more guardedly.
He however only
says 'videas Quod Id. c. 7 and again

its

learn-

ad

Apologia

proper.

works.

ing (historiarum

not

to say that

although,

if

'

Denietrian.

15

'videbis.'

'Sub

'THAT IDOLS ARE NOT

I. II.

In contrast with

2.

only illustrates
traces of

He

attempts no proof of this

felicitously,

from analogy and from

in the universal consciousness.

it

Now

3.

and not

it,

confusion rises the majestic

all this

truth of the Unity of God.

II

GODS.'

comes

Judaism and

in the impressive history of

the exact correspondence of

its

greatnelsTand

with predictions which had linked

dispersion,

its

destiny to obedience.

its

Those same predictions had anticipated a universal nation

God

union with

The appearance

incarnate.

work and Person, the testimony to

misinterpretation of His

The

His Resurrection, are facts before the world.

by Faith
the Race of Man,

nation of the individual

elevation

of

He

themselves.

the

in

manu

nostra,'

They

clusive.
c.

Christian

concludes,

from Minucius

Besides, the very strong language

27.

of Cyprian 'videas

illos

nostra voce et

beginning

are

perhaps
putting

the

attempts at

iv. 20.]

Minucius' 'quoties a nobis et tormentis

verborum, orationis
bus exiguntur,'
in that

who

ince7idiis
is

more

de corpori-

special also

he speaks of Saturn, Serapis,

Cjqjrian

Jupiter being thus expelled.

repeats his

own words

in

ad Don.

In a strange passage Ep. 69.

exorcism

is

15,

is

H. Hurler's SS.
I.
St Ambrose,
has 'cognovistis imo vidistis,^

in Dissert,

in

i.,

Devil (diabolus).
to

the

phenomena

is

hard

to

find,

i.

ad

Virgines, under the

name

of 5.

Clement of Rome, c. 12 [Wetstein, Nov.

T. Gr. t. II., see Bp. Lightfoot, Ap.
Fathers, pt.

(Clement), vol.

i.

p. 407,

(1890)] recognises in the second century

have written, as

they had been spec-

23, except

c.

to

not to have written

However Greg.

tators themselves also.

Naz. Carm.

Ii.

ii.

7,

80

83,

says of

himself,
...KoL

yap eyu Xpiffrov \axos

oOvofJui

aeirrbv

ToWaKi

IJ.OVVOV

ieiirov 6 5'

ux^to

TTjXodi

dal/xuv

rpO^wv, dcrxo-Xouv re, )3owc (rd^vos

Personal testimony

though appeals to the knowledge of

readers, even pagans, are numerous.

Ep.

Apol.

not always successful, bap-

tism 'must be held' to overpower the

vol.

Tertullian ought

5.

though

the

large collection of passages

Ep. 22. 9,
which he ought not

looks like a mere amplification of

tim^

[Cf. Recognit. Clement.

it.

igne torreri, incremento pcense propa-

'

fulfil

both the reality of exorcism and the vain

Pair. Opuscula,

cari

to

first

evidence

in

oratione majestatis occultas flagris csedi,

gantis extendi, ejulare, gemere, depre-

illumi-

Him, and the coming

in

for

argument, by

'a nobis' are not conare taken

in

of Christ, the

t\f/i-

fliSoVTOS.

Damascius' Life of Isidore, Phot. Bibl.

H (ed. Bekker). Theosebius

242; 551

adjures a daemon,
sun's rays

The daemon was

that

it

'

setting before

it

the

and the God of the Hebrews.'

driven

off,

exclaiming

'reverenced the gods, and was

ashamed before him

too.'

CYPRIAN THE CATECHUMEN.

12

continuous sufferings of

believers

in

of their

attestation

credibility^

The

brilliant little pamphlet' cannot but have had an

none the weaker because the reasonings were not new.
was even more remarkable that language which had been

effect,

It

half a century before the world should have been taken

up, pointed, edged, polished

them or

fer-

Polytheism had halted, unable either to remove

The very attempts made

repair them.

legends with Christian morality pointed the

From

The

Thascius.

argument had indeed long

destructive details of the

mented.

by the famous

before Cicero's day until

now

to tinge the

fatal

contrasts

the thoughtful

Roman

had looked on religion with the same sad eye. Like Cicero,
Cyprian must have long contemned Acca and Flora and the
Bald Venus, yet underneath all had recognised a supernatural
basis.
Like him he had from time to time distrusted the
most refined pleasures like him had despaired of society.
:

And
him

even now, though the Person of Christ had

risen before

as the Regenerator, he could not yet grasp the concep-

tion that the Faith

would

effect the reconstruction of society

or the amelioration of governments.

society,

and eternal salvation

that he yet hopes

from history.

He

for.

Nations

rise

for

its

pure society within

holy members,

is

all

deliberately excludes providence

and

fall

by some external inde-

cipherable law of change, without conscience and without

reward"*.
^

Ac

ne esset probatio minus

dolor qui veritatis

&c.

testis est,

Qtiod Id. 15.

solida...

admovetur,

This remark and

the homethrust at the inadequacy of the

Roman gods originate

(so far as I

know)

with our author.

^

The

qualities

justly notes in

See

Mohler

(/.

c.)

(ap.

Kirchengesch., pp. 583

Quod Id.

dunt sed sorte

which Jerome

are brevitas and splen-

it

dor.

'

Peters,

p.

61),

ff.

regna non merito acci-

variantur.'

PAGAN

I. III.

LIFE.

13

III.

Lay- Work.

We may

perhaps assume that Cyprian received baptism

usual in Africa, the season of Easter'.

most

at the time

Tusculan

Christian

addressed

Cicero would have

He

gloried,

own

a brief

fellow-neophyte^ and

to

The

brother rhetorician, Donatus.

subject

was one

in

which

THE GRACE OF GOD^.

paints the scene with a fulness of colour which will ask

who

further criticism, but with the tenderness of one

that a higher call

robbing

is

it

of

its

From

charm.

feels

the busy

thoughtless sounds of the slave-household they retire to a

and here Cyprian pours forth the freshest

intensest expressions of relief from the old passionate thraldom,
and of joyous restfulness in Christ. We discern what Cyprian
'viny

cloister,'

be

will

there

doctrine

now
new

is

no

spiritual analysis

but there

There

I see.'

is

is

there

the deep avowal

is

no subtlety of

whereas

was blind

the modest claim to have the evidence of

examined the confident assertion of a power above

the powers of darkness.
Behind the two friends lies the awful background of a fast
life

corrupting society, surrendering

private

and

the scale

public.

They

pass

the Criminal classes

lie

law, threateningly aggressive

The arena

aimless war.
^

Tert. de Baptismo

Ad

jam

Don.

15

c.

is

Life

to the eleventh cen-

title.

War

is

incessant,

In that century

The

the prologue to his translation

is

of Origen's Homilies on Numbers, with

'

Ut

beati martyris

verbis tibi, frater,

loquar

no

in

sections defiant of

society.

which

c. 19.

'Tu tantum, quem

evils,

Lowest

in review.

whole

upon

spiritalibus castris militia caelestis

The Mss. up

'

visibly deadening humanity.

signavit.'

tury give

unblushing

itself to

'

sime.'

Bene admones, Donate carisThe title De gratia Dei is Bp.

Fell's invention

from Pontius' allusion

'/w^^/aa/Z>oaA/' began to be used.

'Quis emolumentum gratiae per fidem

Rufinus begins his

proficientis ostenderet ?

letter to

Ursacius,

'

Pont.

-246.

Day^

In the autumn holidays next ensuing, and in his

gardens, he places the time and scene of a monologue

a.d.

Vit. 7.

-^P"^ '9-

CYPRIAN BAPTIZED.

14
theatre with

its

unnatural subjects and impure spectacles

the divinisation of

is

lust.

In fixing upon the,-arefta as a degradation in comparison

of whldi "slaveryTthat abyss of misery,' may be passed in
*

silence,

Cyprian

is

The

true to nature.

delight in blood has

He marks

'the simplicity,
become
the manly health and grace, of the youths trained to mutual
murder under the eyes of their own fathers; the brother waits

a systematized passion.

'

'

above which

'his turn in the den,

*

the expectant sister;

sits

the mother pays a higher price for the ticket to witness her
child's deathwound on a gala day, and there is not the faintest

'sense of guilt on any conscience\'

unknown

individual

him

centre on

man and

In thus regarding the

the affections which ought to

as a precious thing, the Christian idea restores

something to the world which

civilisation

had taught an

Antonine, an Aurelius to ignore. The appalling proportions

of the crime to which every city dedicated its grandest building,

be judged from the fact that when Cyprian became

bishop, within two years from this time, the Emperors Philip

may

had just celebrated 'The New Age^,' on the completion of

Rome's first thousand years, by the combats of that thousand
pair of gladiators, whom the gentle Gordian had provided to
his own triumph.
Meantime the horrors of

adorn

the veil

is

priv^te4icentioiisness^from which

from time to time rent by some cause

cilebre in

is criminal, the corruption and

inhuman procedures of the judicature, the degrading competition for official rank, and the trembling insecurity of
military dominion, stamp the decline of public and domestic

which the very evidence

morality'.

Were
1

Ad

those

the

dreams of despondency and world-

Don. 7. The indignation of

had already boiled over in

'the Master'

the
3

De

The

liarium saeculum' or

Euseb. (Chronic.
A.D. 247.

Spectaculis.

A.D. 248.

to the 3rd consulship of the elder Philip,

coins

fix

the 'mil-

'novum sseculum'

264
'

II.)

dates

Clinton, Fast.

5, Jul.

Ad Don.

it

wrongly

Rom.

Capitol. Gord. Tres

13.

i.

pp.

c.

33.

THE GRACE OF BAPTISM.

I. III.

weariness

The answer

scandalous anecdotes.

is

IS

not to be gained by collecting-

But, apart from the end to which all

was tending, we might conclude Cyprian's generalisations to

A successful

be just from his treatment of the courts of law.

man

experienced

here speaks in terms to provoke reply,

if

reply were possible, on a subject on which declamation would

defeat

and

itself,

dark as elsewhere \

his shades are as

we can compare

other points

the language of the

satirists,

On
but

since the age of Juvenal that the tide of corruption has

it is

engulfed the judgment seat.

False

glitter, intrigues, assassi-

swarmed about the persons of numerous petty

nations which

kings and kingly magistrates,

by the

violent deaths

fill the outline which is traced

upon the world's throne, within the last

ten years, of eight Emperors, unshielded

by

either the highest

philosophic virtue or the lowest animal ferocity^

Yet wider

still

the sketch of Cyprian ranges as with

statesmanlike instinct he marks the no less fatal symptoms of

d issolu tion, presented by vast accumulations of locked-

political

up

capital,

by

the abnormal growth of grazing land^ and

the gradual elimination of the independent labouring class*.

Lastly,

and

it was probably more complete

was the disruption of the client-bond

Carthage

at

Rome there

than at

and the disowning of obligation between

What
but one

do

is

then

is

one calm, one freedom.

and
remedy

rich

the moral, or what the

There

is

All that the individual can

to seek deliverance from this world's

approach the

poor.
}

whirlpools,' to

and be greater than the world

to become 'a home of God'' and entertain the indwelliner
Spirit,

not

'

Gift of God,'

indeed

Ad Don.

A.D. 235, Alex. Severus.

lo.

I., II.,

a.d. 238

Maximinus, Maximus,

Pupienus, Balbinus.

A.D. 244 Gordia-

nus III.
*

Continuantes saltibus

Don.

12.

'

in ascetic retirement, for

Gordianus

'

De

confinio

Ad Don.
*

Ad

the hermit-life
pauperibus exclusis.

12.

Don.

15,

mark the

'a'ow/...quamDominus

expression

insedit /^w///

vice.'
saltus.

Ad

Rettberg's ignorance of

scripture

language betrays his penetration into

CYPRIAN BAPTIZED.

has not yet presented

but

as the sole remaining refuge,

itself

through inner purity,

in

sweet domestic

Such

prayer and study\

which the holiday evening

memory

sweet chant, the

closes,

the

sober banquet, the

stored with Psalms.

All this needed expansion into fuller richer

round of

in a

life,

the moral of the scene with

is

life

yet

it

/ was something when the fortunate man of the world began

even thus to live. The conditions of the new problem are
though their connection

stated,

modern

side the needs of

life,

is

on the other

experience thus far as a pagan.

*

setting vices;

'

faults

'

and home-born

my

his

seconded

despaired of improvement

as natural

On

not yet perceived.

own

one

spiritual

my own

be-

looked on

my

even favoured them.

life was wiped

and
a calm pure light
away by
from above flooded my purged breast so soon as I drank of
the spirit from heaven and was restored to new manhood by

But so soon as the

of

stain

former

help of the birth-giving wave,

'

a second nativity; then, marvellously, doubts began to clear

secrets revealed themselves

'

difficulties

was able

'

lived

'

which was animated by the Holy Spirit began to belong to

God I'

gave way

the dark grew light

supposed impossibilities vanished

to recognise that

under the rule of

sin,

seeming
;

what was born after the flesh and

was of the earth earthy, while that

These mighty experiences of

his

Baptism support

rather than invalidate his biographer's account of the Charity

and Purity of

known no

his

parallel,

devoted preparation for

he

tells us,

it.

Pontius had

of such early fruits of Faith,

but to Faith he expressly attributes them, and so to the Grace

of God,

'

although the second birth had not yet illuminated

the novice with the whole splendour of the light divined'

perceiving this

with God' to
thdstic view,^

'

tone of mystical union

be

and

grounded on a panto

be found only

'in

these excited early writings.'

^

Sit tibi vel oratio assidua vel lectio.

Ad Donat.

15.

'^

Ad Don.

4.

'Pro fidei festinatione,' * nondum

secunda nati vitas novum hominem splen'^

dore

toto divinse lucis oculaverat,'

Vit. 2.

There

is

Pont.

no need therefore to

attribute to Pontius a semipelagianism

I.

CYPRIAN BAPTIZED.

IV,

When
'

1/

Cyprian speaks of his unbaptized

darkness, ignorance of

on the short

interval

his life as a whole.

self,

estrangement,' he

life
is

as one of

not dwelling

between conversion and baptism but on

As yet the subtleties were not which

would assign the stage of attraction and approach rather to

the heathen than to the Christian side of

dawn on which

they shew beneath the

Very

life.

do

feeble

Cyprian's gaze was fixed.

Divine Grace has fallen as a psychological fact within his

personal experience while he contemplates society as barren

and corrupting through lack of an

be long

in

inspiration.

He

will not

claiming the regeneration of society from the same

source which he already recognises as the renewal of the man.

We

need not look to him for Theology proper, for doctrinal'

We

refinement, for the metaphysic of Christian definition.

shall find

him busy with moral

the bonds of union

conditions, the

the sanctification of

sacraments, the remodelling of

work of grace,

life

through the

through discipline

life

the

constitution of the church in permanence, the transforming

social influences

which are to control the application of power

'and wealth, to charge science again with the love of truth, art

with the love of beauty, and to create a new benevolence.

The Charismata
'

these are his

of Administrations,'

'

helps,

governmentsV

field,

IV.

Cyprian Deacon.

The indigence

of the Carthaginian poor was, owing to

the causes which Cyprian himself had indicated, a constantly

deepening gulf

Fifty years later treasures were

Tom.

none

to find (with Tillemont

note

4 on S. Cypr.) a contradiction

iv.

between him and Cyprian, as to whether

the two

Baptism.

'

vows

'

were before or

Pontius

resolutions formed

B.

clearly

speaks of

thrown

Cyprian of the struggle and the fears of

selfwhich preceded it, and of the intense
relief
^

after

and kept before

still

and peace which followed

^laKovlai.,

Cor.

xii. 5,

di>Ti\tj\//eii,

it.

Ku^epv-qafis.

28.

it

CYPRIAN AND

into

in

it

The

vain.

C^CILIAJST.

outbreak of the anger of the

first

Donatus against the Catholics, his famous exclamation 'What hath Emperor to do with Church ?,' was occasioned
by the mission of Paul and Macarius to Carthage from
separatist

Constans 'with

relief for

the ik)or'; 'that poverty might be

They came

able to breathe, be clothed fed and comforted.'

we may almost

'bringing what
'

upon

expend

Treasuries to

call

the poor^*

To

the sacrifice of his farms in their cause Cyprian did

Friends

not hesitate to add that of his delightful Gardens.

bought them

in 2,

and

insisted

on

Later

his residing there.

on he was only too anxious to sell them again. Everything shews him to have been free from family ties^

reasonable interpretation suggests that he entered the order

And

of Deacons.

as

we

shall

have more than one occasion

to remark the intimate relations subsisting between a Deacon

and some Presbyter to whose labours he was specially
attached, so we find him, possibly in this capacity, taking up
his quarters in the

house of his aged father

Presbyter Caecilian*, and

Optat.

iii.

"^

Pont.

Vit.

was concerned

by

Perhaps

15.

Pontius

in this transaction,

he says they were

'

for

de Dei indulgentia

Ritschl, pp. 6,

7,

conceives that

the Horti must have been confiscated

later

and

that Pontius mistakes this for

charitable sale now,

knowledge seems
difficulty,

Pontius' personal

to present to

nor yet the question

him no

how

the

was taken off.

There is no token of his ever having

confiscation
3

married.

Bp. Fell

Pontius as a fine writer

is

Yet it is inexcusable for

Baronius {Ann. Eccles. A.D. 250, x.) to
have misunderstood what he says of
Caecilian's wife and children to mean

obscure.

Cyprian's family renounced in favour of

is

worse in mis-

reading what Pontius says of yob''s wife

as

so

Cyprian's marriage,

prove

to

Pont. Vit.

c.

'

Ilium (Job) non tcxoris

Fell ad loc. 'conjuga-

j//a^^/a deflexit.'

restituti.'

O.

his attention soothing his last

celibacy.

3.

in the faith, the

Let us hope

tus ergo erat Cyprianus.'

that prepossession

own day.

In

tirement there

is less

blinding in our

all his letters

is

from his

no reference

to a

re-

home

of his own.
*

can give no meaning to the words

of Pontius the Deacon

'

Erat sane

illi

etiam de nobis contubemium...Casciliani,'

except that assigned to them by

Pearson
still

{^An. Cypr.

of our

body

a.d. 247), 'while

(the diaconate)

quarters with Csecilian.'

Pontius himself resided

from before

Pont.
vsrith

he had
Vit. 4.

Cyprian

his first retirement

till

his

CYPRIAN THE PRESBYTER.

V.

I.

days^
his wife

I9

For Csecilian shortly afterwards died, commending

and children to the grateful affection of his convert
V.
Presbyterate.

What we now

naturally enquire

is

the exact character up

to this time impressed, in the eyes of the Carthaginian church,

upon a layman by

his

becoming a

Was

cleric.

official

it

administrative, or mystical, or didactic, or benevolent

we may

Tertullian

unusual clearness

collect

and

From

answers to these questions with

answers consistent with each other though

not always rendered from the same points of view.

The

position of the clergy had been expressed in terms

borrowed from the

constitution

civil

terms which there

is

no

reason to think were disputed at Carthage as either arrogant

The

or inadequate.

laity

were the

Clergy were the Ordo, that

in the

Commons

or Plebes^, the

they were the Senatorial Order

is

Church; Ordo being the regular name of the Senate,

the Decurions, in the provincial and Italian towns.

when

layman

is

called a

'

Plebeian

himself addresses letters 'to those

Commons,' and

'

Commons

to the

the senators in court and in

(consessus),

who

stand fast in the

Leon and Astorga.' As

basilica had the common-bench
of

so had the clergy in

'The

the congregation.

between the Order and the Plebes

'difference

Cyprian

by Pontius, and he

'

is

constituted

'by the authority of the Church, and by the consecration

death.

See also the

relation of Felicis-

simus toNovatuspp. 102 sqq. Cyprian's

diaconate seems also implied in Pont.
^'^- 3>

'Quis enim non omnes honoris

gradus crederet

tali

mente credenti?'

Demulsus

obsequiis.

Pontius,

Vtt.

4,

PonL

says

he

Vit. 4.

made

Cyprian 'pietatis heredem,' not that

he appointed him curator or tutor to

ihe family. This would have been con-

trary both to the Christian rules

which

withheld ordained persons from taking

those offices, and to the

Roman

usage of

See
below pp. 44 sqq. Fechtnip p. 10, n. i
needlessly hence infers that he was a
layman still.
appointing the nearest relations.

'

^Flebs

hominum

ecclesiarum.

Ducange.

dicas

Ebrard

in

sed

Plebes

Grsecismo.'

WHAT PRESBYTERS WERE.

20
'of the
*

Office

indicated

by the

the

of

together

sitting

Tertullian does not attribute to the clergy spiritual

Orders'

descent from the Apostles, nor regard them as having been

typified

by the

relative position

Office

none

as

the

less

'

their

But he regards the

towards the people.

sacerdotal

and not immediately

ecclesiastical,
'

Levitical Priesthood, or as occupying

although

'

origin

in

'A woman

divine.

any

'baptize, nor offer, nor claim to herself the rights of

'

is

not permitted to speak in the church, nor yet to teach, nor

masculine function,

much

less of

the sacerdotal office V

right of giving baptism belongs to the chief priest,

'

The

that

is

the bishop,' and heretics offend in the moveable character of

and

their orders

in

that they

enjoin sacerdotal offices

'

to

Nevertheless the functions of the Order were not

laymen^'

significant of

of believers

any alienation or absorption of the priesthood

they involved during their exercise only

suspension or dormancy.

Where

there

its

a destitution

is

of

clergy the sacerdotal powers of the laity revive, to the extent

of performing sacramental acts.

'

'

Where

'

there

is

no Bench

of the ecclesiastical order you (a layman) offer (the sacrifice)

and you baptize and are your own sole priest*.'

The priesthood had been actually imparted by Christ to

all
^

bem

Christians, for 'Jesus the

Differentiam inter

Ordinem

constituit Ecclesiae

et Pie-

auctoritas,

et

Honor per Ordinis consessum sanctiDe Exhort. Cast. 7. Honor is

like Ordo a constitutional word, significatus.

High
self

and

course

is

and Lamb^ of the

his opponents.

And

this

of

equally true as to the doctrine

of the exercise of the functions of the

priesthood by the Order only.
18, note the

fying the Office of any magistrate or

Bp. Lightfoot in his Disserta-

dignity.

Priest

tion on the Christian Ministry [Ep. to

form

Ep.

59.

congestus.^

De Veland. Virgin. 9.
De Prcescript. hceretic. 41.
De Exh. Cast. 7. Adeo
non

ubi ec-

consessus et

Philippians p.

clesiastici ordinis

thus

offers et tinguis et sacerdos es tibi solus,

'

...the

154 (1868)] translates

consecration of their rank

by the assignment of special benches

The Bishop well
clergy.'
to the
observes

that

these

passages coming

from a Montanist bear witness to the

fact that the

priesthood was

doctrine of an universal

common ground

to him-

^
'

Adopting

Nos

lesus

est

Scaliger's

emendation

summus sacerdos

et

Agnus

Patris de suo vestiens,' Z>^ i^<7Mifaw. 7,

for the

common

reading niagnus ; corn-

pare Cypr.

Ad

which

passage was

this

Fortunat. prcef.

perhaps

3,

of
the

I.

CyPRIAN THE PRESBYTER.

V.

21

'

Father clothing us from His own [clothing], because they

'

that are baptized in Christ have put on Christ, hath

made

us

So complete

is

the sacerdotal character of the Christian layman that he

is

His Father, according to John.'

'priests to

down
thus,
young man who was not suffered to bury his Jewish
father was prohibited because, being a Christian, he was a
Priest and could not (according to the law of the Priest)
for the

subject to rules laid

Jewish Priesthood

the

attend the funeral, although Christians

because these

called

by

may bury

Christians

Again, 'Assuredly we are

live still in Christ.

and therefore bound

to single

'

Priests

'

marriages only, according to God's ancient law which then

Christ,

own priests prophesied of us\'

The fancifulness of the conclusions does

'in its

theory from which he derives them.

He

not affect the

argues from what

was generally accepted to what he himself advanced.

In his

time the substantive priesthood of the laity was an understood

This

reality.

it

was which was perceived to be fore-shewn

the Levitic priesthood, not that

official

in

priesthood of the clergy

which was rightly constituted by the authority of the Church.

Then

there were the beliefs and associations which invested

the order of the Presbyterate at the time

received

by Donatus

to their

own

bench'"*.

when Cyprian was

We shall see how n^'
M.

they were presently varied.

We

shall see too

before the

'

how grave was the business which came

and how necessary that men of affairs

consessus,'

should have seats on

it.

member

et pur-

puram misi, quam cum acceperis

cam tibi pro voluntate conficies et
ut in domestica tua

veste Isetaberis,' &c.

M.

Jul.

that he was no less active in phUippus

that office than he had. been as a Plebeian, no less eager to

ipsam

panii.
"

Scvcnis

is

translate the ancient saints into

'...de Agno...\z.i\sMi

Jul.

Philippus
Pius Fei.

Imp. Cses.

of the Bench of Presbyters

^^^'

"f^^-

All that his Biographer records of Cyprian as a

seed

a.d. 247.
A.U.C.
1000.

tuni-

plus

adque in propria

modern
^
'^

life

De Monogam. 7, cf. De Exh. Cast. 7.

Non post multum temporis allectus

in presbyterium.
^

hue plebeius,

Hier. de Viris

III.

67.

"multa sunt quae admulta quae jam presbyter

Pont. Vit. 3

^^^f'^^^'

CYPRIAN 'TO QUIRINUS

22

VI.
Helps

Of

Laymms

to

that activity in one of

Scripture Studies.

we have

applications

its

still

noble instance in at least two of the books of classified texts

skilfully

entitled To QuiRINUS,
whose request they were

grouped under pithy headings,

layman, at

the 'dear son,' or

compiled.

name

Since in Augustine's mention of the books the

of

Tes tim onies is used, and Pelagius compiled his 'Testimonies

to the Romans' in imitation and indeed in completion of it,
as he himself stated,
and since this name appears in the

ones\

earliest manuscript, if not in slightly later

bable enough that a

it

pro-

is

which so neatly describes the work,

title,

was of Cyprian's own giving.

It was also vulgarly called 'Against the Jews'; but was

much intended

perhaps not so

manual
fecerit,

imitatione

c\xt\x%..^hcec

Deo

contemporary controversies-.

in the

multa quae ad veterum exempla

justorum

consimili

et

bonorum omnium exempla

sic

(per)

decurrens,

meliores semper imitatur, etiam

ipse se fecit imitandum."

Chronicon, Ol. 258,

^

prose-

debentfacere^ dicebat, 'qui

placere desiderant.'

dum

Cf.

Euseb.

a. epp. Pelag.

I.

iv. c.

Dial.

Pelag.

c.

The

fateatur."

Mai, or

the

it

'Ad

thus:

21 (p. 480 d)

ipse haeresiarches

se asserit imitari,

'

hoc

facere ad Romanos quod ille

ad Quirinum^ et ejusdem libri
27 merito et ad Quirinum de hac re
'

fecerit
c.

Sessorian MS.

beati
esse

(ssec. Vll.

Reifferscheid) has

incipit

'

'

'

'

Surely from these facts one

would not conjecture that the genuine
title was
Ad Quirinum merely. Does
treatise.

'

absolutissimam sententiam proponit cui

testimonia divina subjungeret.

Hieron,

'

'

the note at the end of Bk. in. in MS.

imply that

Cipriani ad

se ' dicens

se imi-

ad Quirinum

viii.-ix.

Testimoniorum

NuMERi

eum

quumque

ad Quirinum
word explicit before Testimoniorum refers of course to the preceding
'

is-

scribens,

32

Cjqiriani scribentis

torum Pelagius cum debito honore commemorat, ubi testimoniorum librum

Cyprianum etiam

c.

tatorem imo expletorem operis

'

1.

Hartel, p. 35, entitles

Quirinum (Testimoniorum Libri Tres),'

which can represent nothing ancient,
and his own note is as follows: "Aug.
c.

found to be a serviceable

for as

III.

Hartel p. 184.

ex.'?

was sometimes called

'Ad Quirinum numer. lib.
it

Quirinum

Cf. Caecili

exp incip
ad eundem excerpta capitulorum numero
Lxx. (Cod. M), Hartel p. 10 1. Here
LXX.
*

is

See

in error for

on

liber

II.

cxx.

Novatian's

controversial

books p. 123 and notes. Since out of

nearly a hundred passages collected in

TESTIMONIES.'

VI.

I.

The

23

book assembles the chief scriptures which foretold disobedience and forfeiture of grace on the part of the
first

Jews, and the inheritance of

Gentiles

all

the substitution of a

Testament

the Church's privileges

new

Circumcision,

new Baptism, a new

ones, of a

for the ancient

by the

Law and

j*Yoke': how the old Pastors, the old House of God, the
/

Temple, and the Sacrifice were to come back

how

in nobler

form

the cessation of the Priesthood and the succession of

Christ as true

how

High

Priest^

were predicted and accomplished;

to the Jewish nation there remained

by baptism the blood

come over to His Church.
to purge

now nothing but

of their slain Messiah and to

In the second book Cyprian treats of the Mystery or

'Sacrament of

Chrisf^'

the

adequate fulfilment of prophecy

Him, and the grandest notes of His Person. The clearness and force of these most brief summaries or articles

in

of

C hristology

are very impressive, nor less so the spirit of

personal devotion which they breathe.

The
only

third book*, separately issued, resembles the others

arrangement.

in

It is

a commonplace-book, meant for

rapid and frequent reading, of texts for Quirinus' use on the

Christian

life,

duty and doctrine*: the tone very pure and

spiritual.
the
the

book, only twenty come from

first

New Testament, and these almost all

bearing on the fulfilment of the Old, and

as each heading notes a contrast of

with

me

New,

it

is

somewhat

Old

less clear to

was to Rettberg pp. 231 sqq.

that Cyprian had no eye to the Jewish
than

it

sects in this compilation.

last

heading, Test.

i.

Again, the

24, gives the point

of the whole.
^

Test.

i.

17.

See Test. Proem. (Hartel

13) and notes in MSS. A and B

^
1.

of Test.
'

Bk

Test.

hyx^a&'Cva.t

II.

p.

36,

at

end

(Hartel p. loi).

tit. 4 is thrice quoted by

Retr.\\.i%dePradest.sanctt.

iii.

iii.

; c. II. epp. Pelagg. iv.

9 (25).
Salubre et grande compendium... in

(7)

breviarium pauca digesta et velociter

perleguntur
iii.

Proem.

et

frequenter iterantur, Test.

No. 6

is

perhaps the

first

explanation in Latin of misfortvmes as a

divine probation and

is

the keynote of

No. 28
marks the slight tendency which Cyprian
had to Novatianism before Novatian.
No. 46 on silence of women seems
his treatise

on The Mortality.

oddly placed.
this

Rettberg

book belongs

his Christianity

heretics

'

argues that

to the early years

of

from the 'texts against

being other than those which

he used afterwards.

Unless he refers

TESTIMONIES.'
His touches upon Fait h are well worth reflexion That the
CYPRIAN 'TO QUIRINUS

24
/

very

simple; that belief

is

dogma

that

should be

not independent of will; that cause and

are proportionate, as elsewhere so in faith; that faith

.effect
.

demands

difficulty of the subjects

requires patience as an essential character of itself ^

Cyprian's copious memory, to which Pontius bore witness,

That such
by a memory

receives remarkable illustration from these books.

a work could be compiled out of Scripture at

unassisted

by concordance or index

this that the selection

is

all

Add

surprising.

is

so well made, and that the

to

memory

had been so recently introduced to the Bible. He mentions

that he had avoided diffuse selection, and confined himself to
what a moderately good memory had suggested '. But all
this would be truly unimaginable if he had been debarred
'

'

from the study of Scripture

he entered on the duties of

until

a presbyter, and had been taught only orally whilst he was a

layman ^
for

Quirinus himself must have been such a layman,

Cyprian seeks to provide him only with profitable 'reading

towards forming the

assumes
'

first

lineaments of his

Scriptures old and

new more

(which I doubt) to what is here said as

to Novatianism, I do not know what

he means.

texts

faith.'

Yet he

that Quirinus will presently *be searching into the

But the

fact

does

fully,

and reading through the

5 'tarn

c.

memoriosa mens.'

This ultramontane thesis

is

deliver-

and Cyprian's study of Scripture

ed,

appear, I think, from the 281 h heading

limited to 'about the inside of a year,'

mentioned standing without the

qualification which he would have added

by

later.

layman was teaching others how to use

Scripture, and of these very prefaces to
Quirinus.
So Novatian to the Plebes
at Rome, Nam qui sincerum EvangeHum. ..non tantum tenetis verum etiam
animose docetis,' De Cib. jhtd. c. i.

just

No.

52, Credendi vel

non credendi
(Com-

libertatem in arbitrio positam.

pare Coleridge Aids

53,

Dei arcana

No.
non posse, et

to Reflection.)

perspici

idcirco fidem nostram

simplicem esse

No. 42, Fidem totum prodesse,

et tantum nos posse quantum credimus.
No. 45, Spem futurorum esse, et ideo

debere.

Quod

as

Proem, compare Pont

Vit.

how Cyprian

Idola

'

and the

contain no quotations

is

Test.

Vit. 2, 3)

as a

Peters alleges the bare fact that the

'

fidem circa ea quas promissa sunt pati

'

entem

esse debere.

Peters, p. 80, in the face of Pontius'

account

it is

true) the

an answer in

'

to

ad Donatum

which

'

(so far

aim of those pamphlets

full.

CYPRIAN POPE OF CARTHAGE.

VII.

I.

whole of the volumes of the

spiritual

2$

books

'

and

'

equally

'

with ourselves be drinking of the same springs of divine

fulness.'

To

our knowledge of the wording of the actual versions

which the African Christian thus studied these books are

necessarily a very important contribution.

hope

to return to

them

In this light

we

again.

VII.

Cyprian made Pope of Carthage.

So rapid had been the progress of Cyprian through

Diaconate and

in the offices

a Novice^ according to usual account,

still

the

of the Presbyterate* that he was

when the

public

opinion of the laity^ immediately upon the voidance of the

see of Carthage

him

by the demise of Donatus*, unanimously called

The

to that post.

apostolic warning against the elation

a.d. 248.

*"-^Coss. Inip.

M.

Cses.

of a neophyte was afterwards quoted against him.

Some

defended the step by the instance of the Vizir of Meroe,

baptized
*^

by an
/

evangelist
after an hour's instruction.
o

But

Jul.

Phi

Y?Y^.k\x".
P^^th.

max. Oer.

others rested on the exceptional character of the man, his max.Carp.

mature and gentle wisdom,

his vast

knowledge, sagacity and

imp! Cks.

and that rapid energy, so needed by the stagnant phinpL?

church, which swiftly carried him through the circle of in- P- F- Aug.

diligence,

and acquirement, and then unrestingly through

administrations, reforms, and new creations.

vestigation

Cyprian declined the

exercised

it

A
^

by one

office.

small portion of the church, but

Pont. Vit. 2

...et

praepropera veloci-

tate pietatis paene ante ccepit perfectus

esse

quam

disceret.

3...quis

omnes honoris gradus

mente credenti?
*

His own desire was to see

of his elders in years

enim non

crederet

Adhucneophytus...novellus.

tali

and

in the faith'.

among them

five of the

Vit. 5.
'

gia,
*

Suffragium vestrum.

Ep. 43.
Ep. 59.

i,

6,

vestra

suflfra-

5.

10.

On

the date see

5.
P- 4i> "ote

Pont.

Antiquioribus cedens. Pont. Vit.i.

Germ.
max.Carp.
^^^'

HIS CONSECRATION.

26

most

Some
first

members of the bench,

influential^

held the

same

view.

of the firmest friends of his after-life had belonged at

to that minority, but the five presbyters maintained for

many

years an organized opposition.

brook neither opposition nor

house and

the avenues

filled

refusal.

by which

The mass would now

They surrounded his
it

was approached.

He

concealed himself; he would fain have escaped by a lattice';

but the tumultuous demonstration (a sufficient indication of

the present security of the Christian population) lasted until

he reappeared and signified his consent, when

it

was suc-

ceeded by rapturous joy.

Whether as in some untrustworthy statements concerning

Alypius and Ambrose he was carried away and consecrated

on the spot, or what further steps were allowed to be necesIt must

consecration, we do not know.

sary before his

remain matter of doubt whether the bishops of his province

were summoned to elect him. He him.self enumerates more
than once the requisites of a regular episcopate as three,
and says that they were regarded in Africa as essentials; firsts
the choice of the neighbouring bishops of the province assembled at the see^; secondly, the

sufi'rage,'

that

and support of the Plebes at that choice

To these he adds,

ment of God,

of the election of Cornelius at

^

Ep.

On

43. 4 ...aetas...auctoritas.

their identification see

below, p.

10,

Pont.

Vit. 5.

tunc

illi

turn

honore

'

this

what

is

potuisset

fortasse

apostolicum illud evenire, quod

voluit, ut

jam

hope

Pontius means by

per fenestram deponeretur,

si

apostolo etiam ordinationis

similaretur.'

Freppel

'

il

t hirdl y,

Rome,

S. Paul could be considered an ordained

apostle

when

at

Damascus (Acts

Ep. 67.

5 '...apud nos

ad ordinationes

plebem

lattice.'

Whether

et

rite

celebrandas ad earn

cui prsepositus ordinatur epis-

copi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique

conveniant, et episcopus deligatur plebe

He

ei...imponeretur.'

escaping through the

quoque

fere per provincias universas tenetur, ut

he was being made

like him in one way, by ordination, he
might (if he had had his own will) have
been made like him in another, by
'if

ix. 25)

another matter.

praesente...'

Rather

the judg-

the tes dmonx of P ^arg<.

songea un moment, mais son humility

redouta ce trait de ressemblance avec
Paul.'

the presence

in vindicating the perfectness

is

n. 4.

is,

also distinguishes the

'episcopatus deferretur' from

'manus

In Ep. 59 it maybe observed that he

says of himself (6) '...populi universi
suffragio...</if//]fjVr,'

and

episcoporum consensum. *

(5) 'post co-

CYPRIAN BISHOP.

VII.

I.

V^

But since we observe

majority of the clergy.

he has more than once to maintain his own

that,

title',

2J

although

he omits, as

mention of any such choice by his

his biographer does, the

provincial bishops, claiming nevertheless to have had 'the

consensus of his fellow-bishops*,'

by acclamation superseded

call

their

consensus

The

probable that such a

is

further election^ and that

was simply their imposition of hands.

'

drawn

picture

it

canons and constitutions

earlier

in

shews us the people electing their bishop, and declaring their

choice on the Lord's day in the presence of the presbytery

and neighbouring bishops,

in

answer to the thrice-repeated

questions of the principal bishop,

desire for a

Ruler.?

'

Is this the

he blameless, and

is

is

man whom ye
he worthy*?'

Nothing is more likely than that Cyprian was himself ordained

thus in a

way more

primitive than that which he afterwards

The ordaining

describes as customary'.

of his

own Province

bishops were those

of Africa, according to

its

dignity, not

the

shew us the bishop elected by his

and accepted by the neighbouring
bishops Cyprian's rule as elected by the

choice of the people occurs in the pri-

neighbouring bishops, accepted by the

^
2

Ep. 43. Ep. 66.

Ep. 59. 5... The very expression
the bishops

'all

consenting'

to

flock

mitive Coptic

Canon

31 (Bunsen, I/ip-

flock.

The

process of change

may have

I
'

and

that

gone on through the other custom prescribed by those canons in appointing a

bishop to any congregation, not having
before had or elected a bishop of its
own, in which twelve men at least were

Gregory Thaumat., having satisfied him-

ready to guarantee a sustentation fund,

polytus
III. p.
^

his age, vol.

p. 308, vol.

II.

42, 1852).

Tillemont compares the election of

Alexander
period.

of

There

Comana

same

the

at

would

it

seem

fitness of the person, pro-

In such case the neighbouring churches

posed him to the people, and on their

proposed a bishop to the new congre-

consenting, consecrated him.

Tillem.

gation

Thaum.

and

self of the

vol. IV. Art. viii.

p. 331,

on

S. Greg.

quoting Greg. Nyss. Life of S.

Thaum.
The 65th canon

'

literally

of

op.

cit.

vol.

the

Coptic

agreeing with the

Apostolical Constitutions, B.

Bunsen,

II.

three deputies examined

cepted him.

with their report) ac-

The

proposers must in

practice or officially have been the bi-

Greg.

collection,

who by

(if satisfied

viii.

c.

4.'

p. 336, vol. in.

pp. 49, 50 (1852).

* The primitive 'Apostolic Canons'

shops;
sees

subsequent

would

of the

elections

in

such

easily follow the precedent

election, and as sees multiwould become the usual mode,

first

plied this

Coptic collection, canon

16.

Bunsen,

^/.^tf. vol. li. p. 305, vol. in. pp. 35

36.

MANNER OF ELECTION.

28

the primates of the neighbouring provinces of

Numidia and

Mauritania\

The

'

suffrage

There

is

no indication that the

recording of votes

'suffcag^e'

no ground

is

implied any

under the tutelary empire the word had

long ceased to bear any such meaning'^

and there

for

in political affairs,

fancying that this sense was

by the Church of Carthage.

revived

by

and their testimony to good -life and conversa-

their presence
tion.

of the laity was adequately signified

'

way distinct from these

of
was looked for
Judgment
God
In what

'

Some have

cult to perceive.

the third requisite

is

the

somewhat more

'

diffi-

supposed, as in the choice of

Evidence of this there

Matthias, a casting of lots with prayer.

none^ But by those who relied upon the special providence

and guidance of the Father, His Judgment was recognised in
the fact of the election and ordination proceeding in due order
is

without interruption*.
of

God and

Cyprian claims to enjoy 'the Judgment

Christ' as a token of the genuineness of his apostle-

ship upon the ground that he

'

God who made him

the sparrow

in

to be this

is

God without whose

the

MxixAtx,Primordia Eccl. Afr.'^. \l.

the previously expressed assent.

In Ep. 57. 5 the ordination

sen, op.

\!i\^

presence oi
life

bishop elect

is

sceleris

is

'

z.

Quod

'

Idol.

5.

'

in a gloss

common
justum

in

which the

Cyprian for the

Christ

is

Joh.

Ep.
ii.

55.
i

lions,

our Suffragator

on Advocatum which

text oi

autho-

Suffragia saepe

repetita' are the cries with

Vit. 7.

own

in the

18 displaced

a word

which

seems to imply the utter disappearance

of any idea of united opinions.
Voies^ in Copt. Can.

The

65 seem to mean

cit.

Bun-

vol. in. p. 50.

H. Dodwell, Z>m. Cyp.

i,

considers

the word /cX^poj to be evidence,

^

said to be 'de universse

suffragio.^

mob demanded
Pont.

plebes fully conver-

and conversation of the

crime of Brutus gave to his

rity.

made

Suffragium
the support which the stern

fraternitatis

will

falls not'.'

sant with the

'

de facto bishop; that 'the

is

The Coptic Canon 65 seems to deHeaven as

scribe a distinct appeal to

following upon the enquiry w^hether the

elected person
'

And if they all

that he
truth,

is

is

of pure character

together have witnessed

such an one according to the

God

the Father and His only-

begotten Son Jesus Christ our Lord and

the

Holy Ghost being judge

that these

things are so...'

Ep.66.

i, 9,

to Pupienus; to

whom

he would take the strongest ground he

So
Somewhat

could.

to

Cornelius 59. 6.

similarly

an opportunity of

also

CYPRIAN THE POPE.

VII.

I.

Cyprian's

title

of

'

29

Papa!

The Roman clergy in addressing Cyprian and in writing about him

him Papa,' Papas.' or Pope of Carthage, as do also the Confessors
of his own city^. This title has been attempted to be explained by the
statement that it was a common synonym for Bishop,' or that the
Romans at least felt no difficulty in extending the title used by their own
style

'

'

bishop.

Pearson 2, Bingham^, Routh* have added their weight to the belief

This however was apparently not the

that all bishops were so called.

case in the time of Cyprian.

Papa was a common

title in

By

the end of the 5th century no doubt

Sidonius ApoUinaris

distinguished sees.

(Bp. 472) speaks of the Popes of Rheims, Lyons, Aries, Vienne, Marseilles
Even in the 4th century the name was not uncomand others, usually.
is frequently addressed as Pope by his correspondents'^,
by Jerome, and Jerome himself so calls Epiphanius, John of
Jerusalem, Athanasius, Chromatius of Aquileia, as well as Anastasius
and Damasus Bishops of Rome, and Theophilus of Alexandria^.
The Bishops of Alexandria however had the appellation earlier
than the rest. Both Athanasius and Arius call Alexander {d. a.d. 326)

mon.

Augustine

especially

the

Pope

of that see,

'

and the

the instance of Heraclas

first

distinct use of the title there is in

who probably

died in A.D. 246 and

is

so styled

formally by his successor Dionysius the Great'^.

It now will seem remarkable that within two or three years of the
death of Heraclas Cyprian is called Papa frequently by the Roman

and confessors, as well as by the native confessors

clergy

martyrdom, even when it is rightly (as

coming in the order of providence)
avoided by flight, is called an occasion

Ep.

et

Ep.

30.

Dc

mus

in

Vind. Epistt. S. Ignat. p.

J.

Bingham,

Routh, R. S.

'

Aug. Ep. 68, 81, 119, 216.

Hieron. Epp. 81 (66), 86

valere...(2'

(j\),2\.%o

c. xi. ^.

i.

Domino bene

(Cleri

pp. 65 sqq. (1855).

I.

opta-

s.

fine).

III.

pp. 235, 268.

(70),

88

Contra Johami. Hierosolymit.

4.

Ep.

31.

Maximus

Cypriano Papse Moyses

et

Presbyteri et Nicostratus et

Rufinus et ceteri qui

cum

eis confes-

s.

Ep.
et

Cyprianum.

Cypriano Papae Presbyteri

beatissime ac gioriosissime papa,

te,

sores

Laps. 10.

Diaconi Romje consistentes

semper

Didicimus secessisse bene-

Papatem

Rom.)

when...'corona^(ja'?^7/joi?Z)^/descendat, nee possit accipi...,'

8. i.

dictum

especially

36.

Cypriano Papati Presbyteri

Diacones Romae consistentes

Ep.

23.

Universi

priano Papati

s.

s.

Confessores Cy-

"^

Euseb. Hist. Eccles.

gory of NeocKsarea

vii.

Gre-

7.

(Thaumat.)

ad-

dresses his Ca6?iVa/Z//^ to (teyowrare)

Haiva. in a.d. 258

(?),

to say whether this

is

but

difficult

it is

a circular letter to

bishops, or to priests, as

Greek

and hieromonachi are so

called, or to a

particular bishop.

priests

30

CYPRIAN THE POPE.

'

remarkable when we further observe that the Bishops of Rome with

whom so many letters pass to and fro are never once so designated.
This corresponds however with the evidence of inscriptions.
We
iiave from the Roman Catacombs a series of the monumental slabs
first laid over the Bishops of Rome in the 3rd century.
We have
Urban's, who was bishop from A.D. 222 to 230; we have the monument of Anteros who sat in 235 and 236, Fabian's from 236 to 250,
Eutychian's from 275 to 283.
Again we have that which Damasus
placed over Eusebius who died in 309, and that which Damasus made
for himself.
Yet the first appearances of the title Papa at Rome are
in inscriptions to the honour of Marcellinus a.d. 296
304 and Damasus

366384.

De

Rossi attempts to account for the fact that the third century

monuments

call

Roman

the

Papa, by the theory that

reverence in which

it

arose,

bishop in each case Episcopus and not

still bore only the sense of affectionate

name

this

was not yet a recognised

He

not appropriate to a monument.

title,

and therefore

observes that the earliest inscrip-

tional use of the word is with the adjectives meus, suus, noster, and
accordingly in the two earliest instances of the Roman bishops, the
admirer who erects the inscription calls him 'his papa' in each instance.
*

By

order of his papa Marcellinus this Severus, deacon,

'Furius Dionisius Filocalus inscribed

chamber^...'
of

Damasus

And

his papa^.'

this,

made

a double

adorer and lover

of this usage in application even to priests

various early examples are given.

But the point

to be observed is that so very long before any bishop of

appears with the title in a7iy sense it is used as_aj52rza/a:Zjiiode_^f_
address to Cyprian by the clergy of Rgme.

Rome

We

have then

this curious"^result that

when Gregory

the Seventh, in

1073, published the edict that the world should have but one Pope^, he
title not original to his see, which had belonged to the
African sees far earlier, and in the meantime had been very
widely adopted.

appropriated a
_great

believe however that the earliest instance of the use of the

in connection with the see of Carthage.

name

is

seems so improbable that

TertuUian should attack a Roman regulation that I must think his De
I'udicitia was addressed to the then bishop of Carthage (a.D. 211220).
^

Cubiculum duplex cum

arcisoliis at

Jussu p(a)p(ae) sui Marcellini Diaco-

Severus

iste

fecit...

p. 55'

i.

p.

Chr.

cxv.,

11.

(amator).
121,

G. B. de Rossi, Inscrr.
Urb. RomcE,

Furius Dionisius Filocalus scribsit

Damasi

luminare

nus

It

11.

pappae cultor atque amatot

De

Rossi,

Roma

Sott.

[Ennodius

xliii.,

Ixxx.

p.

refutes

Simond's assertion (a^ .//.

that his use of the

the

i.

200, 201.

Roman

see.]

word

is

iv. i)

limited to

I.

CYPRIAN BISHOP.

VIII.

3I

It is the much condemned assumption of the authority of Episcopus

Episcoporum by a predecessor which makes Cyprian in council so

anxious to disclaim the appearance of

Now

as well as the African canons so

it,

chapter 13 Tertullian, with ironical

emphasis, calls the bishop in question Bonus pastor et benedictus papa,
distinct in repudiating

it.

in

and Benedictus Papa is the very word used of Cyprian in Ep. 8. i.

Because Callistus issued an edict ^ like the one which Tertullian condemns, it would not follow that he was the only bishop who did so, rather
perhaps the reverse. If Papa was originally then of Carthaginian usage,
this is but one of many instances in which the African Church led the
Latin forms.
Lastly,

we may observe

that

were written

Cyprian were

letters to

century, or even the fourth, and

papal see,

we should not have had

carefully attributed

by the Romans

by them and by

the letter- writers from the bishop

entirely withheld

of

fifth

in the interests of the

name Papa

the

Roman

the

if

not genuine, but belonged to the

all

Cyprian and

to

Rome.

VIII.
Cyprian's

View of

the Authority

and

the

Design of the

Episcopate.

And what

then was,

in

which he had been called

It is

evident that

Cyprian's thought, the Office to

.-

we must

ascertain this before

enter into the spirit of his administration.

was undertaken by him with

clear ideas

upon

we can

For that
its

office

import, and

was not gradually invested with them by mere administrative

convenience.

There are two main outlines

was before him

Did he

possible.

Which of

the two

.''

find himself called to be chief arbiter

and judge of

the Christian congregations, the president of their committees,

the guardian of their doctrine and customs, of the Scriptures

and

who

their interpretation, the principal of those functionaries

for

certain
1

the sake of order, regularly and alone, within a

district

exercfsed, that

Hippol. Refut. omn. hares,

Tart, de Pudicit. 13.

ix.

^lesthood which

i3 (ed. L.

in

theory

Dunker and F. G. Schneidewin)

cf.

WHAT A BISHOP WAS TO

32

belonged equally to

all believers

HIM.

Had

his office thus risen

naturally out of the presbyterate, as the presbyterate had

grown out of the whole community ?

or, if this

enquiry sur-

passed the curiosity of the age, did he regard himself as

delegated to be thdr^iiead-priest by a nation of priests

did he regard his office as something different in kind

Or
from

such conceptions of

all

it? as a line traced in the

Divine

New
not
_Plan? indicated and assumed,
Testament? deducible from it by reasoning, such as evolves
the

defined, in

if

from the same writings the doctrine of the Holy Trinity

as

a power not there reduced to terms, but constant in exercise

endowed with a grace specific, exclusive, efficient ?

These questions receive a full answer in Cyprian's

As matter
was

writings.

of order, the eminence of the rank of the bishop

visible to the

Roman

He was

world.

the Chief of the

Christian Society; the confiscation of his property was the

for a time the only, edict of persecuting magistrates.

first,

In the

assembly from the midst of the separate semicircle of the

.presbyters^ rose his chair or Throne, already the universal
/

jbame and symbol of

his authority.

He was

specially the

Again he was
As to morals and

Preacher'* in his church, the chief instructor.

the

arbitrator

principal

discipline,

stead

'

whether

Cyprian

felt

at

one of his

all

any

he was 'Judge

in Christ's

communion, propriety of

of disqualifications' from

restoration, suitableness for

in

disputes.

in

clerical or lay,

But

office.

in this

capacity

times bound to act on the principle which

earliest letters

he lays down

to
'

do nothing

'

without the^nformation and advice of presbyters, deacons,

and laymei^.'
*

...nee episcopo

honorem sacerdotii
Ep. 17. 2.

Epp. 39. 4. 40, &c.

Ep. 55. i4...1egeram et episcopo
And of false
tractante cognoveram.

sui et cathedrae reservantes,

bishops... quorum

(t.e.

virus infundit.

De

tractatus...mox\.2Xt.

Unit. 10.

sadnesses of the exile

One

of the

is... quod... nee

tractantes episcopos audiat.

Ep.

58. 4.

14.

...prsesentibus et judicantibus vobis

plebe).

4; 19-

-2.

Ep.

17. i, cf.

3. Cf. Ep.

Cf. as regards ordination

Ep. 38. i...solemus vos anteconsulere

mores ac merita singulorum communi

et

'

WHAT A

VIII.

I.

BISHOP WAS TO CYPRIAN.

That which has been

episcopal greatness, the

title

of

of Pontiff, he would have rejected

On

with disdain and horror.

.

supreme

for centuries the

title

33

Tertullian's lips

had been a

it

was reserved for Caiaphas after

the priesthood had passed from him by his condemnation of

gibe\ In Cyprian's language

his

own High

it

but that the Bishop was simply the

Priesf^:

delegate or representative of the people in their sacerdotal

aspect

a thought which never took shape from his pen.

is

For him the Bishop

Christ was

the sacrificing priests

is

,'

Himself the Ordainer of the Jewish Priesthoods The Priests,

of that line were 'our predecessors'.' The Jewish Pr ie_sthood

became

at last

crucified

bishop

name and a

'a

Christ*.

reality

Its

each congregation (diocese)

Law

accordance with the

consilio ponderare.
30. 5 (at
1

Ep. 43.

Cf.

7,

Ep.

Rome).

De

Tert,

Pudicit.

See below,

i.

1;

3.

Ep.

So

59. 4.

fast

did

the feeling change that Pontius Vit. c. 9

calls Cyprian 'Christi et Dei pontifex'

with the 'pontifices hujus

in contrast

mundi

'

and again

ii

c.

'

Dei pontifex

simply.
*

the

Throughout the
bishop

sacerdos

is

than

'sacerdos'

is

letters of

more

it

never, I believe, distinctly

twice the whole

might

The word

episcopus.

spoken of as
In Ep. 63

Cyprian

frequently called

applied to a presbyter,
or

the congregation of

(14,

seem

there addressed

whom

of

Again, his

though once

clerical

sacerdotes
18,

et

19) at

body

is

ministri.
first

sight

and

own
it

presbyters were not in

would be contrary to his

principles to address the presbyters of

Even

another.

in this

epistle

there-

means bishop. In Ep.

40 he says Numidicus had been rescued
from death at his martyrdom by God, ut
...et desolatam per lapsum quorundam
presbyterorum nostrorum copiam glofore 'sacerdos'

'

riosis

sacerdotibus ornaret.' This

is

the

general use of the term, as in 'sacerdotes et ministri,'

and he indeed adds 'et

ampliorem

promovebitur quidem...ad
locum,'

sc.

episcopatum, so that 'sacer-

dos' does not lose here

ence.

In

De

its

proper

Zel. et Liv.

it

refer-

might

arguments

equally be maintained that the words

to 'Sacerdotes' as to

were distinguished or that they were

that

the

rhetorically paralleled,

the Eucharist were addressed to or at

sacerdotibus,

dum

open-

Ep. 69.
Ep. 66.

8.

ing of the letter shews that he confines

Ep. 67.

4.

least included presbyters, but the

remarks to the bishops

B.

he says, are

the majority,

the mixture of wine with the water in

his

made

is

of Moses^; the lapsed or sinful

fault,

Ep.

'

correct in practice, but others not so.

p. 197.
^

is

it,

Christian,

the election of the bishop in their presence

Israel';
in

on the day when

shade,'

passed on to the

(episcopi),

dum obtrectatur

episcopis invidetur.'

3; 59. 4.

"

Ep.

8.

I.

-^

THE ANTIENT BISHOP AND THE MODERN.

34
bishop

is

by the3^osaic

prohibited from sacrificing

statute

against uncleanness; his communicants are ^ainte^ by his sin\

exempt from worldly

office, deSarred from worldly callings, living on the offerings
of the people, as their predecessors on the tithes, devoted day
and night to sacrifice and prayer. So precise is the application, that the people are to rise at their coming in pursuance

The

presbyterate

is

the Levitic tribe^

of the Levitic direction ^

Again there

is

another aspect of the same

Apostles were bishops.

And'^stitt~The''"5Ish"op~is the
/
/

The

ofifice.

Matthias was ordained a 'bishop.'

Apostle of his

From

flock*.

Twelve through successive ordinations he derives that

His order is of divine creation. The diaconate
character^
the

the institution of his predecessors.

is

He

is

npt-cmly a Judge.

He

is

Judge

steads

in Christ's

it is
Contempt of his government'
expressly condemned in the Law, in the books of Samuel, by
the example of St Paul and of our Lord. To maintain the
same faith and worship and yet invade the office of the
-righ^l bishop is identically the sin of Korahl For the

the parent of heresy;

is

Laws about

the

High

Priest are not merely applicable to the

Bishops; they were ultimately intended for them, and

now

they apply to them alone.

^

Ep. 65. 2; 67.

Ep. I. I.

^ Levit. xix.

tim.
*

iii.

I, 9.

cedunt, Ep. 66. 4.

^

32, so interpreted Tes-

85.

...apostolos id est episcopos et prse-

Ep. 59.

on account of his
^ Ep. 66, Ep.

3,

Ep.

The

^/wo/^,' /. 67. 4 (Hart. p. 738), is not

only supported apparently by all MSS.,

viii. 7.

Sir. vii. 29, 31.

Matth.

viii. 4.

Ep.

3. 3.

against edd., but

coporum

et

is

Cf.

required by the 'epis-

sacerdotum' which follows.

* ...apostolis vicaria ordinatione sue-

12,

59,

Ep. 43.

Scriptures quoted are Deut. xvii.

which

is

x. 16.
^

important

is

legal exactness.

Ep. 45. 3. The

reading 'de ordinando in locum ludae

positos,

Cyprian's

5 'vice Christi.'

use of Index not Arbiter

Ep.

69. 8.

cited five times,

Acts

Sam.

xxiii. 4, 5.

Jo. xviii. 22, 23.

Luc.

THE BISHOP OF THE THIRD CENTURY.

IX.

I.

35

IX.

from Modern

Divergence of Cyprian's

In these opinions of Cyprian the

views.

point which invites

first

any scheme of the Christian

ministry now held. A parallel between that ministry and the
three Levitic orders is indeed familiar to us, but not the same
Although disobedience to the
parallel which Cyprian draws.
Bishop is the sin of disobedience to the High Priest, yet his
Bishop is not pourtrayed as surrounded first by the Priests,
attention

is

their dissimilarity to

The Order

and secondly by the Deacon-Levites.

with him answers to the

'

The New High

the Tribe of Levi.

of

all

For instance, the

uses.

Priest

is

Christ eternally^

any school now

Secondly, neither would

Mosaic precepts with anything

always

of Bishops

Priests of God,' the Presbyters are

interpret

territorially

Christendom gives up what was

the

which he

like the literalness

endowed ministry

in his

eyes an essential

resemblance to the house of Levi, their right to maintenance

by

offerings without land.

Third, the method of election to

bishoprics

meet and, requiring the testimony of the

will preside, elect or

is

extinct

Nowhere do neighbouring bishops

through the whole world.

nominate

for

laity over

whom

them a bishop^ Various

he
as

have been the phases through which that election has passed,

none can be more

tions than the

alien

has reduced

spirit

of Cyprian's prescrip-

two which divide the Western Church between

In one the

them.

from the

its

lay, in

the other the ecclesiastical element

copartner to a shadow

element has merged

in

each the surviving

in a single individual,

a single nominator

Here it is the monarch, there

Measured by ancient standards

to all sees within his supremacy.

the one bishop of

Rome^

neither section could criticise the other, yet to the purposes

Ep.
Ep.

Where

I.

I, Testi?>i.\. 17.

i?^. 63. 14.

67. 4, 5.

concordats exist the laity

The bishop

of

Rome

in the praeconisa-

tion of bishops or in appointments

brief elects and constitutes.

nominate in the person o5 the sovereign.

32

by

THE BISHOP OF THE THIRD CENTURY.

36

of each no machinery could be better adapted than the

present,

No mean

and ancient standards were not uniform.

analogy

that of England, where a minister of the Crown,

is

selected from popular representatives, nominates, the chapters

of the diocesan presbyterate accept or

as representatives

and the comprovincial bishops consecrated

reject,

Fourth, the presbyters had no voice or vote in the election

of the bishop distinct from that of the laity

was

their influence

government they scarcely appear as an

The very name of priesthood (as represented by

great, but in

orders

sacerdotes, sacerdotium) did not

upon them

as the Levitic

descend from the episcopate

Cyprian wrote.

until after

body of the church,

Their then designation,

similarly descended

upon

the deacons'.
Fifth, while the virtue of

of Apostleship

Aaron's Priesthood and the grace

flowed, as

still

were, from a divine source

it

through the world, those who received

were not a college

it

with power to invite or coopt or to increase their numbers

It was the Christian plebesyjhxch. to every
was the fountain of his honour*. It was
they who by the 'aspiration of God' addressed to him the call

at their pleasure.

individual bishop

See Dr Pusey, The Councils of the

Church,

Presbyters in Cone. v. de Bap.

are said 'adesse'

cum
71.

'plurimi

i,

Coepiscopi

Conpresbyteris qui aderant,' Ep.

is

Cone. Carth. sub

in //.

1244),

where

Can.

(Labbe,

II.

GeII. c.

to a question put with the

words 'episcopus, presbyter

et

diaconus'

Genethlius himself replies, using 'sacrosanctos antistites, et Dei sacerdotes,

I.

Perhaps the

'

trace

nethlio, a.d. 390,

p. loff.

Deacons

is

first

use of Levita: for

nearly contemporary with

nee non

et Levitas.'

relius repeats

In

this

form Au-

Cod. Can. Ecc. Afric.

it

Cyprian's application of Levitica tribus

Can.

(Ep.

of //. Cone. Carth. and in Can. IV. of

I. i)

to presbyters (a.d. circ. 245)

Origen, Horn.
V.

xii. 3,

which shews

his use of

unfamiliar.

E?

is

it

in a

both words

rts oxiv

Upevai {deiKvvfu Se
r)ijias)

Jerem. (Delarue

in

196 [1740]), and

iii.

/cai

toi)s

way
to

be

roi^roty roty

first

II. c. i'26i).

///. Cone. Carth. A.D. 397

form

appears

Canons.
*

And

in

so

titles
it

In Can. X.

(al.

only,

398) the

not

in

spreads,

bishop could ordain a lector, a

subdeacon, a deacon, even a presbyter,

Xaif

without more than a nominal reference

iv roirrots rots wepieffTrjKbai

The

(Labbe,

irpej^vr^povs

Xevlrais (X^7w 5^ tovs 8iaK6vovs) afiaprdvei...

III.

formal use of them I

to the plebes.
jar</(?/a/<?

But the whole eollegium

couli not elect a bishop.

THE PRIESTHOOD OF THE

IX.

I.

LAITY.

37

to enter on the inheritance of that priesthood and the dispensation of that grace.

On them

rested also the responsibility

and duty of withdrawing from him and

he were a sinner.

'

God

'

Lord and

'

sinful prelate,

'

of a sacrilegious Priest

fearing

his administrations if

A people obedient to the

is

bound

and not to associate

;

itself

with the sacrifices

forasmuch as they have mainly the

'power either of electing worthy Priests

'

precepts of the

to separate itself from a

{i.e.

Bishops) or of

refusing the unworthy^'

when a bishop had been appointed

Sixth, hence

he was, so long as he remained in

faith

to a see,

and charity, the

and indeed the embodiment of his

in the church, and the church in the

visible pillar, foundation,

church.
'

'

The

bishop, and

bishop

if

is

anyone

not with the bishop he

is

is

not in

'the church

Seventh, in the councils there was no elective, no mutable

Each diocese elected

representation.
to be,

among

its

bishop once for

all

other functions, the representative of his church

and constituency
They needed no

life

member

of the conciliar

r^i^

other.

body.

^''^^

Eighth, the temptations incident to this copious authority

were not without an antidote

attack of Pupien Cyprian replies

'

'

'

it
'

To

involved.

all

the bitter

the brethren and the

my

'heathen also well know and love

'

popular character of the

in the

commission and the popular duties

humble character: you

when you were in the church and in

knew it and you loved it

communion with me... I am daily the servant of the brethren.
I receive those who come to the church, one after another,
with goodwill, with prayers, and with joyfulness^'
Lastly,

it

has been accurately shewn that there

development of these opinions on Priesthood

in

is

no clear

the writings of

the Apostolic Fathers, in Justin, or in Clement of Alexandria^

Ep.

On

the refusal of the

Ep. 66.

Spanish churches to communicate with

Dissertation on the Christian

67. 3.

their bishops Basilides

and Martial.

8.

Ep. 66.

3.

Mi-

nistry in Bp. Lightfoot's edition of the

THE PRIESTHOOD OF THE

38
I

am

not so sure that there

We have

is

LAITY.

no trace of them

in Irenaeus^

seen that in Tertullian they exist side by side with

clear enunciations of the doctrine of an essential priesthood

inherent in

all

Christians, but exercised in fully developed

churches by the organic ministry alone.

This universal Lay-pries thood

Cyprian, but there
belief in

Nor

it.

no

is

sufficient

coaeval with the religious instinct of mankind.

doubt been obscured

many

shrines had special

But

the

principal

in

Rome

ministers,

and to

sacrificing

of the

priests

and Jhe__augurSj.W-ere_llay_men,'

state, the. pontiffs

The

not separated from the rest of the people.

celebrants in

The

the sacrifices were generals, senators, and magistrates-.

Jewish nation had been founded as a priesthood,

functions proper to the whole

deputed

first

resumed

the Philippiaiis,

1868,

pp.

Irenseus
'as

handles

episcopate

the

of apostolic

the depository

incorruptibile semionis constat.'

ment of the same

iv.

pp.

because his whole object

is

to

is

237,

8),

doctrinal,

The whole Church

him a 'depositorium

dives,' into

which the apostles stored 'omnia quae

sint

veritatis,'

c.

Hccres.

iii.

4.

The

26,

iii.

3,

These

Cor.

xii. 28, c.

See also the commence-

Uteres. \\. 26.

(Bp. Lightfoot, op.

cit.

by

with the 'apostles,

prophets, doctors' of

tradition' than as 'the centre of unity'

not governmental.

which the

for sufficient cause

three he parallels

247 sqq.
^

in

of the race were

This royal priesthood became, when

kings and prophets.

more

manhood

theory to the eldest sons and then to the

in

single tribe, yet frequently

Epistle to

is

both retained traces of functions appropriate to

the last

priest-kings.

Roman

endowments and

it

had no

It

pagan Greece, and even

in

in

reason to question his

a specially Christian doctrine

it

is

upon

dwelt

not

is

v.

section

and compare

20 '...episcopi quibus

apostoli tradiderunt ecclesias.'

In Justin
116,

are

that

is true,

it

Dial.

c.

Tryph.

the whole Christian people

the high-priestly family, but

we

must mark also the church-function of

alone, Apolog.

65

notes however of a church (possessing

the

charismata and so) capable of witness-

7rpoe(rTd>s...Xoj3a)v...evxa/"'"'''ai'...^7ri tto-

ing to apostolic truth he makes to be

Xi> n-oietrat.

three, viz.
est

'apud quos

ab apostolis

et id

quod

est

est (i) ea quoe

ecclesise successio, (2)

sanum

et

irreprobabile

conversationis, (3) et inadulteratum et

TrpoecrTwy

05

(TwreX^crai'roj tAj ei>xis

Kal Tijv evxapiffrlav

*

...flaminicse

i.

et

Tert. de Idolatr. 10.

sediles

sacrificant,

I.

THE ORIGIN OF CYPRIAN'S

IX.

VIEW.

39

Judaism broadened into Christianity, the inheritance of be-

The

lieving humanity*.

right to approach the Father with

prayers and intercessions, the duty of purity, the unworldliness,

which

exercise of the right implied, were sacerdotal

all

We

characters which none failed to recognise.

have seen,

however, that strongly as TertuUian represents this view, he

no

strongly recognises the 'priestly discipline^' and the

less

separateness of the
'

And

office.

'

it

seems plain from his mode

of speaking that such language was not peculiar to himself,

'but passed current in the churches

among which he moved^'

What

Cyprian's theory simply

distinctive

is

therefore

regards the origin of that

in

According to him,

office.

an inheritance from the apostles,

(i)

more

to the Levitic Priesthood, only

it

is

and a succession

(2)

glorious in being the

fulfilment of that priesthood as of a type.

And

now, we must observe that from whatever source the

theory sprang

it

And

Cyprian.

wasjnqtan emanation from

although

it

the pplicj^.oi

would be equally inaccurate to

say that the policy sprang from the theory, yet the influence
of the view in moulding both then and ever since
church-life

which has had any continuity,

zation which has

over-estimated.

all

all

vigorous

Christian organi-

enjoyed any extension, can scarcely be

From

the very

first

Cyprian believed that he

read that doctrine in Scripture, and in Scripture as a whole.

Whencesoever derived,
find

it

and

in

it

came

to

him

in his

'

novitiate.'

strongest and completest terms in his

in his first application of texts in the

ness with which he realised

his

'

visions

'

reflected

it,

Novatianists, .towards

Tert. de Monog. 7.

Ibid. 12.

his

The

distinct-

although his discussions and

and impressed

it^

There

is

for the hypothesis that the exigencies of his position

thet

epistle

first

Testimonies.

whole period of his episcopate added nothing to the

We

own

presbyters, or

jjp, Lightfoot, op. cit.

i5>. 6(). 10.

no room
towards

towards

pp.

253,

254.

THE REMNANT OF PEACE.

40

the see of Rome, determined or in the least developed his

beliefs

And whence
originate?

then did this form of Christian thought

and

see no proof,

me

to

it

incredible, that

is

he or other Africans should have derived any such scheme,

consciously or unconsciously, frorn -Pa^^an^onstAXutions, which
appeared to them

in

all

the light of a purely demoniacal

and satanic^ystem. Nor yet is it possible that they inherited

them from any Judaizing forms of Christianity. For not
only is sacerdotalism not one of the characteristics for which
Judaizers are ever reprehended ^ but in fact the very essence
of Judaism lay in looking back to the
the

literal

Jerusalem.
the

Towards Gentile
legalistic

now

powerful theory
it

Priests,

sects can

accepted

upon

towards Levites from

they had no propension.

uncircumcision,

Was

circumcision,

passover, the literal centralising of the church

heathenism nor to
fruitful

literal

we

Neither to

back the

trace

in Africa.

then but an unconscious straining

first

of language,

then of feeling, lastly of thought, which gradually warped

with a hieratic distortion

offices originally politic

and didactic?

Did the contemplative study of numerously fulfilled types

draw men by a seemingly irresistible attraction to imagine an
actual continuity, totally unreal, between a sacrificial priest-

hood and what was designed only

for a hortatory college

Or, was the belief a legitimate development of the prin-

and analogous

ciples of the apostolic church, parallel with

on cardinal doctrines which similarly

nothing but use could illustrate 1 And are all the forms in
to the

O.

growing

Ritschl

light

(pp.

50,

222,

rightly states that the theory

developed
practical

without

the

223)

was not

events.

No

theory of a polity could be.

But when he says that it broke out

new perception in Ep. 43, he not
only overlooks the early Ep. 33, but

as a

fails to

discern what

is

more important,

that the conception of the

Cyprian applies to
ings requires for

Church which

life in
its

his first writ-

potential

nucleus

which the formula so soon

consolidates. [The text was written
that theory

some
^

years before Ritschl appeared.]

Bp. Lightfoot,

op. cit.

pp. 257sqq.

^rV'

THE REMNANT OF

X.

I.

which

may

it

be said to

live

PEACE.'

among

us broken lights of the

same truth ?

The

alternative

an important one.

is

by thinkers according to
mined by history alone.

We

It will

be answered

and cannot be deter-

shall find further illustrations of

the progress of the history, but

in

it

their schools,

it

becomes

at this point

a debate of metaphysical ^theology. _

X.

{e.vj

Bishop's

months only were

work

uphill.

to the unsuspecting Chris-

left

tians of a 'Thirty-eight years Peace ^' which had assisted the

extension of the church without promoting either

or

its

devotion

some time between the July of

organization, when,

its

248 and the following April*, the figure of the well-

A.D.

known

now

advocate,

for

some time missed from court and

forum, and grown familiar to Christians in the semicircle of

presbyters, took the white linen-covered chair of the

11assembly m some
^

Pax

deinde annis viii

Christianis

ii.

et

32

xxx

of the pro-

elicited

Tertullian's

'Ad Scapulam.'

Freppel, p. 168,

c. Cels. vii.

26,

speaking

of the rapid multiplication of the Chris-

The

after

the

59th

of

A.D. 252 {Ep. 59. lo).

been bishop

was written
May, the Ides,
Cyprian had then

epistle

15th

for a

'quadriennium'

(ib.

two or three months

beyond three years, at most for four
This makes the earliest date
years.
6), i.e. at least for

possible for his accession to be June

A.D. 248, the latest possible April A.D.

249.

voice

15, A.D. 249; for in Ep. 1^,

Easter a.d. 250, he mentions that

two

last

Easter Days,

The Decian

persecution began in the

end of A.D. 249, or the very beginning
of A.D. 250. For all that happened Tillemont allows two years (vol. iv. S.

Cypr. Art.

tians.
^

Day, April
after

He was certainly bishop

on Easter

vi.).

Eighteen months

is

the utmost possible, and probably the

episcopate

began not long

a.d. 248.

More than

June
would
be called a quinquennium; in Ep. 56. i
a 'triennium' is two years and three
months ; in Ep. 43. 4 little more than
a twelvemonth is a 'biennium.'
^

The

Basilicse

after

four years

common

^q(^i',coss.

-^^V^.^"^

illicit nus

he had made Saturus read a Lesson,

ferocities

quotes Origen,

basilica^,

11
and the

with the consent of the clergy, on the

which time the

fierce

from the end

{d.

Scapula

4 Feb. 211), about

fiiit,' i.e.

of Sept. Severus

consul

>

merchant prmces

Sulpicius Severus Chronicor.

'interjectis

a.d. 249.

in

great

houses, and not those of the law-courts,

were probably the models of the

first

11.

L- Nsevius
Aquilinus.

THE DISCIPLINE OF PEACE.

42

had defended the

that

which,

still

standing in

rose before an altar

state-religion

old place sixty years laterS seemed

its

shadows of

to reproach the departing schismatic with the

Cyprian and of Unity.

Of his sermons,

unless the tract on Patience

remodelled, not a record has reached us

to the vast

with the double'^ salutation

have caught the

we can

first

exhor tatio n which,

In the

'

Name

is

whole man such oneness

in the

scarcely question that, as

pamphlets, so from
social science.

'

bema

his

Christian

his

in

letters

was taught

life

In the quiet time he had served

own epigrammatic

was nothing wavering

He

ing for a clue.

of the Lord,' and

note of those thirteen years ofjnefikce^

But there

,able teaching.

his

first

usage of the African bishops, he opened and closed

after the

is

a sermon

We should

monuments of Augustine's preaching.

have gladly learnt the tenor of that

that

is

a singular contrast

in

'

discipline'^

tale of his first few months.

him, or tentative

and
as a

There

there was no feel-

entered on restoration and organization

with a theory clearly ascertained, and a practical devotion to

'

'

The church

She holds and owns

And in her we preher
do
battle. Her grace
unity we
For her honour and
side.
and her glory we alike maintain with faithful self-devotion.
consequences.

its

all

'

one.

is

the power of her Spouse and Lord.

'

We

'

keep the bounds of the springs of lifeV

have God's leave

to water God's thirsting people.

estimate of his duty and his responsibility.

a worldly

K
-->

laity,

with

half-forgotten

See R.

'^\yccC %

Rome and the

Campagna, Introd. p. 1. That used

by Cyprian's congregation was maintained afterwards as a church.
^

revive

his
in

Optat.i. 19'erataltareloco suo,'&c.

reanimate church

offices, to

was

forces,

his

first

task,

and

in

Not only had he from the

that primitive age no light one.

churches.

To

with a staff of caballing clergy, the reality

of their professions and of their

life

Such was

We

...salutatione scilicet geminata.

tat. vii.

naei.
'
*

6,

Paris, 1631.

Ep.
Ep.

Op-

note p. 162, ed. Albaspi-

59. 6.

73. it.

I.

X.

^
to bear

first

'

whom

TRIALS OF PEACE.

43

co ntumely toward his office*'; not only did

turbulent

men

he could scarcely rule^' render his administration

diffi-

opponents, the

cult

/THE

presbyters and

five

others,

'

the glaring abuses of the episcopal office were yet harder

to cope with.

Socially

known

as leading men, but unprovided

with material independence, or with position equal to that

some bishops were engrossed

commerce, some even engaged

of a provincial magistracy,
agriculture,

some absent

There was the

usury^

y/-

by the opportunities of

in

in

free-living bishop actually enriched

ready to ^b[ure the

his post,

the prospect of danger, ready to resume his office

was

in

faith

when

on

peril

There was the immoral bishop on the verge of

past*.

Some were

excommunication ^

secure in their position though

notorious for their frauds in the bazaar, or their complicity in

the slave-trade of the Sahara^
to prepare their

catechumens

Some

again were too ignorant

for baptism, or to avoid heretical

phrases in their public prayers, too indifferent even to abstain

from using

in their liturgies^ the

compositions of well-known

Cold and dark are the shades which are flung athwart

heretics.

the bright tracts and around the glowing lights of the scenes
of this early church

bishops

If

life.

it

tolerated the makers of idols

or

among

^-

was possible

we can understand how among

for such

men

to

be

their presbyters they

and the compounders of incense,

and

their laity astrologers*

theatrical trainers^

In that fierce s_uge of mingling races, tyrannous classes,

inhuman

superstitions, the struggle of

interests was,

more
Ep.

i6.

'

Ep.

27. 3: see

'

De

more unscrupulous than

above

$, 6.

Can.

Ep. 65.

Auct. de Rebaptisvi. to.

Aug. de Bapt.

diesis,

commune

(12);

(89)

bat

I. vii.

'Cum

in

the most intense

privatam mensam sed Dei altare habe-

I, 1.

Laps.

and the shock of

upon a comparatively narrow space, tenfold

violent and

life

3.

c.

18, 19,

Can. 13

Cyprianus.'

Ep. Parnien.
/.

iii.

Ibid. iv.
2

20 Conc.Elib. (305

A.Mg. de Bapl.

Tert. de Idolatr. cc. 7, 9.

non

Ep.

fraudatoribus,

vii.

raptoribus

2.

306?),

Donatt.Vu 2^

45

Donatt.

Cf.

Cone. Carth. (348).

collegis fseneratoribus, insi-

c.

(8).

c.

(47).

CYPRIAN BISHOP.

44

The new

centres of our energies.

part of a century not only

hollowness and

We

inevitable.

insincerity

had been

sect

for the third

unharmed but prosperous that

should have grown up in it was
:

can but recognise as they did themselves that

We

the persecution of the church was mercy to the world.

end was answered.

shall find reason to believe that its

we shall see that

followed were more favourable by
for the present,

And

the troublous years which

than profoundest peace

far

could have been to the grand combinations of one master

spirit.

XI.
Discipline

We

must now pass

Clerical and Lay.

in

review the measures of Cyprian's

eighteen months^ of peace, remembering that, illustrative as

they are, they are but a p^elui^

One
him

passing glimpse of what seem active methods shews

to

with

us

band

of

the

'

Teaching Presbyters,'

examining into the qualifications of Readers, testing

were preparing
in a
Easter,
A.D. 249,

for the clerical office,

kind of rank as

Next the

'

all

who

and placing the approved

On

Clergy.'

one such occa-

sion these agree to appoint Optatus one of the Readers to be

.

Teacher of Catechumens,'

had done
^

See

for Cyprian,

Counting from June

but

248

to

do

still

as a

a.d.

Ep. 29 '...quos jam pridem communi consilio clero proximos feceramus,

^

die

Pasch^e semel

atque iterum lectionem dedimus, aut

modo cum
tores

presbyteris

diligenter

inter lectores

doctoribus lee-

probaremus, Optatum

doctorem audientium con-

stituimus, examinantes, &c.'

teresting passage there
fault, {ox presbyteris

Readerl

construction.

'

In

this in-

must be some

cannot be dative:

Dr Hort conjectures that coram may

have disappeared after cum. Hartel
reads doctorum, which is not a Cyprianic

Felicit. xiii.

Caecilian

Again on two

Presbyteri doctores

like Aspasius in Passio

p. 41, note 2.

quando aut Saturo

many what

for

'

are

SS. Perpetuce

et

the Doctores no longer a

Order as in Teaching of the

XII. Apostles id. x.v.,oxShepherd of Hermas. Vis. III. 5. See Dodwell, Diss.
distinct

Cyp.

vi.

cannot think 'die Paschae

semel atque iterum lectionem dedimus'

means

'

we gave him two passages to

Compare

read aloud in examination.'

Ep.

38. 2 '...dominico legit.'

In Ep.

he speaks of his 'practice' of

consulting presbyters, deacons and laity
38.

on the

fitness of candidates,

'

I.

XL

HIS

MONTHS OF

Days they

consecutive Easter

PEACE.

45

assign to Saturus, though not

yet a Reader, the Reading of the Lesson.

possible to say whether
in

life

But

it.

this gathering of the

about their bishop

presbyters

best-read

the training of the

in

not quite

It is

was new, or old with a new

all this

young clergy was a

sure sign of progressive improvement.

The monuments

of this time are one Treatise and three

Letters which the sagacity of Pearson restored to their place

About another, however

as the earliest in the collection.

third),

(the

he was mistaken \

His

first

epistle deals with the case of

trary to an existing rule,

left

a clergyman 'Tutor by will to his

'

It forbids the sacrifices* to

property.

one who had, con-

be offered for his repose.

Geminius Victor of Furni^ near Carthage had

in his will

nominated as 'Tutor' Geminius Faustinus a presbyter.

No one is to
had ruled thus

statute* of a former council

'

God

'

appoint by his will a cleric and minister of

'

or curator, since every one

'

priesthood and appointed to the clerical ministry ought only

'

to serve the altar

'prayers...' 'if
'

made

him nor

for

and

any

who

sacrifices

shall

is

to be a tutor

honoured with the divine

and be

free for devotions

Cyprian

sacrifice celebrated for his repose.'

accordingly enjoins that at Furni there shall be no

for

and

have so done, no offering shall be

Geminius Victor, or any

'

'

oblation

deprecation frequented

in the

'

church in his name.

The next
siderate ruler,

transaction in which
is

we mark

the strong, con-

the answer to Eucratius, the bishop probably

of the distant seacoast colony of Thenae or Tain^

^

On Ep.

3 Rogatiano see pp. 234,

235 and note.

2

Compare

avoid the word canon in speaking

of Councils which had not yet employed

t.

/.
Bunsen, Hippolytus and his

vol.

* About 28 miles west of Carthage

which latter had a Porta Fumitana; see
Appendix on Cities.
* I

concilio asacerdotibusdatam,'
2.

Tert. Monog. lo.

'...statutum sit'

'formam nuper

in

It furnishes

'

II.

i. i,

age,

(1852) p. 223.

celebraretur,

i.e.

no gathering of a

congregation of friends for the purpose.

z-i.

frequentetur 2\%o \m^\\t.^.

'^

Ep.

2.

Eucratius

Ep.i.i.

spoke

in

the

council of ten years later in support of

the second baptism of heretics.

[Sentt.

THE DISCIPLINE OF THE CLERGY.

46

an instance of that

weighing of individual cases which

careful

An

lays the basis of permanent-fta>ctQienLts^

Actor,

who had

left

the profligate and corrupting stage^ as a matter of course

in

obedience

Christian

to

imparting his

He had

or slaves.

them from

principles,

no scruple

felt

in

of voice and gesture to heathen youths

skill

no power to enfranchise, or withdraw

why

their profession,

hesitate

to

improve and

elevate, perhaps chasten their performance ? Similar casuistries

every day impede practical morality, and the Africa of the

was

third century

with them.

With the touch of truth

man who was

ready to form others to

rife

Cyprian exposes the

take the place from which he had escaped conscience-stricken

suggests his maintenance,

by

of living,

the church

if

he really has no other means

and

offers him,

if

Thenae

is

too

poor, food and clothing at Carthage.

The

difficulty

Eucratius had

dealing with the case

felt in

lay in the absence of

any

elocutionists or others

who only

rule excluding from the church

trained actors.

fragment belonging to the second half of the third

supplied the omission.

shows, or

if

'

him cease

or let

him be

shows)

'(in theatrical

A.D. 305 or

If

one has the mania of theatrical

he has been a declaimer

'

'he does not

'

make

it

genuine
century'"*

cast out.

If

the theatres, let

in

he teach the young

good that he should cease.

it, let him be forgiven^'

is

a trade of

306 the Synod of Elvira enacts the rule requiring

a converted performer-* to renounce his profession

collection

on

Eighth Book of our Greek

if

Cities.

Bingham

Cf.

Bunsen, Hippolytus (1852), vol.

314;

it is

From
in

the Alexandrian form of the

the

Abyssinian

^iri
17

is

text

which now appears as the

Apost. Constt.

{op. cit.).

rj

t)

32 rdv
ywri...

airo^aXKiaduiaav

Cone. Eliberitan. can. 62.

niimus

Bunsen

text.
viii. c.

(Tkt/v^s ka.v ris wpoai-i} a.vr\p

Travcrdaduffav
*

it.

Apostolic Constitutions which

extant

II.

later than Cyprian's letter,

not based upon

3

{1855), vol. iv. p. 85.

before

forms the groundwork of that separate

Epp. 29.) His successors appear in

Councilsup to A.D. 641. See Appendix

p.

If

In

Panto-

synonymous under the Em-

still

perors with histrio.

and

Smith, Diet, of Greek and Rom. Anti-

Arabic translation therefrom, as well as

in the Coptic and Syriac; and which

L. C. Purser ap.

quities, s.v. (ed. 1891).

THE EARLY LETTERS TUTELA OF

XI.

I.

reception into the church, and to

attempt to resume

CLERICS.

47

be excluded upon any

it.

In the 'fourth' letter he appears with Caecilius, the senior

bishop of the province, and other bishops and presbyters,

taking strong measures for the suppression of a shocking
fanaticism which allowed a supposed purely spiritual union

between certain junior

Of the DRESS OF
In these

and professed

clerics

immediate connection with

virgins'.

appeared

this subject

In

his treatise

VIRGINS.'

Bishop of Carthage

letters the authority of the

invoked or exercised beyond his own diocese, and wears

is

already something of a metropolitic aspect.

One more

exemplification of the system and appliances of

may

discipline

be mentioned as belonging to

this interval, in

the investigation before the bishop and assessors of certain

charges of cruelty to a father and a wife* which impended

over an eminent presbyter, Novatus, the future schismatarch.

To

this

we

When

shall return hereafter.

the persecution was past, Cyprian's calm judgment

of his previous experiences was that

'

'

rupted a divinely delivered discipline

taking her ease and half

Of

We

are

bound

because of their

'

long Peace had corthat Faith had been

asleep ^'

Clerics not to be Tutores.

to take

some

intrinsic

of these subjects in detail, not only

interest

and importance, but because

weighing the objections

which have been advanced by a clever writer against the genuineness
Mr Shepherd repudiates the authenticity
of the Cyprianic letters*.
of the First Letter and of the canon on which it is based.
Against these documents Mr Shepherd argues, that since the
Carthaginian councils of a.d. 348 and a.d. 419, in forbidding the
exercise of secular offices by the clergy, did not reenact this canon
He states also that 'the office
it must have been unknown to them^

they afford us the

The

2 />.
*

De

'

first

ffvvl(TaKTOi., v. p. 54.

opportunity of

/>. 4.

52. 2.

Laps.

5.

Letters on the genuineness of the

writings ascribed

to Cyprian,'

Rev. E. J. Shepherd.
<*

Second

letter, p. 35.

by the

OF CLERICS NOT TO BE TUTORES.

48

if he had no legal exemption, was

That again the ministers of Cyprian's and
still later times did engage in business (a practice allowed by the
fourth council of A.D. 398), and 'were therefore very far from being
always engaged in serving the altar and sacrifices, and employed in
'prayers and supplications.' That, although the evils which flowed
from clerics taking the office of 'Tutor' were so many that Justinian
*

of Tutor was one which a clerk,

'compelled to

serve.'

'

prohibited

it,

Mr

yet they were 'at first' (in

opinion) proper

S.'s

persons to undertake such a charge, and actually did so (since the

17th canon

of the 4th council of Carthage orders that, not the

bishop himself but, his archpresbyter or archdeacon should take

charge of widows and orphans). It is besides 'exceedingly preposterous' to imagine that the bishops of Cyprian's age,

whom

he

censures for secularity, should have passed ' any law against secular
pursuits,' when meantime even Cyprian himself was 'the victim of

such an appointment from his

own

spiritual father Caecilius,'

'nothing,' he adds in a note, 'of the wife

him

'

to

'

much

and

who was

'

to

say

also entrusted

suspect that a young African widow, probably not

out of her teens, would have been quite as serious a charge

'as the children.'

It is

necessary to quote this passage, not because

but because

it

evinces

that

the critic

it

is flippant,

has not possessed himself

of the most accessible information ^

In the whole argument I

do not detect one correct statement. It is well known that the
power of a Tutor or Curator had 'respect to the property and

pecuniary interests, not the persons of the pupilli

was a

'

or wards.

He

His business was 'the preservation of property"^

during minority'; to guard against the minor's being defrauded:
debts could not be recovered, nor were engagements vahd, if
incurred by a minor without his sanction. He was also bound to
improve the property. The office of Tutor subsisted up to the
ward's fourteenth year that of Curator between the fourteenth and
the twenty-fifth, at which he came of age.
There is no reason to suppose that Cyprian was Tutor or Curator
of the property of his friend's family.
Pontius describes a deathbed
scene (accersitione jam proxima) in which Caecilius commended
them (commendavit) personally to his convert's affection (pietatis).
It was improbable that Cyprian should have been named Tutor
in the will, for by blood he was not related to Cascilius, and the
usage was so invariable by which the nearest relations and next
heirs were appointed Tutors, that it was a special slur if any of
trustee.

E.g.

Mr

G. Long's

and Rom. Ant.

* The res and

article Diet. Gk.

called

upon 'negotia gerere' and 'aucto-

ritatem interponere.'
the pecunia.

He was

I.

THE GENUINENESS OF THE FIRST LETTER.

XI.

49

them were passed

letter

over^.
Incidentally, we observe that in this very
Geminiiis Victor nominates a relative Geminius Faustinas.

Thus much

for

the

legal

criticism.

Into

the

possibility

of

secular-minded men passing an anti-secular statute I need not enter;

because the letter speaks of the rule having been made before the age
of Cyprian, and being now enforced by him against a secularity
which
had grown up, as he says elsewhere 2, during the long security.

We

must now look into the argument from the canons. Granted
that at this time the clergy could not live on their allowances,
and
long afterwards eked their living out by handicraft, by farming,
or
by literary occupation 3. But the point of canon after canon is this :

That they were not

administer the property of other people.

Shepherd. They are not to be agents
or stewards*, nor farm-bailiffs, nor accountants", nor contractors,
factors, or managers^, in short, not
implicati obnoxii alienis

The

to

distinction escaped

Mr

'

negotiis' at

all.

The reason

is

not only obvious, but indicated.

The opening

for peculation, or at least for suspicion, caused the

church to be ill spoken of, if they accepted such offices.
The
grounds for the prohibition of these agencies applied tenfold more

to Tutorship of

The Tutor in Persius^ sighs

while the church as a corporation
not only the tutela, but the maintenance of

minors with property.

And

for the decease of the ward.

undertook from the first

orphans and widows, and appointed her proper officers,
Deacons (and after a time Archdeacons), to care for them, it
became only the more important that her clergy should not enter
destitute

into private relations of the kind.

Now

the Council of a.d. 348, which Mr Shepherd alleges as the

forbidding secular employment to the clergy, supplies
evidence worth attention that there did exist an earlier rule forbidearliest

ding clergy

to exercise tuieia pupUlornm.

In that Council (c. 6)
bishops settle that the clergy are not to become agents or
factors.
They do not exclude them from the office of tutors. One
bishop then enquires whether persons already engaged as agents,

the

factors, or tutors,
it

(c.

'

8)

if

ought

they have

to

be admitted to orders. The Council allows

first

and had them approved.'

wound up and

1 Te sororis filius...notavit, quum in

magno numero tutorem liberis non

instituit.

Cic.

Delaps.

pro

Sest. 52.

5 '...disciplinam

pax longa

corruperat.'

/K

Co<r.

/.

'

Ibid. can. 9.

///, c^^. Carth. A.D. 397 ? can. 15.

pg^s. Sat. ii. 12 '...pupillumve uti-

nam
Car/A. A.D. 398, cann.51,

intelligible

Cone. Carth. A.D. 348, can.

quern

expungam':

52, 53 'artificium, artificiolum, agricul-

tutor

tura, literae.'

will

B.

exhibited their accounts

These two canons are only

proximus
the

next

haeres

of

8.

Impello

kin being

by the xii. Tables, unless the

had nominated someone else.
A

THE GENUINENESS OF THE FIRST LETTER.

50
if

we assume

Unless
this

it

the reality of that earlier canon mentioned by Cyprian.

existed previously, the Council would have

left

matters in

incomplete position, that tutors could only become clerics by

resigning office, but that clerics might freely become tutors.

Assume however that clerics were already forbidden to become
Again,
tutors, and we see why they are not forbidden in canon 6.
clerics

now

being already incapable of becoming

tutors,

and others being

also excluded, the question naturally arises, which

canon

8,

posts, to

'

Is

it

become

is

settled in

impossible for a tutor, and persons holding such

clerics

.''

'

The omission

in the Sixth

and the inclusion

Eighth canon are both simply explained.

Lastly, there is a mistake even in the assertion that a Tutor
was obliged to serve unless he had a legal exemption. Those
tutors (called legitimt) who were appointed by magistrates when
But a tutor appointed
people died intestate were so compelled.
in the

by a

will

could 'abdicate,' or renounce.

Certain offices were how-

ever considered by the law as exemptions, and the African bishops

of the third century desired to make the clerical office such an

exemption by internal regulations, since the government could not

it, until in the reign of Justinian, the canon was adopted
The sole penalty then lay at this
into the imperial legislation.
time against the testator, and none was possible except the omission
sanction

of his

name from

the intercessions for the departed.

could be taken against the cleric tutor, who might

No

steps

know nothing

of

appointment until the will was read, and who certainly could not
assign to his heathen neighbours, as a ground for renunciation, that
his

he was a Christian presbyter.

Perhaps none of Mr Shepherd's

'

criticisms

'

had more force

shaking confidence in Cyprian's letters than his attack on this

one. Yet the objections are merely legal and historical misconin

ceptions.

The circumstances

of the letter are, as

we have shewn,

perfectly consistent with the rather intricate conditions of the time

the early existence of the disputed canon

is

demonstrated by the

wording of the later ones, and the authenticity of the story illustrated
by the very names.
And here, lastly, we must add the consistency with which we
a member of the same family of Geminii speaking as bishop
same town of Furni {Sentt. Epp. 59) several years later in the
It is not impossible that it may have been
Council of A.D. 256.
Geminius Faustinus himself, and that he too may be the Bishop
Geminius {Ep. 67) who signed the synodic letter in A.D. 254.

find

of the

I.

AND THE

CHRISTIANS

XII.

Of

STAGE.

Christians not to train for the stage.

Such passages

any doubt as

as are already quoted preclude

to the

and
shew that a law of Valentinian in a.d. 371 {Cod. Theodos. XV. tit. vii.
1), which (although it could not place it at the option of any clergyman to emancipate any master's slaves by communicating them)
made the reception of the last sacraments necessitate an actor's
manumission in case of recovery, was not (as asserted) the first step
which was taken towards emancipation of actors.
A more sweeping measure submitted to Arcadius and Honorius by
the African episcopate in a.d. 401 1, namely that the adoption of
legality of quitting the theatrical profession in the third century,

who wished

Christianity should at once release actors

to relinquish

the calling, operated towards the reformation of the stage as well

as to the redemption of individuals from

In Cyprian's time then

it

corruption.

its

was possible

for

an actor

to retire

from

the stage, and yet, though a Christian, to set up as a trainer of

actors a profession forbidden immediately

Epistle

is definitely fixed

after

so that the Second

to Cyprian's time.

Yet Mr Shepherd, ignoring the Alexandrine fragment and the

Elvira canon, and supposing the law of Valentinian and the Synod
of 401 to prove that no actor could ever leave the stage ^ an absurd
position, as

actors were slaves

and

then assuming

it to be
a
moral impossibility' that any Christian could wish to exercise that
profession ^ or any bishop doubt how to proceed in such a case,
has in this superficial mode made his telling attack upon a letter
which is as demonstrably authentic as any of Cicero's.

if all

'

XII.

The Eighteen MontJu

The

Virginal Life as

brilliant light
its evils

its

devotees as the Flower of the Church.

Cod. Cann. Eccles. Afric. can. 63.

was

This

the

extremest

kind

capitis to

which

actors could be subject:

disability

How

argument

was merely

to

some

this

technical.

idle this line of presumptive

is

in Carthage was one of

While Cyprian recognises

appeared

both by sorrowful confession* and by actual legisla-

(maxima) of tninutio

it

and darkest shade.

tion ^ he speaks of
^

Virginal Life in Carthage.

continued.

we may

think

occupations exercised by Christians just

before,

we

carving (by

find

pie-building.
*

De

'

Ep.

incense-making, idol-

clerics),

idol-paindng, tem-

Ttn. de

Habit. Virgin.

Idolair. 7, 8.
19, 20.

4.

when among

42

;;

THE VIRGINAL

52

He

treats

and precious

as a practical

it

LIFE.
institution,

without

breaking like TertuUian into wild reproaches against mere

corrigible vanities which occurred, nor yet glorifying the order

with the

title

of Brides of Christ.

Self-dedication to the

unmarried state was considered a Christian

same sense

in

Work

which Almsgiving was 'Work\'

were at present no associations for

common

life,

in the

'

But there
no common

head, no peculiar dress^ no special regulation for either

charity or liturgy.

The

right conception of the

says TertuUian, (and that

that

it

viously

we

as^

are in the rudiments

women

suggests to the elder

the younger to pay them

'

usually prevailed, he implies,)

it

should be as secret

work was,

'

to

Ob-

alnisdeed^^and prayer.
>of

organization when Cyprian

assume some

some deference^

position,

No

and to

specific alle-

giance seems to be expected from the order even to the

bishop, for while his assurance that he addresses them
tionately rather than officially

'

was recognised, he adds that he

own

inferiority to claim the right to criticized

all

Christian

widely as the

women were

fuller leisure

affec-

indicates that his official posi-

tion

duties of

'

allowed

is

too conscious of his

theirs,

to

visit

only so

The active
much more

the sick, to frequent

the offering of the sacrifice and the preaching of the word'.

The

visiting of orphans

and widows, whether poor or

rich

the visiting of daemoniacs, with continuous prayer and fasting

be enabled to use on their behalf the

to

gift

intercession for the church, for the holiness of

for

its

To
^

speak

in church, teach, baptize or

Tert. de Vel. Virg. 13;

cf.

de

Orat.

Ibid. 9.

Hab. Virg. 24 'Provectse annis

ju-

do any

clerical act

was

nioribus facite magisterium.'

*

Cf. 3 'Arbitrio permissa

res erat.'
^

clergy and

which pass under the name of Clement.

17.
-

its

it

deliverance from false clergy, are employments suggested

in the early letters

I.

of healing,

they had reason to believe that they had received

if

'...nee quo...aliquid

ad censuram

licentiae vindicemus,' .^a^. Virg. 3.

^

Tert. de Cult. Fern. 3. 11.

See below, note

3, p. 56.

THE VIRGINAL

XII.

I.

They

forbidden as of coursed

LIFE.

53

entered on the

by

life

private

by public vow; marriage might be looked on

resolution', not

as a departure from holy purpose, but not as violating rule,

some cases it was right'.

The order* of sexagenarian 'Widows,' (who must have

and

in

married but once and brought up children,) had a seat of

honour

in the Church', but in Tertullian's time was first seen

by permission of the then bishop the monstrous marvel of a
maiden seated among them*, and unlike them sitting unveiled.
'

The meaning

'

of this was that, as girls under the betrothal age

of twelve years wore no

veils',

made by

a claim had been

certain dedicated virgins to continue the symbolic

freedom of

the age of innocence, and at least in church^ to lay aside the

They

covering which elsewhere public opinion enforced.

argued too that St Paul had enjoined

whole

'wives*' not for the

sex.

to themselves the assumption of a veil

and

finally obtained

veils for

They now

women

'

or

treated as injurious

by any of

a general rule in their

their sisters,

own

sense, to

more retired^". The avowed object was

confer a distinction which should make the order more

the distress of the

to

attractive".

The work was

'

'

'

secret

'

However by general

no more.

and Scriptural arguments, appeals to the use of other churches,

and unhappily to wrecks which had increasingly marked the
history of the order, TertuUian seems to have effected the

Tert.

Decreverint, Ep.

Ep.

The Viduatus,

'

...ad

o'^

V.

g.
4.

Jerome dwells

Tert. de V. V. 9.

quam sedem
aliquando

matres, et

praeter

Cone.

eliguntur,

quidem educatrices

Tert. de V. V.

Carth.

7W77, k.t.\.

Cor.

xi.

5.

Tertull. disposes of this in Z>^ Ora/. c. 22.

4. 2.

annos

sexaginta non tantum univirae, id est

nuptte,

Tert, de Orai. 21,22.

^ jrao-a 5e

i.

9.
c.

sed

et

filiorum,

Their functions {IV.

12)

and catechize women.

Tert. de V. V. 9.

'

Ibid. II. 16.

were to baptize

in

an unadvised sense on

the distinction between

De

*virgo,'

Maries,
^^

'

be observed that

meant

usual dress of

own
"

'mulier' and
Virginit.

B.

20.

It will

the veil

perpetua

'

to take

originally to adopt the

young women of

age.

Tert. de V. V. 14.

their

PERILS.

54

Cyprian has no complaint

restoration of the usual dress\

against departures from

may

the

And

rule.

remark here one of the instances

if

this

be so we

which Tertullian's

in

Montanism was no bar to his catholic influence.

Christian women had now refrained as a rule for half a
century from public festivals and arena spectacles as well as
from temples. But an incipient tendency to reform society
appears when the Virgins are desired to stay away from
weddings on account of the coarseness of the customs, and
from the baths

The

which both sexes appeared

in

in

undress

popularity and sentimental admiration which

attended the order led to vast

Even Cyprian with

evils.

next to the Martyr.

his moderation ranks the Virgin

many, the

exaltation, sense of security, led

now
all

Vanity,

solitary converts

of heathen hearths, or of circles in which Christian doctrines

had not yet dissipated heathen indifferentism on such subjects, or which shared their blind confidence in the magic of
a vow, to seek homes
bers of Christian

in

the houses, and even share the

men and

cham-

who had bound themselves

The power of ecstatic feeling

clerics

under the same obligation ^

may confessedly sometimes overpower even continuous temptation,

and Cyprian wishes

in

dealing with this dreadful scandal

not to assume that every such case was one of actual guilts

It

is,

as

Bingham,

vol.

p.

II.

404

(ed. 1855), writes, true that Tertullian's

object

was

to

induce

all

Ep.

but he

...dum adhuc separari innocentes

has also in view a body of virgins,

were
'

live in

distinctly dedicated.

Nupsisti enim Christo.'

2

De

who

a society
V. V. 16

Cf. 14.

Bunsen must have forgotten this

De Hab. Virg. 19, when in

passage,

Hippolytus and his age, vol.

(ed. 1852),

to

the

he

refers

II. p. 273
an apostolic canon

East on account of this pro-

miscuous

bathing.

then took the bath,

virgins to use

the grave habit of matrons;

though they did not

lous belief that only Christian maidens

Rettberg's

anti-

monasticism leads him into the ridicu-

possint,
eos

4.

Ep.

qui ap.

4. 2.

se

does

assume

plea

of

Piety,' or

Chrysostom {Contra

habent virg. subintrod.)

it,

and

'Perfection,'
'

scouts

every

'Philosophy,'

Brotherhood.'

Gregory of

Nyssa de Virginitate, 23, and Jerome,

Ep. zi,ad Eustochium, and Epiphanius,
Hceres. 78, ri, agree with him.
setting aside

the

mere

any such question,

fact as a scandal,

Basil,
treats

deserving

excommunication, Ep. 55 (198).

See

'

I.

'THE DRESS OF

XII.

He however

adds to

the

VIRGINS.'

55

separation

instant

dreadful

ordeaP.

The

and a half

repetition of similar griefs for a century

the councils of Carthage, their prevalence in Spain and

in

reappearance

Constantinople^

in

the

establish

inevitable

dangers of a position which the coenobitic or conventual

system arose to

fortify.

The

was intended perhaps

societies

But

virgins^

formation

earliest

to

such

of

meet the case of homeless

at present lacking the finality of a recognised

vow, lacking fixity of discipline or prescribed occupation, the

Virginal Life was

more than the expression of a

little

fresh

intense sentiment^ a revolt against the universal degradation

which enveloped

city

life.

Its

own

corruption

a warning as to

is

the danger of revivals attempted under incomplete conditions.

In his treatise upon 'THE

Cyprian
in

is

DRESS OF THE VIRGINS

concerned with what seems

important yet

less

reality lay nearer to the fountain of the

He

mischief.

applies himself not only to the correction of vanity, but to

women on

purify and exalt the influence of

The privacy and

subjection

That of an order professed yet

influence.

Many

go might be almost boundless.

belonged to the wealthiest

natural,
Suicer

j.

tion

is

In

Zweiffaicros.

v.

Carth. cc.

3,

/.

pronounced against

of the practice.

It

laics guilty

was forbidden by

Niean. 3, by civil law under

Honorius, and again and again by canon
Cone.

for several

centuries.

See Canon E.

Venables in Diet. Chr. Antiq.

s.

v.

sub-

introductse.
^

Ep. 4. 4. A treatment which AmEp. 5 {Syagrio), condemns in

brose,

the strongest manner.

^

When

Op.
^

cit.

and

inexplicable.'

I.

///. Cone. Carlh. can. 33.

limited

free to

their

come and

of the Virgins, as
and, without

class,

is

re-

Freppel, p. 159, incorrectly repre-

sents the advice of Cyprian as 'a series

of rules

'

preparatory to an expansion of

the 'religious'

life in

better times,

and

supports the illusion by construing the

with the scandals into a

interference

prohibition

'

to live

under the same roof

men and a recommendation to dislinguish themselves from the rest of their

as

'

sex' by

'

more modest

he does require
like other staid

Chrysostom speaks of them

as 'fresh, paradoxical

Cone.

4 A.D. 348 excommunica-

the community.

married

of the

own

is

dresses.

All that

that they should dress

Roman

ladies of their

age and live in proper homes.

Augustine, Ep.

in

(al.

So

122), speaks of

a Sanctimonialis taken captive by barbarians and restored to her parents.

'THE DRESS OF VIRGINS.'

$6

home (which indeed no

signing rank or

enabled them to do), sought

against social

among

independence

To them no

the Christians.

resolution protection

in their

with

corruption

existing organization

and

respect

occasion presented itself

obviously requiring a change in their dress or ornaments.

In fashions half Roman, half Tyrian they
neck^' in masses of gold chain and pearl,

'buried the

still

still

piled the hair

loaded arms and feet with bracelets,

in grape-like clusters,

outlined the almond-like eye with antimony, dyed the cheeks

with crimson falsehood,' tipped toes and fingers with henna.

'

strange sketch of a sister

alleges Scripture, sense

and

Modes

against which Cyprian

Yet

feeling.

this

but a small portion of the picture.

We may

was much

to

reverence and

to

much

excited in the great organizer, in

love

can have been

be sure there
that which

in

the world-worn lawyer,

such intense enthusiasm.

Grave matter

and

for reflection in this

essay are the

'

reverence

which he scarce reproves, the self-abasement

fear' with

with which he asks their prayers^

The motives

are at once

too low and too lofty upon which he lauds their choice of a
virgin-life,

the

escapes namely from marriage-trouble, their

union with Christ, their anticipated superiority

There

rection-life.

is

shunned without waiting

it

seems true foresight might have

for experience.

in alleviating

human

the revival of aspirations after purity

examples of

the resur-

latent in these motives a subtle selfish-

ness and pride, such as

approached power

in

self-sacrifice

But woman's un-

wretchedness, and

in

the influence of great

upon a sordid and luxurious age

the effective operation of frequent intercession, are more

substantial

and

and they are

less

obtruded motives.

real for ever

effective as they are

cisms of the
^

'

De Hab.
De Hab.

sound

real then,

destined to be at last as

still

in

They were

shaping the nobler monasti-

future'.

Virg. 14, 15, ai.

Virg.

3, cf. 24.

The two

Epistles to Virgins, extant

in Syriac, ascribed to

Clement of Rome,

I.

ITS

XIII.

LITERARY CHARACTER.

57

XIII.
Literary character of the Book

This book
tanistic tract

Of

Of the

Dress of Virgins'

analogous to TertuUian's very

less

is
'

'

the Veiling of the Virgins

author's two books on the

Mon-

than to that

'

Apparelling of Women.'

Those

own

society,

obligations to eschew frivolity

and purify

which Tertullian had drawn out

for the sex, are here specialised

their

for a single class.

We

have found already that the amplest plagiarism was

permissible; and, this assumed, there

in

how

observing

more

much

own

literary interest

Cyprian deals with

a master of style like

the rocky genius of his

is

Master.'

'

delicate taste abjures the

appeals and

coarser

Thus
who 'are

modifies, though unable to abandon, the materialism.

still,

equality with angels

is

literally

wool-dyeing

not given

in

there are

no purple or scarlet

because

'

marriage^';

we cannot make one

sufficiently bold phrase that

'

sheep

The

II.

first is

both from

ings of Scripture (Bp. Westcott,

its

its

half of

The

conditions {Ep.

and

are

so

i.

Canon of

outrageous

10) are not accepted,

coupled

with

worked up with

shew what

Like his

the dangers of the pro-

fession of Virginity unprotected

pretences to purity
less

is

the siege and

as to

i86 n.

it.

His own

read-

first

face'

'

unlawful

A^. 7^.

topics

under similar though

hair-dye

cosmetic arts are

(ed. 1881)), and also

and omissions (see Wetst.
Proleg. pp. iv vii), a work of the
second century, and probably of the

Scripttire, p.

from

unnatural because

they lay hands upon God.'

werefirstprintedin J.J.Wetstein's
vol.

is

for those

hair white or black,'

storming of the Truth of the

TertuUian's passionate

begun

warnings

against idleness, roaming, pretexts

of

visiting. Scripture reading and exorcizing

before the time of Cyprian.

epistle

is

were

The second

not to Virgins, but prescribing

caution and decorum to travelling clerics

(somewhat too minutely) exhibits the

same dangers from another point of

Freppel (/'^^j

view.

^/o.f/'o/.,

pp. 214

sqq.) holds these to be genuine, as

other

Roman divines.

Apostolic Fathers,

do

See Bp. Lightfoot,

I.,

Clement, vol.

I.

pp. 407 sqq. (1890).

^

De

Hab. Virg.

22.

Cf. 14, 15, 17.

CYPRIAN'S MANIPULATION

58

predecessor he ascribes the invention of the

world,' to apostate angels

who

toilet,

woman's

'

lived before the flood

but he

spares us Tertullian's Byronic picture of spirits sighing for a

heaven yet scheming an eternal

lost

He

cannot part with 'the

able

flame-colour

'

evil

hell for their beloved.

presage' of the then fashion-

of hair, but avoids suggesting the horror

of wearing 'the despoilment of the strange woman, of the

head devoted

to gehenna.'

The warning
'

beholder hath

'sword to him^'
'

'

though over-drest

to the innocent

heart gratified his lust

in

softened into 'though thou

is

'

thy

not thyself

fall

thou destroyest others, and makest thyself as

were a

it

sword and a poison draught to the beholders I'

sacristan and priestess of the shrine becomes

is

girl

thou art become a

'

Modesty

'

in

'

those

shrines the worshippers and priests are we^'

So he preserves the
'

glory even in the

'

for Christ's sake

'

that

'

'

may draw

it

preserves
'

flesh,

it

more

fine turn

Plainly the Christian will

'

but only when

may

that the spirit

has endured,

it

be crowned

in

the eyes and sighs of youth after

gracefully,

'

If

we

torn
it,

it,'

not

but

are to glory in the flesh

it

must plainly be then, when it is tormented in the confession

Name, when woman proves stronger than torturing
man, when she suffers fires or crosses or sword or wild beasts

of the

'that she

may

be crowned'*.'

The gain and

evident

loss of the

Master

in the disciple's

hand are

the chief gain was that he became more readable

but Cyprian's merit was not limited to the turn of a phrase or

the smoothing of a

'

Postremissimus

'

into an

minimi*,' or the inweaving of expressions

his

'

Law

of Innocence*.'

To

Augustine,

as

who

Extremi

et

beautiful

as

'

in

Ambrose

finds the leaders of Christian eloquence,

criticizes

severely the

Tert. de Cult. Fern. 2. 2,

>e

Tert.

Hab. Virg.

richness

9.

C.F.2.i;H.V.2.

of his

him and
though he

earlier writing, this

Tert. C. F. 2.

a H.

V. 6.

'

Tert. C. F.

\\

V. 3.

De Hab.

2.

Virg. 2.

H.

OF tertullian's style.

III.

treatise

must have appeared very

perfect

'

'

Viz.

Viz.

augescit,

de Hab.

Virg.

48, 49),

(34)),

Si

15

quis

de Hab.

and 23

Virg.

Nunc

Quomodo
iv.

to

21

The

xxix.

128,

129,

to

modica temperate

end.

granditer dicere.

(47,

quence

'Quos duos ex omnibus pro-

volui.'

II.

is

(i)

ut

doceat,

poterit parva submisse; (2) ut delectet,

to \(> auspicaris.

Aug. de Doctr. Christiana

ponere

fur-/

It

'

'

pingendi artifex,
2

stylei.

in

him with illustrations both of the grand or moving^'/

and of the temperate ^'

nishes
style,

59

classification (iv. 17

adopted perhaps from Cic. de Orat.

the

'

all

(3) ut flectat,

magna

In ecclesiastical

elo-

the topics are 'magna,' but

submiss

'

style

is

for instruction,

the 'temperate' for praise or blame, the

'grand' for arousing energy.

CHAPTER

II.

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

Roman

TJie

The

Theory of Persecution.

disorder and worldliness which have been described

Cyprian's convictions were past correction

were such as

in

from within.

Possessed

coming

intimations

of

character^

And

it

idea he was visited

with this

which wore

trial

came.

The Decian

by

supernatural

persecution was co-

extensive with the Empire, and aimed at the suppression of

by

Christianity

ceived that

it

the removal of

its

leaders.

had passed the stage

It

was not per-

it

depended on

which

in

individuals.

But before we enter on

well to lay

down

this

scene of our history,

it

may be

upon which harmless people

their opinions by the
The question admits
of Rome.

the principles

were so cruelly handled on account of

law-loving and tolerant state

of a less simple answer from the fact that the Christian legists

of the Theodosian and Justinian codes have expunged the

obsolete statutes.
consul's

office,'

If the

chapter of Ulpian 'Of the pro-

which recited* the provisions applicable to

Christians in the middle of the 3rd century, were extant

should have the answer to our hand.

one correctly though

(i).

among
^

On

In the

first

the

visions of

others see infra.

can however frame

circuitously.

place the Julian

state offences

We

we

and

Cyprian

in
and

Law of Treason

included

very general terms the holding

^

Lactant. Div.

Instit.-v. 11.

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

II.

I.

of

any assembly with

6l

then too

evil intent^;

it

promoted by

every means the laying of informations under this head, admitting evidence inadmissible in other cases, that of infamous

women ^ and

persons, soldiers,

own

of a man's

These

slaves'.

enactments seem prior to the time of Alexander Severus, or

even contemporary with the Antonines, while from Marcus
Aurelius dates the post mortem

and the

treason

for

trial

confiscation of the estate of heirs.

Now provincials could

secure the freedom of their religious

meetings by registration of their cultus as a

religio

licita.

But there was no province for which Christianity could be

registered.
It was a tertium genus, not ethnic, nor Judaic*;
and any other associations

for religious rites, save only unions

for securing funeral celebrations for their

It is

some time

for

members, were

illicit.

strange to think that the Church must have subsisted

Society

Rome

at

occupied

entombed

its

martyrs

its

under the external aspect of a Burial

catacombs, had

of fossors, and

its staff

No

in this light.

clubs except those of

common

very poor persons were allowed to have

might not assemble oftener than once a month

manent Master of sacred

rites''

'

was allowed.

funds

they

and no per-

The

State' was

the one society which should engross every religious and

beyond those of the family.

social interest

when

licensed

imperial.

Monotheism even

was looked on as anti-national and

monotheistic society

adherents from

all

tjien,

understood to have

classes of society, branches everywhere,

daily meetings, permanent religious chiefs, was on

'

Quo

{crimine majestatis) tenetur

erit...quove coetus

conventusve

Ulp. ap. Dig.

Dig.

xlviii.

'

Cod.

ix.

Tertull.

Scorpiace
'

i.

7.

fiat...

(7, 8).

12,

Quod

ad Nationes
sacrorum,

See E. Kenan's excellent account

tres,

i.

7).
i.

8.

20.

cf.

Tert.

ad

sides

all

of the restrictions on collegia, Les Ap6c.

xviii.

The

most important of

(i).

10.

Magister

Nat.

8 (4, 6,

is,

cujus opera dolo malo consilium initum

xlviii.

anti-

De

following are the

his citations: Digesta

officio Praefecti

urbi

cujusc. universitatis...

iii.

4,

xlvii. 22,

De collegiis et corporibus. See also

Mommsen, De Collegiis et Sodalitatibtis
Romanorum (1843).

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

62

Delation was easy and en-

amenable to laws of Treason.

riched.

The

(2).

was familiar

application of tests

to the

Roman

While a slave or provincial could be tortured,

a freeman, suspect of religious engagements hostile to the
magistracy.

State, could

be summoned to take part

in a sacrificial feast,

or at least to offer incense before an imperial statue, to which

the least

mark of

divinity of the

was

disrespect

scruples were allowed

emperor

no

Whatever other

treason.

none might doubt the present

for,

could interfere with a

beliefs

mechanical act of obedient veneration.

Lex Regia^

Imperial edicts possessed by the

Law.

Such were

issued from time to time to

general application of this

test.

the force of
require the

was further competent

It

any magistrate who feared the growth of a dangerous

was pressed by popular

his district, or

neighbourhood or any residents

This

former edicts.
larger

number

martyrdom.

'

mode

it

of action

feeling, to

summon

to take the test

is

exhibited in far the

of this

'

kind, as the Christians

was incessantly simmering

it,

under

which led to confessorship and

of arrests

Persecution

very naturally called

in

for

class in

in

some

province or other, intensified by the policy of one emperor,

moderated by the broader policy of another,

at times ceasing

for years in particular districts.

(3).

The

difficulties

of soldiers.

To

quit the

maturely without approved cause was treason.

to remain unsuspected or

was scarcely

possible.

if

army

pre-

For a Christian

suspected to avoid disobedience

The

sacrifices to the

standards, the

military oaths, the religious decorations, the festivities, the

wreaths distributed not simply

in

honour of

martyrologies
1

Quod

his divinity,

name many

honour of the emperor but

soldiers.

And

(i)

cum Lege Regia.. popueum omne suum imperium et

Justinian, Instt.

potestatem conferat.

Ulp. ap. Dig.

i.

J.

if

I. tit.

2.

B. Moyle's note (ed.

p. 95.

Thus the

the victims of

Gaume, Rhjolution,

principi placuit legis habet

vigorem utpote
lus ei et in

in

were endless snares.

torn. vi. c.

On

i.

which see

1883), vol.

i.

II.

THE THEORY OF PERSECUTION.

I.

63

a town persecution were easily multiplied by report, the

deaths of disloyal privates

in

regiment would

seldom

transpire.

The

(4).

application to Christians of repeated torture

was

represented from such different points of view and involved

dilemma that we must pause to consider the

was no new thing. It was constantly applied
to slaves and provincials to induce them to confess suspected
crime.
It was applied to Christians because to be a Christian
was equivalent to having gross crimes to confess. A secret
so singular a

theory of

It

it.

society which could not ask for a license, which at

Rome

pretended to be a burial society, and was evidently

much

more, lay under charges of hideous unnatural orgies.

Then again the usage did not allow confessions wrung out
by the first torture to be acted on it must be repeated lest
perhaps the first avowal should have been only obtained by
:

pain\

The

confessor confessed his

sistently.

denial in

more, since

it

was well understood that denial would involve

Thus then

sect.

discipline for such criminals.

let

a punishment at

He

all,

the account.

He

did not consider

it

but a condonation of the past while

it

from a repetition of the

secret crimes whatever they

is

could not understand their

off so cheaply.

sufficiently secured the State

benevolence

appeared a lenient

to the magistrate torture

declining to be

pass in

and con-

Then he was tortured to make him deny it, for

this case amounted to a promise to be guilty no

exclusion from his

The

religion at once

The

offences.

might be were allowed to

magistrate's sense

of his

own

quite characteristic of genuine Acts of mar-

tyrdom.

But to the Christian who knew there were no crimes to be

^

Interrogavi ipsos, an essent Chris-

tiani:

confitentes

terrogavi,

iterum ac tertio in-

supplicium minatus: perse-

verantes
96.

duci

jussi.

Plin.

ad

Traj.

THE OUTBREAK OF THE PERSECUTION.

64

divulged the tortures seemed iniquitous indeed.

TertuUian'

and Cyprian" justly exclaimed against a ferocity which actually

reversed the law, by applying to those who without hesitation
confessed the crime of Christianity tortures which in

other

all

cases were reserved for such as denied the legal charge.

Finally, as their

numbers grew the

attempt at

fruitless

pression was aggravated almost to desperation

lest

re-

the whole

system of public worship and of that domestic religion, on

which rulers relied for sobriety of morals among a large class
of the population, should go

down

before the undisguised

contempt of men who acknowledged none of the authorised

sanctions and were believed to live in private shamelessness.

II.

The Outbreak of

the

Decian Persecution.

Rome.

had been so tolerant of these Christians that he

approved legends as a penitent on Easter
appeared
He
Eve^. Decius was as antichristian as he was virtuous*.
Philip

in their

was,

we

are told,

in life

Romans

with the
decessors,

and

death worthy to be ranked

in

The luxury

time^'

of old

of his

pre-

the mustering of the

Goths, the prevalence of

him

hateful forms of dissolution

Christianity,
in society,

were

all

alike to

government and

religion.

He

was

to correct, to

them all. His knowledge and universal

forethought' failed him in the one great sign of the times.
But he knew how to strike. It is amazing that one man,
to repress

arrest,

even a

Roman

'

emperor, should after thirty-eight years of

religious liberty have been able in a

Tert.

ApoL

ii.

'hoc imperium, cujus

magistri

estis, civilis

minatio

est.

'

Cf.

non tyrannica do-

p. 31.5

(fonff.

ad

Cyp.) 'nefarias contra veritatem leges.'

^ Ad Demetr.
3

12.

Euseb. H. E.

^iixeviffrepa,

^/*'

vi.

His pa<n\ela
on the sound

34.

rests

moment

blows

to deal

authority of Dionysius ap. Eus.

*

Zosimus

d^iufiari

i.

21

irpoirlTi.

vi.

41.

...yivei irpo^x'*"' *"'

5i Kal irdcratj Siairpdiruv

ratj dpercus.
^

Fl. 'W o\>\2,c\x%

Zosimus

rej iviffTijpqi

i.

Aurelianus

22 ...ry AeKlov

kolI irepl

xdcra

c.

42.

ireiroidb-

irpovoi^.

THE PERSECUTION

II. II.

ROME.

6$
s

In October A.D, 249 he reluctantly but

so rapid and accurate.

successfully headed his confiding master's legions against him,

and by the following January his edict^ was doing deadly

execution. This edict seems to have fixed capital penalties
The great Origen
in the first instance on the bishops only''.
indeed was held no less important, and was subjected to

extreme tortures with care to avoid releasing him by death.

The new bishop

days

soldiers four

hood

of Alexandria, Dionysius, after awaiting the

in his house, as

in search of

they roamed the neighbour-

him, fled at last upon some divine intima-

Gregory Thaumaturgus took many of

tion.

The two

wilderness.

his flock into the

patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem

died speedily in prison, namelyBaJbylasand

and hoary head of Alexander'.'

At^ome

'

the bright age

who

Fabian,

four-

teen years before had been chosen upon the descent of a

Dove on

his
1

head

was executed

elective assembly*,

in the

a.d. 250.
A.U.C.
1003. Coss.

on the 20th January A.D. 250

The dismay caused by this blow was very great. His people ^""^^^^3
elected no successor to Fabian when they laid him behind Qu. Traj.
.

the stone which,

still

bearing the contemporary record, pre-

p. f.

Aug.

serves a slight but certain memorial both of their dejection "vettius

and of the order-loving spirit of that Church. The name Gratus.
'

Fabian Bishop

much

later,

^ irpSffTay/ia

passim.

et

7%aw.
of

it.

'

is

Dionys. ap. Eus.

Greg.

Nyss.

FiV.

gives an exaggerated

vi.

41

Greg:

summary

(See Fechtrup, p. 44.)

forged edict see Tillemont, note

On
ii.,

the

Sur

la Persecution de Dice, vol. III. p. 699.

2

Rettberg, p. 54.

In Ep. 66. 7 the

bishops are spoken of in connection

with

this persecution as suffering pro-

imprisonment,

scription,

banishment

'

C(U.Li6erian.: Fa.hi\isann. xiili

id. X... Passus Xll kl. Feb...

Fabianus...Sedit

lician.:

mense

KL

rn.

/V-

annus XIIII

passus

dies Xi...et

Ca^
est

Xiili

feb...qui sepultus est in cimiterio

calesti

xiiii

uia appia Xlll

and the Xli

kl.

KL

febr.

feb.

The

are both

mistakes for xiii, and the real length

of the see-tenancy
days.

14

years and

ro

See R. A. Lipsius, Chronolog.

der Romisch. Bisckbfe {1869), pp. 199,

and death.

Eus. H. E.

vi. 39.

Eus.

H. E.

vi. 29.

B.

Not

cut deep with rude firm strokes.

but after the stone had been placed against the

263,

^()(>,

267, 275.

THE CONFESSORS AT ROME.

66

hollow cell.the addition

of'

Martyr' has been deeply scratched \

Without proper authentication'' or

vacancy of the see

in the

the appellation could not be attached even to so sacred a

The age

grave in the catacomb chapel.

which martyrs

in

were lightly multiplied was not come.

Neither was the fanatic zeal for martyrdom at flood.

Roman Church would

for

not

immediate death, and

The

now

select

one of her leading

for sixteen months elected

The
men

no bishop'.

clergy of the metropolis was a regularly organized body,

well able to act in concert,

and requiring more than a passing

notice to enable us to understand their remarkable relations

with Carthage and her bishop.

The wisdom

of the

Church was everywhere not

to traverse

or break up, but to adopt administrative lines and

The

of Fabian's

letter-cutter

in-

was not a good one like his

predecessor's. The letters are unequal,
scription

martyris, sed

Cyp. Ep.

the apices not elegant or exact, the

The

punctuation ugly.

inscription

is

Compare Optat.
necdum

real.

The

this

fact

ultramontane
is

that

'it

pagans that the most

they could

honorary inscription
fiill

unusual,

MAPTTP,) and

it

an

would have been

weakly cut or

is

rather scratched after the slab

its

(in

was

in

place.
'

Rossi

(/!.

S. vol.

II.

pp. 58 sqq.) to be

'...et

si

and

inflict

statement

of

terrible

blow

on the Church was

to hinder the election of a successor to

Saint
p. 173.
is

believe this explanation of de

16

appeared to the

The

is

i.

vindicati,''

13. 1.

not a later honorary one, like Anteros's.

abbreviation

areas

civil

Peter.'

Freppel,

It is needless to

no evidence

for

assertions involved.

.S".

Cyprien,

say that there

any of the three

THE CONFESSORS AT ROME.

II. II.

67

which had already impressed characters and unities on groups

of population. The City of God thus grew so firmly with
'

'

its

organization in accord with the ideas of the people, that

was

in after-time the ecclesiastical division

be original.

often thought to

remained as a sort of original while

it

succeeded one another on

delimitations

fresh

One

In fact

surface.

its

of the earliest examples seems to belong to this time.

Augustus had divided the City

with

some purposes grouped

Curator, and for

its

Alexander Severus

(A.D.

into fourteen Regions, each

in

pairs*.

235) amplified the powers and

232

rank of these curators and attached them as a bench for

certain causes to the Prefect of the City.

Very soon

by Alexander, Fabian
That is,
(236
apparently, he assigned two Regions to each of the Seven
Deacons. But he is also said to have created the seven sub-

after their reconstitution

250) 'divided the Regions to the Deacons".'

He

deacons.

thus took the municipal divisions, to which

attention had recently been drawn, either singly or in pairs,

into the church organization,

number of deacons.
The Presbyters
^

Diet.

54 1

p.

'

p.

Hie regiones

divisit

Lib.

635.

had

Pontif.

certain

diaconibus.

Mommsen,

septem subdiaconos.'
tors

op.

adds 'et

religious

Sueton. Augzisttts 30

Alexander

consulares

Before

the

cit.

fecit

Augustus' cura
functions

and were chosen annually by

8).

II

b-

Liberian Catal. ed.

lot (see

Dio Cass.

required

also retained the apostolic

few months

and Roman Antt.

Gk.

and

them

to

later^

adopted

were forty-six

See Harnack,

it.

Origin

of the Readership, &'c., and Essay by

Owen, with supplementary note.
J.

London, 1895.

When

the

Bern. Lipsius

Felician Catalogue {cod.

op.

cit.

p.

275) has

'

Hie

(Fabianus) regiones dividit diaconibus et

fecit

septem subdiaconibus. viiq notariis

Iv

inrainirent ut gesta

be

coUegerent...'

(Lamprid. Akx. Sev. 33)

appointment of various

On the

in

stop after

'

martyrum fideliter
not remove the

may we

subdiaconibus

'

and render

'and caused them (the deacons) to super-

kinds of governors he put their names

intend

up

notaries in order to collect the Acts of

for

objections

Christians and

to

Jews

be made,

did,'

he said, ^in

soon

passed

seven

subdeacons

and seven

the martyrs'?

^f^.

His

away,

but

43-

prczdicandis sacerdotibus.' Ibid.

organization

'as

Letter of Cornelius, Eus.

H. E.

not so the Christian, which apparently

52

vi.

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

68

number

century

later) there

and since

been concluded too

of one

the persecution of Diocletian (half a

in

were 'upwards of forty basilicas^'

hastily''

This

basilica.

is

has

it

that each presbj^er had charge

contrary to

we know

all

of early

Only in the smallest country places were churches

collegiate.
To each of the deacons there was a
anything but
subdeacon and six acolytes. Exorcists, readers and door-

organization.

watchers amounted to

fifty-two.

Such was the administrative body required

thousand^ Christians of

Rome

for the fifty

the middle of the third

in

century, and such as remained at liberty of the seven* great

Treasurers or Visitors, called Deacons, together with the forty

more

or

Presbyters,

conduct of internal

Optatus,

ii.

4.

now took
affairs

Neander thinks

number must be exaggerated

basilicas

were not public

and of the

this

but these

buildings, but

those which were frequently attached

R. Bum, Rome and

Campagna, p. 1. The need for dispersion and small congregations entirely
to great houses.

the

Many

explains the number.

of these

like private chapels, while in

would be

commission the Episcopal

in

relations with other

and virgins receiving alms (3000) to the

whole number of Christians (100,000).
Chrysostom, ed. Bened.

The

810.

200,000,

id. II.

tend to

make

the proportion of

Christians

Burnet {Travels in Switzerland,

Italy...

at

this

officers (p.

c.

xv. to

il-

lustrate the insignificance of the Chris-

who

tians,

thus amounted to less than

Address

on Missions,

importance of these high

At

114).

present

we may

notice that seven remained at

the

fixed

number

deacons

seven

century the Elect to the See of

net estimates from the

'

500 widows, vir-

who

received

H. E.

vi. 43.)

verified

'

relief.

(Cornel, ap. Eus.

His reckoning

is

roughly

by the ascertained proportion,

widows

three per cent, at Antioch, of the

The

college of cardinals retains the form of

me too large rather than too small.

gins and thlibomeni or afflicted people

Rome

deacons.

of

one twentieth of the population, seems to

Bur-

the

proportion

later opportunity will occur for

proved by W. Moyle ( IVorks,

and accepted by Gibbon

in

(Macmillan, 1873.)

illustrating the

p. 152)

we might conclude

be fewer

time.

S.P.G.

to

(1685-86), ed. 1724, pp. 217-210), ap11.

widows

and dependent children larger in the

capital. From the monuments also Bp.
Lightfoot thinks

By Routh, Hel. S. vol. III. p. 60.

This estimate formed by Bishop

But we must

p. 597.

always a consessus.
3

pp. 658,

consider that the incessant wars would

the regularly used ones there would be

vii.

population of Antioch was

still.

Until

the

9th

Rome

was always a priest or deacon, the latter

by preference. See Duchesne, Orig. du
Culte Chretien, p. 349 n.

On the

other

hand Constantinople in Justinian's time

had a hundred deacons. Routh, vol. in.
p. 61.

THE CONFESSORS AT ROME.

II. II.

Churches, particularly that of Carthage.

69

Their tone was at

by the powerful character of one whose

him at last from a Church which he
seemed born to govern, and by others whose rigid counsels
sounded more impressively from their dungeon depth, and

first

chiefly influenced

stern uncharity severed

who were saved

tionate

we

to the cause of unity only through the affec-

wisdom of Cyprian. Of the

first

great Puritan, Novatian,

have occasion to speak more

shall

Two

fully.

of the

Presbyters, the aged Moyses, probably of Jewish birth, and

Maximus, whose gravestone possibly

still

confronts

us

in

the Vatican^; two of the Deacons, Rufinus and Nicostratus,

the latter afterwards an active propagator of Novatianism in

own

Cyprian's

were thrown into prison

diocese,

at the time**

of

Fabian's execution, along with the laymen' Urbanus, Sidonius,

Macarius^ and with one Celerinus, who deserves more than

This man's story not only

passing mention.

is

a remarkable

illustration of the time, but tessellated together, as

to be, out of

many

it

requires

distant allusions in scattered letters,

it

is

one of the most interesting proofs of the genuineness of the

whole correspondence.

It is

morally impossible that such a

complete tale could be recomposed out of such slight touches,

were those touches not truthful

most ingenious forger

then to have dotted
his

aim by one

every passage

in

it

to

morally impossible

for the

have constructed a character and

about so fragmentarily as not to support

cross-reference.

It

is

only by writing out

which his name occurs, comparing these with

the African commemorations of confessors, and with a passage

of Eusebius^ that

we

extract the following narrative.

Rome.
His grandmother Celerina had died by martyrdom in some
Celerinus was a native of Carthage, established in

The

loculus

xix. 5.
^

p.

MA3EIM0T

de Rossi, R. S.

^vripov),

See below
28.

p. 162,

vol.

note

nP(e<rI.

tav.

4.

'...primores et duces. ..sur-

gentis belli impetus primes... fregistis.'

3

Note

in

Ep.

49.

'...Maximum

presbyterum... ceteris...'
*

Probably a Carthaginian.

Ep. ii.

Tillemont, vol. ni. p. 441,

4; 51. i.
confuses him with Celerinus.
'

H. E.

vi. 43.

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

JO

earlier persecution: so

had her son and son-in-law, Laurentinus

and Egnatius, both of them

They were commemorated

soldiers in the

Roman

army.

Church as Cyprian
records \ and the African kalendar yet retains their names
in the African

Augustine preached'^

on the 3rd of February.

dedicated to Celerina, and

it

a church

in

was given up to the Arians

under Genseric'.

At

when

the time

Rome was

the Bishop of

Celerinus was tortured in the presence

it

executed,

would seem of Decius

A Carthaginian friend of his, Lucian, a man of humble

himself

and small reading^ congratulates him in a misspelt, ungrammatical letter^ upon having prevailed against the chief
birth

'

Cornelius, bishop of

Snake, the Quarter-master of Antichrists'

Rome, mentions

this

same Celerinus in a Greek

letter to

Fabius^

of Antioch as having 'borne every sort of torture and mightily

overcome the adversary,' and he mentions him

with Sidonius (a Punic name) and others with

former allusion
tortures

were we

in

learn from a quite different

in the course of the

about December conveyed

A.D. 250,
'

who by

this time, as

whom

the

What these
source^ He was

Cyprian also connects him.

from prison

liberated

company

in

we

shall see,

mentions having seen the

year A.D. 250, and

from Moyses to Cyprian",

letters

was

in retirement.

Cyprian

terrible scars of his torture,

and

witnessed the broken health which had resulted from nineteen

days

He

in

the stocks under irons almost without food or water.

speaks of him as the earliest of the

persecution, 'the

this

first

Roman

sufferers in

at the conflict of our time,' 'the

standard-bearer in front of Christ's

soldiers.'

His history and

that of his family, as well as his personal character, which

Ep. 39. 3.
Aug. Serm. 48.

"

Morcelli,

Vit.

I.

Ep.

It

vol.

p. xlviii.,

II.

p.

65.

Victor

Ep.

Eus. Lc.

(3).

1-.

should

be

read

in

Hartel's

edition with the remarks in his preface

22.

'Metatorem.'

p_ ^g. 1,2.
Ep. 39. 2.
^" Ep.
37. i.

I.

on the vulgar tongue.

CELERINUS CONFESSOR.

II. II.

/I

Cyprian describes as that of an honest and sturdy confessor,

'

'

self-restrained,

'

and awe that

guarded and shamefast, with

our

befit

religion,'

made

the lowliness

all

the Bishop desirous to

him among the clergy of his native place, and he proposed

But as he had been in a manner
to make him a Reader\
naturalised at Rome, Cyprian explains the step somewhat
The 'glorious looks and
laboriously to the clergy there.
modest bearing of one who now lived only through a kind
enrol

of resurrection' would, at his daily reading of the Gospel ^

A vision

the brethren to some imitation of his faith.

stir

which

young man had overcame some scruples of his, and he

was ordained along with the young Aurelius, who had himself
the

been a 'Victor' before both the native magistracy and the

proconsul'.

To

each were assigned at once the daily com-

mons and monthly

dividends of a presbyter, and they were

designate for seats on Cyprian's Bench,

when they should be

of age to take that rank.

The martyr
of the family.
sister

however had not nerved every member

spirit

His

sister

Candida had offered

His

sacrifice.

Etecusa or Numeria, while actually on the ascent of

The Three Fates some

sum of money to be excused.

the Capitol, found at the Chapel of

officer to

whom

Both were cut

she paid^ a

from communion, and then

off

and compare

Ep.

...cottidic.evangelica

39,

46

38.
lectio...

Ep.

middle ages

Ep. 38.

'Numeria...thisis what

I.

have ever

li

[sc.

called Etecusa, because she counted out

tale et

(numeravit) bribes for herself to avoid

xi.

I fear

Celerinus cannot be

Ep. 21.
This passage does not seem to have

acquitted of this bitter

3.

jest.

been taken into account in

illustrating

the topography of the slope

of the

See Burn's Rome and the

Campagna, p. 131. The temple of the
Tria Fata was not, as Goldhorn (p.
Capitol.

the

to

Temple of

Monday

Easter

'intrat

the

in

sub arcu triumpha-

Sept. Severi] inter tcmpltim Fa-

templum

Concordice,^

Auct. Benedict,

Germain Mus.
this agrees

25,

of remorse

but higher up, for the Papal

procession on

39. 4.

sacrificing.'

says, close

n.)

Janus,

full

who

t% ayopq.

ap.

Ital. il. p.

Ordo Rom.

Mabillon and
143; and with

Procopius de Bella Gotth.

i.

says the temple of Janus

is

irp6 tov ^ovXevrrjplov

Con-

(i.e.

cord) dXiyov vTrep^avn tA rpla (para.

When

Anastasius in the passages

luded to by Pearson (^. Cypr.

250,

s.

xiv,

which

will

be found in

al-

A.T).

Vit.

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

72

devoted themselves to the sufferers

and especially to the

relief

whom now

they envied,

of their compatriots, the refugees,

who, driven from Carthage by the

found like other

edict,

among

foreigners their obscurest hiding-place

the crowds of

Rome. These they met upon their landing at Portus^ and

had no less than sixty-five of them under their care at one
and their case
Celerinus pleaded for their restoration
time.
was heard by the Roman presbytery*. But their readmission
was postponed until the election of a new bishop. The
temporary adhesion of Celerinus and his friends to Novatian
;

at that election will be noticed in

Ap.

7,

It

was

its

close on Easter A.D. 250

place.

when

his sisters yielded, so

'Day of Joy' and its whole season were spent by him

in sackcloth and ashes and tears.
At last in utter agony for
Candida's Death to Christ,' he wrote an affecting but ill-

that the

'

He

judged appeal to Lucian at Carthage'.

confessors

suffering

there

interpose

to

prevailed on the

unmeasured

their

popularity in subversion of the judgment of the constituted

authorities of the Church.

fatal

system thus simply originated, which presently

began to threaten the whole organization of the Church.

Of

We

Genuineness in Nomenclature.

must pause upon certain exceptions

to the

the correspondence in which the above account

first,

however, ask whether

it

is

is

genuineness of

extant.

We may

possible that a tale such as this

could be sown in such minute fragments over such a number of

epistles as

a glance at the footnotes exhibits unless that tale were

anno

Honor, i. Labbe, vol. vi. c. 1419 and

Vit. Hadriani i. Labbe, vol. vin. cc.

illustrations

505 and 512), speaks of S. Adrian and

of SS. Cosmas and Damian as being

erection

'in Tribus Fatis,' this can only

S. Jerome's friend, of a hostelry there

mean,

as Bunsen saw, that

the

(or ? north side) of the

Forum came

be so called.
^ See
Rossi,

Bollettino

lower end
to

di Archeol.

Crist.,

iv.

p.

50,

for

interesting

of the necessity for such

provision at

Portus

particularly the

by the senator Pammachius,

for Peregrini.
^

Prsepositi,

p^

21. 2.

Ep. 21.3.

(THE LETTERS GENUINE.)

II. II,

73

and then again that Eusebius should have preserved such a

it, and that even a title of a sermon of Augustine
should incidentally illustrate it ? or what object could possibly have
been served by inventing such a character and then taking such
true;

corroboration of

extraordinary pains to avoid presenting

The

critic^

it

as a whole

ingeniously argues against the genuineness of the

from Rome and the reply of Lucian from Carthage 2, on the ground that they would evince an incredibly 'close
and intimate connexion' between the two Churches. 'The Roman

letter of Celerinus

(to the African Confessor) by

and Severianus, and the Sixty-five African Con'fessors who had been cared for by his lapsed sisters, joined in it.'
He then quotes the greetings sent from Rome by Macarius and his
sisters Cornelia and Emerita, by Satuminus [a confessor], your
brethren Calpumius and Maria,' &c., and Lucian's counter-greetings
to the same persons, and to 'Collecta, Sabina, Spesina, Januaria,
'Dativa, Donata, Saturus with his...^ Bassianus and all the clergy,
Uranius, -A.lexius, Quintianus, Colonica, &c., Alexius, Getulicus' and
from his own sisters Januaria and Sophia.' From these extracts he
argues that, if they ever formed portions of real letters, the Churches
must have been neither more nor less than one family: that these
common names without further description would have conveyed no
distinctive information between Rome and Carthage that, as it was
impossible that there could be such intimacy between such places,

he says, 'supports his prayer

'

confessor,'

stating that Statius

'

'

'

'

'

the letters cannot be authentic.

The

ingenious

critic

conceives a letter in some persecution in

New York and writes out a parallel list

names and surnames.
This was no doubt more diverting than to trace laboriously the

England

to a Christian in

of vulgar

history of Celerinus, and to arrive at the fact that he was not 'a Roman
Confessor' writing to a Carthaginian, but a Carthaginian resident in

among the Christians

who must have been well and widely known among
them. All the names mentioned on both sides are but twenty-two,
and of these several are brothers and sisters, surely not a very
large circle. Then, it must be observed as natural, that the more
Rome, whose

family were eminent sufferers

of Carthage and

numerous remembrances are those sent from Carthage which the

refugees had been quitting for Rome, and they are sent through the
persons who were receiving and caring for them. One of those
Now mark that in Ep. 8. 3 the
saluted is Bassianus a cleric.
;

Roman
1

Mr

clergy advise the clergy of Carthage of the arrival at

Shepherd's First Letter,

p. 12,

Ep.

friends

^c.

Epp. 21 and

22.

'

22.

3.

Cum

is sufficiently

Rome

suis 'with their

familiar.

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

74

of Bassianus seemingly as bringing letters and, according to usage^,

a Cleric

Mr

S.

Carthage

'

common names in
The argument tells the other way. They are
names, much more common in Carthage (as inscrip-

thinks

it

suspicious that the 'most

are used.

Carthagitiian

tions testify) than

elsewhere.

This

Names

is

He

Victor, Donatus, Donata, Januaria.

of those he quotes

true

should have added Dativa.

God's Gift are as Phoenician as they are

But also Getulicus, Satuminus, Uranius point to the
country and to the Punic worship which they represent. How
should 'a Gaulish Bishop in the 5th century, a stranger to Africa,
in the days of Caesarian, Bishop of Aries,' forge with such nicety
as to evolve so appropriate a list of names ? But again the names are
not all common. Is Spesina a familiar name to Mr S.? He will
not find it in all the thousands of inscriptions in Muratori and
Gruter. Yet it does occur just where it should if these letters
are genuine. It is the name of a martyr in the African Kalendar^.
[And since this was written it has appeared in several African
expressive of

'

'

Hebrew.

inscriptions^]

On

Eteaisa

and Numeria.

Etecusa the Carthaginian obtained exemption from sacrificing at

payment. Her brother Celerinus entreats that the first
martyrs selected for death among the prisoners at Carthage may
istis sororibus nostris NutnericB et Candidae tale peccatum remitNam hanc ipsam Eteaisam semper appellavi...^za pro se
'tant.
'dona 7inmeravit ne sacrificaret' {Ep. 21. 3). As translated by
Dr Wallis 'our sisters Numeria and Candida, for this latter I
have always called Etecusa... because she gave gifts,' the passage is,

Rome by
'

as he observes, 'altogether unintelligible.'

et

aecusam

Hence the conjectures

ad Ep. 21), and

{aeKovaav), arvxova-av (Dodwell, Diss,

No

Hartel's excusatam.

various reading except Ettecusam and et

recusant.

Let us observe however that Nunieria is not a real praenomen

ix. 55)
that the whole letter fails in taste and in
grammar ; that hanc ipsafn may perfectly well be predicative and
(Varro, Ling. Lat.

that hajic need

not refer to the last

would more commonly be istam.

Numeria is the sobriquet which
"^

See Epp.

7,

8,

9,

35,

36,

44,

45, &c.
2

Jun.

ap. Morcelli, vol.

vii. Id....Spisin3e.'

named, who

p.

369 'M.

this

Latin

Hence we may understand

that

Celerinus says he has affixed to

^

C.I.L.vm.

4687. 4935. 5804.

Ii.

in

pesina 150,

all

\.

Spesina 2 if)2.^^i^2.
Spessinia 5190.

Numidian.

Is-

THE PERSECUTION AT CARTHAGE.

II. III.

75

she paid {numeravit) for immunity. * Ask remission for these sisters of mine Numeria and Candida, for so

his sister because

*

'indeed {hanc ipsam

by

particular

this

always called Etecusa, because she paid

from

name Numeria) have I

down bribes to be excused

sacrificing.'

We

Tecusa

find

in

de Rossi, R. S.

vol.

ll.

tav.

Ivii.

(6),

same

of a martyred uncle of Celerinus in the

(Laurentius, omn. edd. exc.

'

Laurentinus

persecution, Ep. 39. 3

').

[In the indexed volumes of C. Inscrr. Latt.

Tecusa (Taecusa once)

occurs in 6 inscriptions, of which 3 are African, vol.

Lambzese, 8261 Aziz ben

Tellis, viii.

ii.

in

name

conjunction with Laurentius, which (or Laurentinus) was the

viii.

3306 at

i.

Hadrumetum

10505

2 Sar-

and i at Ostia (vol. XIV.) 1657. There

under Diocletian), 18 May, Basil
is a martyr Tecusa at Ancyra
Menolog., Migne'/'/r. Gr. v. 117, c. 464. Acta Sanctt. Bolland.
dinian

(vol. X.

ii.)

7590, 7943;

(.*

(j.

die)^

There

may be

is

no instance of Etecusa and

best.

The

v.l.

to

read

Et Tecusam from T(^

it.
And it suits

et recusant strongly supports

Celerinus' emphatic style.

We

Rome

should then have an interesting trace of the family at

and of Tecusa's

restoration.

III.

The Perseaition at Carthage.

The
the two

The

i.

'

Stantes.'

episode of Celerinus links together the sufferers of

cities.

Great had been the dismay caused by the

arrival of the edict at Carthage.

some simple test of

The Bishop of the

It

required from everyone

unchristianity before a specified

day\

was expressly named, and

probably he alone. But anyone who failed to 'profess' might
be legally summoned and interrogated. Some were dragged
'

Christians

before the magistrates and

The numbers who

some maltreated by the populace.

suffered

were possibly not great, but

their sufferings were intense.

tion,

The

edict prescribed confisca-

banishment, mine-labour, imprisonment with starvation

as penalties, and torture as the

^

'

De

Lapsis 3 '...quisque

se esse confessus est.'

= quisquis)

means of

inquisition.

professus intra

diem non

est

In each
Christianum

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

76

town
April,

The

commissioners' were associated with the magistrates.

five

tortures were not used until the arrival of the Proconsul

A.D. 350.

He

in April'.

found the severities so much abated that some

of the exiles had

tribunal

but after presiding over this

returned,

made

the capital', he

in

a tour of the province,

with his twelve dreaded fasces*, exercising such rigour that

some conspicuous confessors

under

yielded, while others died

his engines".

While the persecution of Diocletian was based on the

determination that, cost what

might, Christianity should

it

be extirpated, that of Decius at

assumed that

first

might

it

be dissipated by a mingling of ferocity with forbearance.

Primores, Ep. 43.

quinque

isti

'

3.

Persecutio

et alia est temptatio, et

est hsec alia,

presbyteri nihil aliud sunt

quam quinque

primores

illi

qui edicto

P. F. Zinus' Latin version of Greek

MS. at Venice calls

{Acta

Galesinius
seu

fectus

Baronii

fratrum corda ad letales laqueos prse-

and 482) has

eadem

varicatione veritatis averterent.

nunc

eadem

praefectus.'

'

Oct.

';

'prse-

Martyrol.

Rom.

Sirlet (ap. Cani-

Thes. Montiinm. vol.

sius,

prsefectus

861)

p.

praeses';

nuper magistratibus fuerant copulati, ut

fidem nostram subruerent, ut gracilia

'

him

SS.

pp. 422

III.

Ap. 10 and
The Menologium of Emp.

28.

'

praeses

'

eversio per

Basil has ijyenwv (Migne, Patr. Gr. V.

quinque presbyteros Felicissimo copula-

The extant Latin Acta

117, c. 396).
comes from Greek versions of the ori-

ratio,

ad ruinam

tos

That

is,

'The

rursus

salutis

inducitur,

&c.'

presbyters are

five

as

ruinous to the Church as ever the five

To

magnates were.'
visions,

it

absurd indeed.

is

It

only just as obscure as a Cyprian,

bound

to

make

But

pp. 102 sqq. Morcelli, vol.

Ep.
11.

11

p. 12

the sources of

must conclude from them that

avdiiiraroi

infr.

to

Hole.

fuit.'

Epistles,

Numidia or

prases or prafectus

to Africa

(ijyefubv)

Proper under

its

and that hence the grounds

tianus on the Roll of the Proconsuls.

others but

Tiyefiuv, i.e.

'

Prseses

';

rightly

so rendered in Bo//. Acta SS. p. 860.

and not

are not sufficient for placing Fortuna-

Terentius as suffering under Fortunati-

anus as

Proconsul or

Africa and Asia bore these

p. 102, calls

the

Mauretanias under the jurisdiction of

him Fortunatianus.
The Greek Mena:a (April. Venet. 1614)
Ap. 10 describe an African martyr

and

having

knowledge I owe to the

research and kindness of the Rev. Chas.

2.

xiii

relics

Constantinople.

These references

compare Ep. 52. 2 where he

says of Novatus ''qui in ipsa persecutionc.alia quaedam persecutio nostri
See note on

at

Terentius belonged to

it.

We may

Terentius'

Morcelli's

wanting to say so strong a thing, would

feel

Latin,

been preserved

of

or of the presbyters actually

torturing martyrs,
is

interpret

ginal

'
*

>

Ep.
Ep.

Ep.

10. 4.

37.

2.

The proconsuls of

six.

37.

I ;

Ep. 56.

I.

insignia

STEDFASTNESS AT CARTHAGE.

II. III.

TJ

the leaders with uncompromising sternness, while

visiting

allowing implicit understandings with

many

of the inoffensive

followers.

There were, however, many who instantly

perty and citizenship by voluntary exile

The

sacrificed pro-

many who sought

hiding in

the crowds of Rome.

prison

Carthage were a presbyter Rogatian, 'a glorious

at

man who had been

old

Felicissimus\

'

his absence,

man

quiet soberminded

'

Regular committals soon swelled the number.

multitude.

Women

and a

by
These were dragged thither by the

trustee of his charities,

name

inmates of the

by Cyprian, during

left

'

first

and even lads were imprisoned^ who had met with

equal defiance the threats and the kindly persuasions of the

They

magistrates^

declined to taste the sacrificial victim,

or sprinkle the incense, or to put on the liturgic

terrible cells

intense heat soon did their work*.

persons had perished there, of

one

sides

in the quarry,

was one of the

Two

veil.

were assigned to them where hunger,

thirst

and

After a short time fifteen

whom

women,

four were

and two under

be-

Mappalicus'

torture.

His limbs and sides streaming from

latter.

repeated blows of the torture-claw, he said to the proconsul

he was remanded to the

'To-morrow you shall see a

contest indeed.' Next day he was tortured again and died.
Some scenes were yet more dreadful. Maidens were not
as

spared the Lupanaria^

new

tortures^

prepared

many

cell,

Subordinates were allowed to invent

Numidicus*, a presbyter of the neighbourhood,

for death,

and then with

^ Ep. 6.
4 ; Epp. 7, 41, 4'2, 43- See
Pearson Ann. Cypr. A.D. 250 s. vi. as

to the

Roman

Martyrologies and Ba-

ronius following Bede's error in

making

his wife

i, 2.
*

Ep. 22.

Ep.

10.

memorates

Rogatian and Felicissimus Martyrs and

African.

assigning a day for their martyrdom,

and the date

whereas

their

living

example

is

the

point of Cyprian's address.

2

Ep.

Blanditia2...voce libera.

6. 3.

Ep.

10.

was tortured

2.
2.

xv Kal. Mai

Mappalicus

Morcelli, op.

in
cit.

suits this letter,

De

Ad Demetrian.

Ep. 40.

Mortalitate 15.
12.

com-

Martyrol.
11.

p. 365,

April 17,
A.D. 2.^0.

THE DECIAN PERSECUTION.

y^

by

The

fire.

wife was actually burnt alive, and he was

left

for dead, a

shower of stones having been hurled upon him at

the stake.

His daughter found him breathing

and afterwards enrolled

revived,

still

he was

in the presbyterate of the

capital.

Many

were after double torture dismissed, some into

banishment^ some to bear the brand

*

seal in their foreheads^'

beggared of

all

some

and undergo

husband to the

Some

the incense

fell

quailed and

fell,

who

their faith, forfeit their

Bona* was dragged by her

their torture'.

her reappearance from

altar, there to justify

abroad; but exclaiming 'The

as a second

life,

resume former occupations,

to

they possessed.

on second thoughts returned to avow

all,

for

act

is

not mine but yours' as

No

from her hand, she was exiled again.

martyrs were more honoured than Castus and ^milius, who

May

22,

A.D. 250.

such recantation were burnt to death^

for

The devouring

martyrdom was still in the

The Crowned.' The
fervid temperament of Africa was aflame.
Rhetoric apostroGloom more brilliant than
phised
The Happy Prison
the Sun himself^
yet even such rhetoric seems colder to
passion

for

already survivors envied

future, yet

'

'

'

common

us than the everyday terms of their

called every such death a

'

speech which

Confession in blossom,' a

'

Purple

Confession^'
Still at

the very

summit of

their

enthusiasm their leader

never suffered them to forget that enthusiasm was not the

which bathed

solid height itself but only a glory

'

speaketh the things that

pp.

Pont. Vit. 7

tium

make

14. 21.
'...tot

notatarum

signatos et ad

confessoresfron-

Ep.
Ep.

De Lapsis

cclxxxv. on their day.

Ep.

...in

i;

6.

13, see Augustine's ser-

that

This was

i.

tam

florida confessione

floridiores

{i.e.

orum ministerium,
Ep. 42.

24.
24.

'He

22, Morcelli, vol. II. p. 368.

inscriptione

stites reservatos...'
'

mon
May

it,

peace and are good and

martyrii super-

secunda

exemplum

for

Ep.

21.

martyres)...floridi21. 3.

Rutilorum,

FAILURE AT CARTHAGE.

II. III.

'just,
'

79

according to the bidding of Christ, he

it is

who

is

the

daily Confessor of Christ V

But how great a step had been gained in human thought

and feeling when numbers of delicate and educated persons
surrendered all that made life beautiful or even tolerable and

and unendurable, simply because

immortality had become a certainty, and the revelation of
God's character and Christ's presence a reality amid a world
accepted

that was hideous

all

of scepticism and

vice.

The Persecution at Carthage,

The

2.

'

Lapsi.'

Nevertheless, where these sober truths rose into passionate

sentiment there also the sensibilities to suffering and to

Nor had

were equally high-strung.

ridicule

the recent

make

of the Church been so rigorous or disciplined as to

under

constancy

trial

characteristic

of

its

life

masses.

Yet

Cyprian, in spite of long forebodings of what under such

circumstances would be the result of the worldly habits of

the bishops and the gentile associations and extravagance of
the laity, was not prepared for the

first

spectacle

Even he was appalled

arrival of the edict.

faithless Christians to the CapitoP or to the

amid the
deferred

jeers of the populace

and newly-baptized

to drop incense from their small fingers.

/>. 13. 5.

De

Laps.

Byrsa or

160)
8,

'

canon

ConciL

ed.

Ep. 59.

59,

The

13.

So elsewhere

Idolura Capitolii

recognised term.
vira,

cf.

Bozrah.

municipia the

rush of

to sacrifice

their unwillingness to be

their piteous production of children

Forum

morning, when darkness closed upon their throng,

till

upon the

at the

'

in
is

See Council of Eland Hefele {H. d.

Delarc, vol.

I.

pp.

159,

upon

Capitol

At Cologne the old

it.

is still

so called.

Compare with
by Cyprian the
tive of

infants

Most of the clergy

the scenes just touched

painfully graphic narra-

Alexandrian events by Dionysius.

Eus. H. E.

vi.

41.

INCENSERS AND SACRIFICERS.

80
>/fledS

some

lapsed'; there remained in the city scarce

Many

on the daily duty*.

to carry

Rome*. One at

least,

enough

provincial bishops fled to

Repostus of Tuburnuc, carried the main

part of his flock back to paganism*.

Even

in

Rome

moment

there were fears at one

'

brotherhood should be completely rooted out by

'

long return to idolatry'.'

literal

Although

it

may

or

lest

this

may

'the

head-

not be a

statement that the lapsed at Carthage were 'the majority

of the flock V yet their Bishop

may

amid the ruins of his house.'

Thus were being formed the vast

well have felt 'like one

sitting

classes of 'the Incensers'

and 'the SacrificersV whose

self-excision from the body of

was palpable. The act of the latter class was held the
more odious whether from the fuller ceremonial, or from the
material pollution ascribed to the victim's flesh. Yet greater

Christ

perplexity resulted from the conduct of others who, although

not stronger to confess their

The

faith,

were

constitution of the courts which

and the number of inferior

employed

officials

attempted to deal with individual

any evasions which

As

in the

still

Ep.

Ep. 40.
Ep. 29.

beliefs,

in a service

which

opened a door to

was possible also

to tender

who

'professed' in this

VIII. I, p. 121).

G. Wilmanns assigns

of one

the bishops 'Tubumicenses' of A. D. 411

Ep. 30. 8.
* Ep. 59. 10.
Tuburnuc was a small
municipium and Hot-Wells, about 12
^

miles south of the Gulf of Tunis, or 22

from Carthage.

it

The name

34. 4.

Tissot

advertence?) makes

II.

this

780 (by

in-

one

of

see

'emplacement inconnu,' but in pi. viii.

marks the place, which is no doubt the
see.
In Numidia was a Bov^oijpviKa
KoXuvia (Ptol.), an oppidum civium Ro-

manorum

it.

days of Trajan, the approved form of profession was

to take part in sacrifice, but

bold to abjure

friendship, favour, or cupidity could devise.

allegiance in writing^

less

had to enforce uniformity,

(Plin.), {Corp. Inscrr.

Latt.

and 646 to the latter. Morcelli, vol. I.

One
p. 333, gives them to the former.
would naturally place Cyprian's Repostus nearer to him.

No trace remains

of any place answering to Hartel's Sutunurcensis,

censis,

or the readings

Sutumu-

Quoturnicensis, Sutun-urcensis,,

Utunurcensis.

'

Ep.

8. 2.

-^PP-

n.

'

14.

i-

Thurificati, Sacrificati.

'

See below the note on the Libelli.

'LIBELS' OF CONFORMITY.

II. III.

8l

form was subscribed either to a renunciation of Christianity,

or to a denial of that crime, or else to a statement of having

recently or habitually attended sacrifice, and sometimes (unless

Augustine^ has

an unlikely error) to a mere declara-

fallen into

This document was delivered to

tion of readiness to comply.

a magistrate, entered on the Acta, and finally published in the

Forum.
In the persecution of Diocletian timid Christians were

sometimes represented
heathen friend

the altar by a slave^ or by a

at

sometimes attendants

slipping past the altars without

lation ^

It

would seem that

connived

their

at

making the ob-

actually

Decian persecution too a

in the

proxy* sometimes performed the act which the accused

wards claimed

came

as his

own

later to light, the

after-

while in heartrending cases, which

heads of families often dechristianized

and dependants from

themselves to deliver wife, children

beggary and torture^

Venal or kindly fraud provided further a

from molestation.

Certificates

at

different security

high rates of payment

were offered and almost thrust on persons who believed

a

themselves, after

private

avowal of their

to

faith,

be

simply purchasing exemption from the obligation to conform.

This

a species

is

given offence"; but

it

is

of confiscation and has seldom

evident,

from the endeavours of

Cyprian to awaken penitence on account of them, that the

contents of these certificates or 'libels' were not unobjection-

Indeed

able.

it

is

impossible that they can have sanctioned

exemption without some grounds being

alleged.

Nor can

those grounds have been any other than that the certifying

if

Aug. de Bapt.

Petr. Alex. cc. 6, 7.

c.

Donatt.

iv.

The

(6).

Routh,

op. cit. p. 28.

slave,

See note on

Libelli, p. 82.

a Christian, received in such a case

'

Ep.

55. 13.

T&vt.defug.

On

the Montanist view, however,

one year's penance and his master

Routh, Rel. S.
3

three.

vol. iv. pp. 29, 30.

Petr. Alex. Can. 5.

For

this of-

5,

12, 13.

see Tillemont, Notes sur la PersScut.

de Dice, n.

iii.,

vol. ill. p. 702.

fence the penance was of six months,

B.

THE

82

LIBELLATICS.

magistrate had satisfied himself of the sound paganism of

the recipient.

The unworthiness of

these transactions must not mislead

us into conceiving that Christian truth had

those
ficates

who were concerned

in

them\

'

hold upon

little

Parliamentary

certi-

of conformity were in our strictest age given and

'

received

by the

pretext of

strictest Puritans

and churchmen without any

Intense devotion to formal truth has to the

fact.

southern and eastern temperament seemed often not inconsistent with insensibility to fine

much

lurking source of so

To

veracity.

and

false doctrine

detect that

false practice

was a part of Cyprian's moral office, and he speaks of the

tears of sorrow and surprise with which many first recognised
the gravity of the

Even Peter

fault.

of Alexandria, in the

midst of similar displeasure with the Lapsed under Diocletian,

cannot forbear, before he passes on to place the

in its true

light, to

heathen power

glance at

its

calling his flock

When we

befooling dull ones.'

'

sin

aspect as a mockery of
clever, designing children

are treating of Africans

or

we cannot infer that there was

no truth of conviction because we find that conviction was
To them the system came so naturally, that
dissembled.
when enquiries began it was found that the numbers of these

Romans

'

in the third

Libellatics

self

'

century

or certificated persons with

had to deal amounted

0}i the
I

have

Form and

in the text

whom

Cyprian him-

some thousands^

to

Contents of the Libelli.

presented a correct account,

believe, of the

various ways in which the vast class of Libellatici arose.

The

diffi-

cuhies raised by various authors have arisen from their assuming

that the Libelli were all of one kind, or that there could be any
systematic and regular procedure for the evasion of procedure^.
^

De Laps.

Ep.

Tillemont

I'autre.'

27.

10. 1.

tinction
(vol.

perceived there
'Peut-estre

in. p.

702) alone

might be two ways.

que Ton

faisait et

Tun

et

Dom

Maran thought

been present or not

their

the dis-

was only whether persons had

names.

Vit.

at the registering of

Cypr.

vi.

Fell, iff/. 30) that the libelli

Rigalt (ap.

were decl,ara-

II. III.

(ON THE LIBELS.)

On

means would of course be

the contrary, every conceivable

Accounts

adopted.

are

not

irreconcilable

Cyprian's language

different things.

83

they

only describe

accurate to technicality in

is

the use of professional terms.

The

(i)

characterized in

libellus

De

which the suspected men tendered

Laps. 27,

et ilia professio est

quod fiierat'^ abnuentis.' In Ep. 30. 3 Professio

again the exhibition or putting in of such statements.
elsewhere the technical term, Christi negationem sc7-ip-

tatio est christiani

libellorum'
Profiteri

tam

clearly

is

denegantis, contes'^

is

'

is

SS. Agapes, Chionae, Irenes, &c., Ruinart, Acta

Mart., Ratisb. 1859, pp. 424 52. Again, contestatio means the plea
profiteri^ Act.

own

made by either party to a suit it

Athenian Courts the Roman clergy
correctly argue in Ep. 30. 3, that although a man may not have
approached the altar, he must take the consequences (tenetur) if he
has put in a legal affirmation {contestatus sit) that he had done so.
In the above passages a Libellus is plainly a document emanating
from the recanting Christian. Such persons are in Peter of Alexandria (Can. V.) described as giving a libellus, x^poypa^jjo-airef.
The nature of the contents of it is indicated in the passage of the De
Lapsis 27, He has declared himself to have done whatever evil
another actually did' {faciendo commisit), which implies a repreor statement of his

answers

case

to the Biufioala of the

'

sentative in the sacrificial act.

The

offence of the Bishop Martial {Ep. 67. 6)

with the

libellus of idolatry,' is

who was

'

stained

explained by the use of the word con-

Ducenary Procurator
apud D. P.) he had appeared, and put in a
declaration that he had denied Christ and adopted a heathen cultus.
He is not accused of having ever actually sacrificed, and the libelli
In the public proceedings before the

testatus.

(actis publice habitis

of others, as Augustine says, contained only a declaration of readiness

to

do

so.

(2)

the

second class {sed etiam) are spoken of by Novatian and

clergy in Ep. 30. 3 as having virtually 'given acknow-

Roman

ledgments, quittances or discharges^' (accepta fecissent), though not

tions either of heathenism or of Christianity,

but tendered (the latter with

bribes)

only by the people, and

given by magistrates

they were magisterial

certificates only.

ale,

is

matched
law

76.

This peculiar phrase occurs again

ad Demetr. 13, 'id quod prius fueram.'
2 So Aug. de Bapt. c. Donatt. iv.
^

Accepta fecissent

is

apparently the
Accepta fa-

best authenticated reading.

cere

his inscience of every technical

term, pp. 66

(6) '...se thurificaturos pro/essi erant.^

Fechtrup that

Fechtrup's special pleading

by

not

is

common

s.v.

term (Dirksen,

accepto acceptum).

Mann-

But the

other reading, arfa/zffr<f, which Neander

adopts,
ing.

is

equally possible here in mean-

It is 'to

process.'

Inter

'

facta sunt.'

put in a plea in a legal

quem et

creditorem acta

Scaevola ap. Forcellini.

62

THE RETIREMENT OF CYPRIAN.

84

They had put in a legal appearance

by commissioning a proxy to register

present in person (cum fierent).

{...prasentiam suam...fecissent)
their

names on

the magistrates'

list

of conformity (/ sic scriberentur

Novatian argues that as one who orders a crime is

responsible for it, so one who sanctions (consensu) the reading in
public (publice legitur) of an untrue statement about himself is
liable to be proceeded against as if it were true.
II.
The other kind of libellus which emanated not from the

mandandd).

renegade but from the magistrate is described with equal precision.

In the letter to Antonian {Ep. 55. 14) Cyprian says some of the
An opportunity
Libellatici had received {acceptus) such a libellus.
for obtaining one had presented itself unsought {pccasio libelli
oblata...ostensa\ and they had in person or by deputy {mandavt)
gone to a magistrate, informed him that they were Christians and paid
a sum to be exempted from sacrificing. But as no magistrate could
issue an order simply staying the execution of an edict, his certificate
must have contained a statement of the satisfactory paganism of the
This is why Cyprian tries to awaken their consciences,
holder.
while they themselves were disposed to plead that they had avowed
their religion and that the form of the document was the magistrate's
affair.

Again, in the
libellus is offered

Ad

Fortunatum

them

malum

the gift {decipientium

who

c.

11

Christians are urged

occasione) not to

{libelli... oblata sibi

munus), by the example of Eleazar

refused the facilities offered

him by

the officers {a ministris

regis facultas offerretur) for eating lawful flesh as a

The

if a
embrace

make-believe

each case would have

enabled them to seem to do what they did not. The libellus is here
something offered and is a munus.
Nothing is more clear than that the libel included two kinds of

for swine's flesh.

documents.
tion

name

connivance

Whether any document was

not clear, but

is

official

Libellatici.

all

in

issued in cases of registra-

three sorts of persons are included in the

[See Appendix,

p. 541.]

IV.
The Retirement of

Cypriati.

While these scenes were passing Cyprian was away from

He had left it before the end of the month of
city..
January^; so suddenly that Caldonius writes to him as if

the

unaware of
^

his departure^
Lipsius, op.

cit.

p. 200.

The

place of his retreat

^

Ep. ^\.

is

un-

THE REASONS FOR

II. IV.

He made

known \

over part of his

one of the presbyters Rogatian,

IT.

still

85
large property to

for the use of the sufferers,

The

forwarding further instalments to him as need arose*.

populace sought for him with

cries

Dec.
j^^"*^'

^^-

^S'

of Cyprian to the Lions/

*

and the government published a Proscription of

him and of

his trustees^

Nothing

more remarkable than the calm

decision with which he took a step which to many would
seem questionable, and which his 'Master' had beforehand
in his career

is

His own rational view that a

branded* with disapproval.

course sanctioned by Christ was legitimate,

men

was

fo^

some

a duty, the neglect of which aggravated the guilt of any

subsequent wavering',

was not the only consideration which

Clerics engaged daily in ministrations,

and corporeal, were not free to depart, such absentees

determined his action.

spiritual

had forsaken

their special

The absent bishop

calling.

re-

served their restoration, upon their returning, for the decision

of the whole plebes, and suspended during the interval their
*

monthly

So wide was the

dividend*.'

statesman, he inevitably and

and

their functions

any one spot was

in

later,

own.

The presence

infinitely less

It

when

his death

seemed

Pearson and Tillemont in giving

him Victor

Deacon

to

him

likely to be at last

spondence was

companion

p.

must rely on the spurious close of j>.

13, which is given only in Rigalt's
'codex remensis,' yet taken into the
text by Baluze, and on Ep. 5, where
the name is spurious, omitted by Hartel.

-^//- 66. 4

Tertull. de

The

of the bishop on

important than uninterrupted

was not the martyrdom of a saint which

question b ut the maintenance of rule
Some years

government.

was

his

line which, like a true

unshrinkingly drew between

the

for a

scientific construction of history

without evidence

is

illustrated

by O.

Ritschl's statement that the place

must

have been known to the magistrates, or

easily discoverable because

his

corre-

'

more

large,

7.
;

59. 6

Pont. Vii.

7.

Fuga in Persecutione.
De Laps. 10. The words 'Domi-

nus in persecutione secedere et

fiigere

mandavit

x.

shew

referring

'

that

it is

to

Matth.

23

not necessary to interpret

jE/. 16.

4 '...Dominus, qui
ut secederem

jussit

of 'visions, &c.' rather than of

'

Scripture,
*

Ep. 34.

4.

WORK OF RETIREMENT.

86

useful than his energies,

among

to die

he remained, against

And

his people.

braved danger

in

gladly

all solicitations,

now would he have

the activity of the presbyterate 'if the

But

conditions of his place and degree had permitted*.'

his

Carthage would have attracted danger upon

would have provoked riots in the aroused state of
Tertullus*, the devotee of prisoners and
heathen feeling'.
martyrs, was himself the prime mover' and most strenuous

presence in
others 2

Yet such a charm

advocate of the concealment of Cyprian.

invests even the most rash exposure of
will

life,

that there possibly

never be wanting suggestions that the

Cyprian's

was

life

however to

to throw

it

away.

doubts, and scepticism to

its

its

we pass to the use he made of that

eminent work sprang into light before him.
particular,

find

him blending a

life

duty of

first

Leaving fanaticism
sneers on this

His pre-

life.

Instantly

we

of devotion and eucharist^ with

and widest activity. We find him not only swaying

and sustaining the Church of Carthage; he forms and guides
intensest

the policy of the West.

the

Roman

Church.

Repelling a singular aggression of

Rome

clergy, he suggests to

The

faith

the measures of the

and polity of the Church are menaced

simultaneously by the two worst dangers

by Indifferentism

bidding for popular support with newly invented indulgences

and saintly
ideals,

merits,

"^o

and by Puritanism armed with specious

the victorious^ firmness and sweet persuasiveness

of Cyprian

it

was due that

in his

age Christianity did not

melt into an ethnic religion or freeze into a

^

Ep.

"^

Epp. 7; 14.
Ep. 43. 4.

*
*
^

Ep.
Ep.
Ep.

12.

I ;

cf.

Epp.

5.

I ;

6. i.

painful inci-

dent of one of his communions

De
"^

14. I.

nobis oblationes et sacrificia ob com-

memorationes eorum.'

I.

12. 2.

12.

sect.

*...et

celebrentur hie a

Laps. 25, see p. 108

'

is

related

infr.

Victoriosissimus Cyprianus,'

Aug.

ROMAN INTERFERENCE.

II. V.

87

V.
Interference

We

of

must pursue these

his retirement the

tJie

Church of Rome.
Immediately upon

lines in detail.

Roman presbyters and deacons, then holding

the administration of their see^ in commission during

its

vacancy, despatched two letters to Carthage, one detailing to

Cyprian himself very

martyrdom of

fully the glorious

their Jan.

own

bishop, and evidently pointing hints from his example^

the

other exhorting Cyprian's clergy to supply by their

devotion the void created by the fugitive^

'

The

'

unfaithful

'

shepherds of Ezekiel and the hireling shepherd of the Gospel,

'

the

Good Shepherd Himself and

the faithful pastorate of

'

Peter must be their warning and their pattern.

'

selves at

'

brotherhood,

'

of the lapse of some eminent and timorous persons.*

after the

Rome
in

the general fidelity of their Church in spite

remark that Cyprian's clergy

as being an

'

justified his

This,

absence

eminent person/ persecution impending^

sarcasm might perhaps have seemed

They them-

have reaped the reward of not deserting the

followed the return of their

own envoy,

Such
had

intelligible

it

sent with the news

of Fabian's martyrdom to Cyprian, and bringing back the

startling

has

news of

his disappearance.

Ultramontane ingenuity

indeed so narrated the facts^

which had communicated both

unfortunately the two

Roman

fact

But

it

and

justification,

was Carthage
and

were sent together by

the same hand, nor can the former, which has not survived,
^

Cf.

Ep.

14. 2

'...gerenda ea quae

administratio religiosa deposcit.'

2

*
*

Ep. 9. I.
Thisis^/. 8. That on Fabian is lost.
N. Marshall (London, 1717) cor-

letters

the

more exposed.'

spoils the sense

by

Ep.
his

8. i.

Hartel

comma

before

'certa ex causa.'
'

Freppel, p. 174.

Full of admira-

tion of his Church's 'traditions of vigil-

wherein you seem to think he hath

ance and universal solicitude he magnanimously sympathises with Cyprian's

acted well and rightly, as being a dis-

sensitiveness to

tinguished person, and standing as such

'an indirect censure.'

rectly

'

hath retired

for a certain reason,

'

what might have seemed

'

20,
^'

ROMAN INTERFERENCE.

88

have been

wounding than the

less

Cyprian responds

latter.

however with fervour to the eulogy on Fabian, but returns

to
Feb.,
A.D. 250.

them

their other letter with a dignified

hope that

it

may

and
him equally by its matter, its style
and even the paper it was written on\ It is indeed a singular
document. We might have wished to share Cyprian's suspicion, did not a later letter of his shew that his delicate
doubt was but a criticism of the missive^ It is, when printed
prove to be a forgery, since
a(j(jj.ggg^

j^jj^j

it

lacks both authentication

surprises

according to the genuine text, a remarkable illustration of

what has been often pointed

of

Rome

of

and the incorrectness of

style

its

out, the deficiency of the

at that period in literary cultivation.

by the

it

which emanate from

less cultivated persons,

the sense of his

him

side of the four other epistles^

and distinguish

No

the rest of the correspondence.

all

caustic criticism

Roman

came op-

to the Carthaginian Confessors*,

portunely and helpfully.

Their third Epistle was from the

strong, clear, pedantically clear, pen of Novatian^

sent after a consultation with

neighbouring bishops

Ep.

In Ep. 20. 3 he

9. 2.

it

calls

it

plainly

and quotes a passage

with a slight improvement in

'vestra scripta

'

Fechtrup

the wording.

ously thinks he had

(p. 47)

ponder-

made and now

detected the mistake.

^

due

Epp. 21

'

Bishops Present

'

and bishops then

and was

as they were

Rome

in

on

gladly learn what honour was covertly

from

further

was provoked. He had awakened them to

position and their own.
Their answer gave

assurance of support, and with a vigorous letter

full

from the

called

Church

inelegance

constructions and

its

forms of words place

these from

The

24.

The

errors are not

to the inaccuracy but to the cor-

which elsewhere
exhibits no such phenomena. See Hartel's Preface, p. xlviii.
Does charta
rectness of the text,

ipsa in Ep. 9. 2 further indicate the

poverty of the

scribe?

One would

intended for the Church of

this composition,

the

whole

Rome

upon the theory

Cyprianic

by

that

correspondence

was forged in her interest,

* These two crossed his Ep. 20, see
Ep. 27. 4, and are lost like that on

The

Fabian.

principal contents of the

former are given in Ep. 30.

was

widely

Their

Cyprian's.
30. 5)
*

is

circulated

with

3,

and it
two of

letter to Sicily

{Ep.

also lost (see p. 95).

Ep. 30

compare Ep.

On

55. 5.

Novatian's style see p. 122 and note.

THE LAPSED.

II. VI.

89

account of the persecution or other causes, for before

written they had learnt

how much they and

for seclusion
shall see,

which Novatian^

felt

own

Rome

soon as Novatian became their

last letter also

owed

on

we

case, as

had something to do with the change or at

the suppression of opinion from

Their

his

in

the Church

too that the need

It is possible

to Cyprian's preservation.

was

it

least

this subject, so

scribe.

penned by Novatian

is

in

accord with the vigorous steps which, as

we

took and proposed to take as

developed^

difficulties

thorough

shall see,

Cyprian

VI.

The Lapsed and

For

in

tlie

Martyrs.

the meantime mightier issues had blazed out.

The

merit of confessorship and the remorse of the lapsed had

come

face to face, and the conception

had been entertained

Even in Terhad by their intercession procured restoration to communion for others. He intimates a
doubt of the validity' of this system in his earliest work,
while apparently implying that it was of no long standing;
but as a Montanist, however exaggerated his language, he
shews that it had become more common under the patronage

that the faithful might mediate for the fallen.

tuUian's time certain penitents

of the contemporary bishop

Now, however,

whom

he attacks^

the question

was no longer one of the

No

contrast could be stronger

dispensation of private

sin.

than that between the Confessors and the Lapsed, and

was exhibited on a great

^

See pp. 121, 122.

Ep. 36; see p. 122, n. 3.

Ad Mart. i. Note the words

scale.

The

sufferers

dam and
Jam
*

qtii-

it

were not only

si forte.
et

in

martyras tuos effundis

banc potestatem.

De

Pudic.

c. 22.

THE MARTYRS.

90
faithful to the

Church, they were saving

its

existence \ and at

the same time demonstrating that the attractions and the

terrors of

heathenism were not powerful enough to hold the

Gratitude to them

world.

knew no bounds.

Men

wants flocked to the prisons*.

their

Ministers to

prayed

all

night

upon the earth that they might themselves be captured so

who had been tortured. The Offering'
was made regularly in their cells. From his retirement Cyprian
as to attend on those^

has to recommend

'

demonstrative sympathy*, and to

less

enjoin that only one presbyter with one deacon should per-

form that

and that these should so succeed one

service,

another as not to cause the constant attendance of any to

Every death among them was communicated

to him that he might 'celebrate the oblations and sacrifices'
of commemoration, and was calendared for future observance".
At Rome the martyred Fabian himself had made the
be remarked.

compilation of such registers a duty of the subdeacons with

their

clerks*.

few

Thaumaturgus the

years

later

substitution

for

began

under

Gregory

pagan

feasts of

wakes

over the martyred remains which he conveyed to various

localities''.

Thus everywhere the veneration

martyrs rose

for the

proportion to the magnitude of the interests at stake.

Ep. 37. 4 '...nutantem multorum

fidem martyrii vestri veritate

^

Ep.

The only

give to
*

solidastis.'

sense

intelligible

can

calumnies against Csecilian arose from

his requiring similar

prudence.

Conciles (ed. Delarc) vol.

Ep. 12.
their names
the term

2.

From

in the

I.

H.

des

list

'canonize.'

or canon arose
Csecilian,

a.d.

of a martyr, '...et

necdum

si

martyris, sed

vindicaii^ not yet acktunvledged.

title

delay necessary for

a probable explana-

is

been already observed) of

Martyr being added, though

much

later,

epigraph

the

to

of

Fabian, about whose martyrdom there

can be no question

see pp. 65, 66

and

notes.

p. 172.

the recitation of

312, rebukes Lucilla's veneration for a

relic

the

not

3.

Hefele suggests that some of the

'

The

16.

i.

tion (as has

5. 2.

^.21.

Opt.

such enrolment

in

Cyprian

sius,

'Notarii,' Felkian Catalogue (Lipop.

Minor

cit.

p.

275).

Cf.

Theolog. Works, vol.

11.

Pearson,
pp. 314,

315.
'

Greg. Nyss. 0pp.

Morell.

t. III.

p. 574, ed.

II. VI.

GROWING VENERATION FOR CONFESSORS.

himself,

who was

9I

some apprehension of the

not without

coming mischief; who had written so wisely, He who

'speaketh things peaceful and kind and righteous after the
'

'

precept of Christ,

is

every day a Confessor of Christ

'

who

elsewhere so invariably softens Tertullian's rhetoric, himself

now exaggerates

even to bad taste*

it

addressing the

in

confessors.

change had taken place even in the common

Only seventy years before this the sufferers of

significant

use of terms.

Lyons and Vienne

had, in their last prison, after their last

contests with the wild beasts, sharply reproved the application

name

to themselves of the

alone

who had

of Martyr, ascribing

followed to the death

At

Martyr' of the Apocalypse-.

we have

century

to those

it

the Faithful and

'

True

the end of the second

indeed a fragment from one

who

styles

if we rightly unLyons would have disowned. But

himself Aurelius Cyrenius Martyr^'; whom,

'

men

der^gjttl'ljim, the
Tegt^iliaia
'

of

imprisoned

addressed

early

much

martyrs designate*' and seems

ridicn^iJle growing fashion by

'

doi^flffi

only as

Christians

later to repudiate

his question,

'

and

What martyr

is

world, a petitioner for pence, a victim to

ii^yfillct in this

itod money-lender^'''

But now Cyprian uses

it

freely

of fdi vftbol are in prisons or in mines, while 'Confessor,' once

res^tj^ri^-fcr those

and

4w*riE0ight

idS^

awaiting death,

honoured as a

is

'

applied to any sufferer,

is

private confession

4ptives were in Cyprian's eyes

LoijAjv^f would

sit

with

Him

the friends of the

'

judgment,' whose inter-

in

But the faction

cc^cteififcjready avail^ in the unseen world.

^

for

now

common

Although allowance must be made

adopt the

the then freshness of metaphors

savage passage.

Freppel's

Epp.

Ep. 10, '...ce langage

toutSrewSasftit de poesie lyrique.'

De

...pnerogativa

ttbe,9J^ cannot

share

traa^jpOits^f)

'h^fiibicnaH.

E.

X^^Kll^^ell. Sac.
*

Ad Martt.

^ .Mitdia'i.

Deum

v. 2.
I.

p.

451.

22.

am

unable to

15.

Laps.

apud Dojninwn
2).

explanation of this

76. 6.

3.

eorum adjuvari apiid

possimt {Ep.

[Ep. 19.

i.

^'

18.

i)

...adjuvari

in delictis suis

Rettberg,

who

possunt

belongs to

that class of historians which thinks in-

RECOURSE TO THEIR MEDIATION.

92

which had at

them such

all

times been unfriendly to him attributed to

spiritual

supremacy on earth as threatened to

disorganize the whole fabric of the Church.

Among

the Lapsed there had at once set in a violent

revulsion, a passionate desire to recover or to reassert their

Some

place in the forsaken Church.

reappeared at the

tri-

and received sentence of exile^; some, like Castus

and .^milius, of torture and death some, like the sisters of
bunals,

Celerinus, dedicated
fessors'-

finite

themselves to the service of the con-

others entered unmurmuringly on penance of inde-

Unhappily most preferred to rely on a

duration I

At

vicarious and imputed merit.

a letter from a

first

'

martyr'

to a bishop prayed only that the case of a fallen friend might

after the restoration of peace

be examined into

a due period

of penitence and the imposition of hands being understooH

open

to be at least as necessary as after other

like the torn
tion.

falls.

Some,

and tortured Saturninus, forebore even- tikis- ^ti-

Mappalicus

in

dying requested

it

only for his Bisifcti^nd

b zi^ii^

mother*.

But the

factious

presbyters,

who

men saw so promising a

now to anticipate

devotion of these

the absent bishop, ventured

only, but

simplittl^^nd

in the

weapaftna]|riinst-.

not

sucfls flDi^iry/

even the death of the martyr which

alo^fe' ifcftild

have given validity

papers signed by

to
still

his

appeal.

living

Upon

the stl'dh^ds of

confessors they

names' of lapsed persons at the Eucharist as of

'

c^Ctfei^ Ithe

du^ rtdSbred

Then thedy USibels

penitents and gave them communion''.

began to be carelessly drawn: they sometimes

spe(^fWiJ)Cfftly
rfgoorfJiA

sight consists in the ascription of

motives to great minds, sees

guage the bidding

the factious clergy.
^

3
^

Ep.
Ep.
Ep.

for

low

in this Ian-

support against

Ep.

On Nomen

rect

nadJ adi

i6. 3.
offerre

Jbe,3Ai0 cor-

though not very lucideiijks of

L'Aubespine,

Obsci-vatt. \BixkthiL.

I.

vii. (1623), reprinted in "ftisdEsfitwn of

24.

21. 3, 4.

Optatus, 1679. (P'ieur's 0]pt^bu9JI676,

56. 2.

p. 21.)

Ep.1T.

I.

">

Ep.

A^rt6H>K
34.

t.

Cf.

Ep.

i^^

<A

THE MISUSE OF

II. VI.

whom

one of a group to

IT SYSTEMATIZED.

they were granted,

one and his family to communicate V

name

the

write';

'

Allow such an

They were

of a dead confessor, of a confessor too

so

issued

copiously',

93

issued in

illiterate to

some thousands were

that

believed to be circulating in Africa, and the very sale of

them was not beyond suspicion*. The

issue was Lucian, the old friend of

chief author of this

but very

Celerinus,

unlike him, says Cyprian, in delicacy of feeling though an

honest man, and

scantily versed in the

literature of the

Lucian had been charged, as he announced^ by a

Lord'.'

revered confessor Paul before his death in prison to bestow

'

Peace

'

name on whoever asked

in his

and he did so with

it,

only the proviso, that the recipient should, when the persecuhimself to his bishop and confess his

tion ended, present

He

lapse.

name

used similarly the

When

of Aurelius.

remonstrated with by Cyprian, he seems to have replied

almost at once by promulgating

fessors^'

an indulgence to

'

name

the

in

of

'

All Con-

All Lapsed,' and desiring Cyprian

himself to communicate this to the provincial bishops.

condition was annexed, seemingly meant for a concession,

that they should satisfy their bishop as to their conduct since
their

This extraordinary document

fall.

Cyprian regarded

Roman

'

it

its

ille

cum

Ep.

suis,'

15- 4'

Ep.

27.

I.

On

this

justified his use of the

'quod

ground Lucian

name

of Aurelius,

non nosset^', yet it can

been true in his case,
Aurelius was immediately after
literas

Ep.

'

Compare

o^uoC

Lucian,

ap.

Ep.

...quasi

ordained Lector by Cyprian.

'

...gregatim... passim...

Ep.

27.

'

Ep.

Ep.

2,^. I.

27.

i.

15. 3.

...circa intellegentiam

dominicse lectionis.'

false

at

end

Routh,

R.

of
S.

cent.
vol.

iii.

iv.

p. 5.

20. 2.

but partly

oo'TrafiETat y/i.a$ xo/>^y aTras

fjMpT'upuv

Ep.
Ep.

The

discipline*.

22. 2.

since

extant^

inconsistencies,

scarcely have

is

an outrage on

shewing a desire to escape from their

as

Communicet

as

exposed

presbyters

excused

it

23.

moderatius aliquid et tem-

perantius fieret...epistolam scripsit qua

psene

omne vinculum

fidei...et

evangelii

sanctitas et firmitas solveretur.

Ep. 27.

2.

THE MISUSE OF MEDIATION SYSTEMATIZED.

94
position

by throwing the

which

not an unfair view\

It

is

may

for a

final responsibility

moment be worth our

the modern ultramontane explanation of

on

their bishop

while to glance at
this step.

'Their

'imprudent charity' says Freppel 'had forgotten that In*

dulgences have for their object to supplement the insufficiency

'

of works of

it

satisfaction,

but not to replace them,'

How

was

then that not only Cyprian, but his supposed directors, the

Roman

presbyters,

tanism exists than

the definition of an Indul-

left after all

gence so incomplete
its

No

stronger refutation of ultramon-

attempts to write history.

The Lapsed and

the Presbyters

who encouraged them

soon despised the condition that they should

satisfy the

beyond the direct evils of the confessors'

which it ensured for the bishops,
unpopularity^
the
action lay
They must presently be seen rejecting
if they did their duty.
bishops-

but

and martyrs. Discipline was vioreverence and affection would

and
but harmony too

Avholesale both penitents

lated,

have no place under the random domination of merits. It

is not surprising that in some of the provincial towns there

was something

like actual

and that the Lapsed extorted

riot"*,

communion from the weaker presbyters by force.

From the Cyprianic correspondence it would seem that
these disorders did not exist at Rome. This was no doubt
due
in

at least in part to the powerful influence of Novatian

the exactly contrary direction over the confessors

he commends

for

maintaining

^ ...quia a multis urguebantur, dum

ad episcopum illos remittunt, &c. Ep.
Fechtrup and Ritschl take 'op36. 2.
tamus te cum Sanctis martyribus pacem

Ep. 23, as a threatening. The

confessors were too literal so to write.
So also it is impossible to credit them

Tiabere,'

with parodying the usual forms

in the

'

Evangelical discipline

attestation clause

'prsesente

whom
'
'

and

de clero

et exorcista et lectore.'
^

Ep.

35.

' Invidia,
*

Epp.

27. 3.
*

15. 4; 27. 2.

...impetus per multitudinem,

Ep.

30. 4.

Ep.

CYPRIAN'S SCHEME.

II. VII.

who

at

95

adhered to him rather than to the milder

first

These clergy sympathize with Africa and

Cornelius.

evi-

dently with Sicily\ and deplore the revolt not only there but
in 'nearly all the world,'

seem so

The vacancy

but of themselves they state 'we

have escaped the disorders of the times^'

far to

of their See was an adequate reason both for

postponement and

for patience.

It

Cyprian's correspondents

tion*.

was prudently employed,

Celerinus was the excep-

and, as a rule, sensibly accepted.

among

the

Roman

confessors

take Cyprian's view, urge humility on the Carthaginian martyrs,

and at

last

go beyond him

in strictness*.

VII.

The Cyprianic Sdieme for Restorative

For Cyprian had

become

The

essential.

dangers which
martyrs'^,

lost

no time.

Discipline.

had

distinct policy

temper of the Lapsed, the increasing

threatened, the fitness of conciliating the

it

and the approach of the feverous malarious autumn

of the old world city or the stagnant offensive water of the

Lake

of Tunis*, would brook no delay on the part of the

mention

gus...'

of a Christian Church in that island.

ceeds.

This seems to be the

Ep.

first

Seede

30. 5.

Ep.

5, 6.

30.

persecution the

exempt.

Under

Roman

Diocletian's

church was not

page of unwritten history

indicated in the epitaphs of Damasus

upon the popes Marcellus and Eusebius.
He borrows the sentiments and
is

words of Cyprian to express the similar

rebellion. Dam. Carm. xi. De S. Marcello

Martyre, 'Veridicus Rector lapsos

(^uia

crimina Jiere Pradixit miseris

omnibus

hostis

hinc odium...'
bio

amarus

Carm.

xii.

102

Rossi, Inscrr. Christ.

138; also R.

Peter Alex. Can.

5,

p. 66,

201.

cc. 384,

385.

11.

speaks of confessors

giving remission to the Lapsed under

mild form, and he appoints them a pen-

ance notwithstanding,
3

p^

Epp. 2-j, 31, 32.

Notes 3 and 4 on p. 94.
Ep. i8. i 'jam aestatem

coepisse,

tempus infirmitatibus assiduis

et gravi-

fuit

"

De

Euse-

21.3.

bus infestatum...'

Kui-As

5' t\v

iin.To\r]

aradepoO xai /Sop^os OSaros,

cata dolere: Eusebius miseros docuit sua

...iirl \ifiVT}

crimina flere.

Appian, de Rebus Punic,

Scinditur in partes vul-

II.

p.

S.

the persecution of Diocletian, but in a

furor,

Papa, 'Heraclius vetuit lapsos pec-

3,

Migne, Patr. Lat. xiii.

Hmc
S.

Even blood was shed, he pro-

viii.

99.

AND

CYPRIAN'S RULES

96
church
her

with the anxious multitudes

in dealing

So soon

gates.

despatches

the

to

PRINCIPLES.

as

the

Libels

confessors

at

who besieged

appeared

he wrote

Carthage, to his clergy,

and with peculiar warmth and confidence to

his laityS to

directions ^ to a remarkable group of

Bishops in

all

confessors,

and to the

Roman

the leadership of the able,

clergy^

who were

Roman

still

under

high-minded and austere Novatian.

This man, had he lived in some brief halcyon day when

orthodox speculation and asceticism were

might have been a scholastic

and

in the

most practical of

saint.

memory

his

appeared

in

unenviable.

At

him but the

clear

ascendant,

That, in times of conflict

all cities,

shot across his higher qualities,

in the

made

some

tinge of ambition

his position false

and

present however nothing had

and somewhat hard decisive-

made

ness which, giving point to his nobler characteristics,

him regarded as the possible head of the Roman church,

when Fabian's successor should be elected. Moyses, Maximus
and their fellow prisoners were as yet earnestly attached to
him.

To

all

whom

simple method

he

To

now addressed Cyprian proposed one

reserve the cases of the Lapsed intact,

whether the martyrs had given them Letters of Peace or

not*, until councils of bishops,

assembling both at Carthage

Rome' on the abatement of persecution, should lay

down some general principles of restoration for those who
deserved compassion: Then the cases to be heard individually
by the bishops with the assistance of their presbyterate,
and

at

diaconate and 'commons^': Full confession without reserve

^

Epp.

Ep. 26.
Epp. 27 and

15, 16,

and

have on account of the magnitude of

the affair, 'consults omnibus Episcopis,

28.

Ep. 20. 3.
* Epp. 10.
3 55. 4.
' Ep. 17. 4 Fratribus in plebe consistentibus.
Ep. 31. 6 puts in the
*

strongest light

the opinions

Cyprian and of the

were to

as to the part which the Plebes

17.

Roman

both* of

Confessors

Presbyteris, Diaconibus, confessoribus,

sed

ei ipsis stantibus Laicis,

Ep.

teris et ipse testyis.'

aminabuntur

singula

judicantibus vobis.*

ut in tuis
17.

praesentibus

Cf.

Ep.

li-

'...ex-

30. 5.

et

'

THE CYPRIANIC

II. VII.

POLICY.

to be required in the presence of those

the circumstances: Readmission to

97

most conversant with

Communion

to be given

by the imposed hands of the bishop and clerus Meantime to

concede to mercy and to the martyrs thus much that any
lapsed person in danger of death or in serious trouble, who
had been provided with a Libel, might be readmitted to communion with imposition of hands by any presbyter, or in
desperate cases, even by a deacon^: until general resolutions
shall have been come to, all others, who had not obtained
Confessors' Letters, must even in the hour of death be
commended to the forgiveness of God without earthly communion and be assisted in their repentance. It was not
for the ordinary officers to restore them to communion
:

without directions from the bishop, or recommendation from

To

martyrs.

all

was

still

open publicly

to recant their

issue from

the heathen

Thus they would be not merely

restored but

denial of Christ,
authorities.

it

and to abide the

crowned.

The grounds

of the course he advised were these

1.
That so general a question should be dealt with upon
some general principle not by individual discretion ^

2.

That the Lapsed

if

restored

fared better than the Constant

once would have

at

who had borne

the loss of

all things.

3.

That some regard should be had

to the

'

prerogative

of confessorship.

These
pamphlet

'

Epp.

...non

principles he insists

Of the Lapsed I

I and 19. 2.
paucorum nee ecclesiae unius

18.

nee unius provinciae sed totius orbis

haec causa est,

B.

Ep.

19.

2,

cf.

Ep.

30. 5.

upon

The

'

in his letters

and

in his

concession to confessors

Freppel

calls

resume of the
of their latest

gradually

the

letters:

De

Lapsis

fairly,

but

it

is

a
is

views, for these views

alter, as

we

shall see.

ROMAN DEDUCTIONS FROM

98"

FACTS.

His assurance of the divine acceptance of

not unnatural*.

the iinaneled penitent

'They that

nobly expressed'.

is

in

gentleness and lowliness and very penitence shall have per-

severed in good works will not be

and aid of the Lord.

'

healing.'

On

the

They

'Proof of Roman Confession which

from

Some

left destitute

discipline

derived

is

these events.

development applied
and doctrine is no less essential

theory of

of the help

too will be cared for by a divine

'

'

to the principles both of

to the progress (and

even

The

mis-

to the construction) of ecclesiastical than of civil estates.

fortune of

Rome

is

not only that her constructiveness has been in-

consequent and has incorporated usages subversive of the original

theory, but that she does practically repudiate schemes of 'develop-

ment
most

Her

erected in her behalf.

'

modem

scholars are required to prove her

For instance

inventions to be primitive.

Confession {exomologesis)
sense in Cyprian, that

of the Three Children,

it

is
is

still

The word

so far from bearing a technical

applied in the same page

(i) to

the

Song

Monody

of Daniel, and (3) to the

public acknowledgment of apostasy {de Laps. 28, 31), as well as (4) in
(2) to the

iii.
The word 'Sacerdos'
114 to Confession of sin to God.
Cyprian invariably signifies a Bishop. But a judicious limitation
of these two terms to the sense of sacramental confession and
presbyter or priest yields to the ultramontane mind the product

Testim.

in

'

'

now used
Exomologesis before a Sacerdos ?

of auricular confession as

A
*

'

'

similar concatenation

is

in the

made

church of Rome.

Is

it

not

of (i) Cyprian's argfument that

since even ordinary penitents could be restored only through the

imposition of hands by bishop and clergy, after less offences than

apostasy, the Lapsed cannot be admitted more easily' with (2) his

requirement oi exomologesis from the latter class, and

(3)

with examples

drawn from some tender consciences which had revealed a merely

contemplated desertion. From these passages is drawn the inference
that Cyprian demanded sacramental confession of a// the less serious
faults as obligatory and as extending even to bad thoughts^
'

'

'

'

'

...cumvidereturet honor martyribus

habendus, Ep. lo.

3.

Cf.

Ep.

18. r.

Ep.

18. 2.

THE POLICY NOT ROMAN BUT CARTHAGINIAN.

II. VIII.

Again, in extreme cases a presbyter

sence

'

or

99

without waiting for our pre-

'

even a deacon might on approach of death lay his hand

'

on a penitent who has confessed his lapse, and give him that Peace'
which the martyrs had requested for him. This simple natural permission is by the ultramontane expanded into the following difficulties
(i) that confession to a deacon who was 'not the minister of
the sacrament of penance was * an act of humility which could not
as indulgences are conferred
fail to be very meritorious
(2) that
apart from the sacrament so at that date apparently deacons had
the power to apply to the sick such spiritual favour'; (3) this particular 'spiritual favour' is defined to be 'a remission to the moribund of all the temporal pains due to their sins,' it was what we call
a plenary indulgence accorded in the hour of deaths
This then is the way to demonstrate the primitive character of
*

'

'

'

'

'

'

confession private, sacramental, obligatory, extending to the thoughts,

and favoured with plenary indulgence.

gling

is

This almost incredible jugCyprian at the Sorbonne,

from Freppel's tenth Lecture on

S.

1863, 4.

Fechtrup notes, p. 83, that Exomologesis in Tertullian signifies the

whole course and process of public penance which is no nearer to
;

the

Roman Use

(see de Poenitentia,

c. 9).

VIII.

The adopted

policy

was Carthaginian

The modern Ultramontane

*

distinguishing

'of

all others,

7iot

Roman.

ascribes this policy to

'

the

wisdom of that church, mother and mistress

which indicates to Carthage the only courseV

and assigns to Cyprian the merit of

'

fully

adopting this line

of conduct.'

The honest Tillemont

truthfully wrote

'

Cyprian regulates

Lapsed, and

'

in a council the business of the

by Rome and by the whole churchl'

There

is

followed in

is

no possibility

of doubt as to the origination of the whole policy.

*

Freppel's S.

Cyprien,

pp.

195

Vol. iv. S. Cyprien, Art. 23.

I5; PP- 235241-

.72

it

THE POLICY NOT ROMAN

ICX)

"^

Roman clergymen have

All that the

their

first

coarse letter^

sick and penitent

crisis,

mere

to the rest they offer

recommend

to

restoration of the

if

no prospect but that

There

conception oi policy they have none.

suggestion

in

Lapsed

Conception of the world-wide. importance of

of exhortation.
the

is

of investigation

by

is

no

the Bishops, of councils or

committees, of the assistance of the

laity,

of modification

of discipline in accordance with circumstances, of reservation

Yet these are the important

until quieter times.

out them the plan

And

it

lines.

With-

featureless.

is

Cyprian who step by step develops them

is

all in

the three letters seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth to

Clergy and People of Carthage.

the

communicates
to the

his views

Roman

letter^

'

observes that he has seen their

recommending the

and agreed with

This

portant'

to develop his

say

and the action he had already taken,

He

clergy.

is

it,

restoration

considering united

far greater

in introducing

of sick penitents,'
action

very im-

commonplace with which he proceeds

the

own

In his twentieth he

it'.

As

scheme.

Less he could not

the plainest exposition of

it

he

encloses to them a budget of Thirteen Letters* which he had

from

his retirement

successive

despatched to Carthage, containing his

comments and

instructions

upon the progress of

and he adds a connected outline of their purport. He

repeats his own three observations which had led him to

affairs,

direct that, while others should be deferred

could be held, those

who possessed

the councils

till

martyrs' Libels should,

Ep. 8. 3, see above, sect. v.

Ep. 10. 3. Meaning Ep. 8, identified by the mention of Crementius, &c.
The lost one, named in Ep. 27. 4, had

tentia,

esse et consentire circa

not yet reached him.

accepto differri mandavi,

Observe

in

the same complimen-

tary sentence hov? he mentions the quali-

by himself, which
Ep. 20. 3
the difference

fications, introduced

made

all

'...standum putavi et

cum

vestra sen-

ne actus

aliquo

noster,

discreparet.

quamvis

causas,

qui adunatus

omnia debet,

in

platK ceterorum

libello

a martyribus
et

in nostram

prczsentiam reservari, ut cum, pace a

Domino

unum
*

nobis data, plures convenire in

caperi7nus,^ d^c.

Ep.

20. 2.

On

the Thirteen Letters

see note at close of this section.

BUT CARTHAGINIAN.

II. VIII.

of death, be restored by the imposition of hands\

if in peril

He

promises the
of details*.

lation

lOr

Romans
They

full

share in the? future regu-

their

in

Novatian and read aloud to the

composed -by

answer,

rest for their signatures,

acknowledge the whole scheme to be entirely Cyprian's, and

adopt

it

'they,

by

'

with a patronising deference.

'Too hasty

'themV

" in his

allows them, say

counsels because they reaffirm

remedies,' such as they

advised, are deprecated

first

He

virtue of their approval to share his credit, to be

thought of as " coheirs

at

'

point

had themselves

by point the Cartha-

They

are only

solicitous to point out that in their former letter

they had

scheme

ginian

themselves

is

restated

'lucidly'

The more

Lapsed.

and adopted.
three

differenced

classes

among

the

Rome

ac-

plain-spoken Confessors of

knowledged the debt more candidly and less obsequiously*.

Lastly, in a note to them which relates a new presumption
of the

'

martyrs

'

Cyprian adds

their letters' bring

them

that, if

'

neither his

to their senses,

'we

own nor

shall act as,

according to the gospel, the Lord charged us to act^'

Roman

clergy in their last

acknowledge

admiringly

The

by Novatian's hand,
vigour
and enforce with

letter, also

his

'

'

arguments, as he wishes, the action that has so far been

taken*.

/>p. 17

Ut...communicato etiam vobiscum

19.

consilio disponere singula et reformare

possiraus, />. 20. 3.
=

p.

30.

I ;

see />. 55. 5.

Ep.

31.

p.

35.

"

p.

36, see p. 122.

I, 6,

and

topics of Cyprian's in

cf.

j>. 27. 4.

It

touches also

p. 20.

(OF DOCUMENTS.)

I02

On

the Thirteen Epistles of which Cyprian sent copies to the

Romans.
In Epistle 20. 2 Cyprian gives precis of the contents of these his
Thirteen Letters, with some chronological notes, in somewhat of the same
way in which Pontius ( Vit. c. 7) gives in a few sentences a consecutive

By

outline of Cyprian's Treatises.

lines,

and placing opposite

writing out this sketch in clauses and

to these our

own

abstract of certain epistles,

form an opinion (i) as to whether any of the thirteen are lost,

(2) as to the order in which Cyprian himself had them arranged, and
wished them to be read. Thus

we

shall

Cyp. Ep.

20. 2.

Et quid egerim locuntur vobis Epistulae pro temporibus

emissae numero Tredecim

in

quibus nee 'clero' consilium,

nee

'

eonfessoribus

'

exhortatio,

nee 'extorribus' quando oportuit objurgatio,

nee universae fratemitati ad deprecandam Dei miserieordiam,

allo-

cutio et persuasio nostra defuit.

Posteaquam vero

sive

jam

sive

adhuc

et

'tormenta venerunt,'

tortis fratribus nostris,

ut torquerentur 'inclusis,'

ad corroborandos eos

et confortandos noster

sermo penetravit.

(OF DOCUMENTS.)

II. VIII.

^PP-

7)

5>

Three

U-

letters to

IO3

Presbyters and Deacons, on

their

keep the prisons quiet Ep. 7 regrets own

duty
use his funds
care of widows, sick, poor,
absence, which is for general good
Ep. 5. 2 speaks of the present as
foreigners
additional supplies
the initia of persecution as in Ep. 6. 4 and Ep. 13. 2 Ep. 14 is the
fullest and strongest about 'pauperes' {and so precedes Ep. 12 q. v.
quotes Ep. 5.
inf.
its order otherwise unfixed)
:

Ep.

6.

To Confessors,

'...gratulor pariter

et

exhortor....'

Exube-

they the first prisoners note too inrant joy in their confession
gressi, initiis, and expressions coincident with those of Ep. 5.
:

To Confessors.

former 'exsultantia verba'

Severe objurgation of faulty
Theirs is a prima conconfessors, returned extorres and others.

Ep.

13.

Ep.

(i.e.

gressio

Ep.

II.

read

Speaks of

his

Exhorts to perseverance.

6).

(2).

To Presbyters and Deacons, with

One continuous
to the Brethren.

directions (7) that it be

Exhortation to Prayer.

He uses the phrase 'tormenta venerunt^' and describes these as

devised not to be fatal but to convert. (Fechtrup pp. 39, 40 well
argues that this Epistle precedes the severest stage under the proconsul, but is an advance from the imprisonment and confiscation
stage.) From the allusion in Ep. 13. 6 to the vision described in Ep.
1 1. 6, Ep. 13 probably followed Ep. 1 1 in time though not in Cyprian's
logical order.
12.
To Presbyters and Deacons. Some have died in prison, not
are no less martyrs (Tortures therefore have not
from tortures
been extreme, but might have been which exactly corresponds with
the rest.
It belongs to same moment as Ep. 11): refers verbally to
Ep. 5. This speaks of having 'often written' about the Poor, '...ut
saepe jam scripsi,' which leads to placing not Ep. 5 and Ep. 7 only,
but also Ep. 14, somewhere in the group above Ep. 12.
Ep. 10. To Martyrs and Confessors. This and remaining Epistles
only imprisonment or exile
all dwell on Torture as in full use
having been used hitherto. These then belong to the Visitation of
the Proconsul. This is later than April 17, from its mention of
Mappalicus' death under torture, whose commemoration is that day
This Epistle could not be summarised more
in the African Kalendar.
exactly than by Cyprian opposite. Various expressions coincide also.

Ep.

Ep,

II. I.

Compare De Laps. 13

'

Sed tormenta postmodum

venerant.'

'

(OF DOCUMENTS.)

I04

Item cum comperissem &c. the distribution

litteras feci

revocarem

oflibelli,

quibus martyres et confessores ad dominica

'

praecepta

Item presbyteris et diaconibus non defuit sacerdotii vigor ut 'quidam'

disciplinae minus 'memores,' receiving Lapsed to Communion without
authority, comprimerentur.

Plebi quoque ipsi...animum

servaretur mstruximus.

composuimus

et ut

ecclesiastica disciplina

Postmodum vero

{the Lapsed having violently extorted communion).. At,

hoc etiam BIS ad Clerum litteras feci... si qui 'libello a martyribus
accepto' de saeculo excederent 'exomologesi facta' et 'manu eis in
paenitentia imposita cum pace' sibi *a martyribus' promissa 'ad

Dominum'

remitterentur.

Sed cum videretur

3.

i.

necessary to respect Confessors.,

reconcile sick penitents,

with in this last

be reservedfor

case,

he

had ordered the

as effecting

tJie

i.

quiet the Lapsed.,

libelli to be

complied

three points: all other cases to

a Council when Peace returns.

(OF DOCUMENTS.)

II. VIII.

Ep.

15.

To Martyrs and Confessors.

IO5

Observe Christ's 'precepts,'

discipline as well as faith, even though presbyters and deacons

be rash. This (4) mentions Ep. 16 to the clergy, and Ep. 17 to the
(? June; severities abating.)
laity, as sent same time on same subject.

i.e.

Ep.

16.

To Presbyters and Deacons.

Accompanies Ep. 15:

is

precisely described opposite.

Ep.

17.

To

Laity.

Accompanies Ep.

15.

precise account of

it

opposite.

Ep.

Dated to late July or August

''jam astatem coepisse ( i ) and malaria. Postmodum, opposite,
places the above earlier ; also accurately excerpted, and expressions
18.

To Presbyters and Deacons.

by the

'

correspond.

Ep.

19.

To Presbyters and Deacons.

Accurate precis in Ep.

20, as

opposite.

It is

Cyprian

Ep. 14

above comparison that no letter described by

He wished the Romans to read
and Ep. 7, and Ep. 13 before Ep. 11, out of their

clear from the

is

missing from the budget.

\vith

Ep.

chronology, on account of their subjects.

The chronological order stands thus, so far as

Epp-

it

determines

itself,

5. 6, 7, II, 13, 14. 12, 10, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19.

Tillemont iv. pp. 66 69, 604, 605 and Dom Maran Vit. S. Cypr. ix.
have doubts, but Pearson saw that we had all. Fechtrup (pp. 40, 41)
agrees with Pearson, and verifies with care and clearness.

DIOCESAN DISQUIETUDES.

I06

IX.
Diocesan Disquietudes.

Throughout the

earlier part of Cyprian's correspondence

upon his laity, a dissatisfaction with

his clergy.
These omit to answer his letters'. Some act
independently of his aims. Some compromise themselves by
perceptible a reliance

is

deference to the

entire

injunctions of the

Confessors'*

or

adopt them as the strongest barrier against superior authority.

In one

letter*

he throws himself on the Plebes with an almost

impassioned appeal.
'

have warned them.

*ness of
*

'

'

my

people.

My
I

presbyters

know

How

and deacons should

the quietude, the shrinking-

watchful would they have been

had not certain presbyters in quest of popularity deceived

them
Do you then yourselves take the guidance of them,
one by one. By your own counsel and moderation refrain
!

'

'the spirits of the lapsed.'

When he has at
of the Roman clergy,

length obtained the entire concurrence

Novatian included*, of

their confessors^

and of the whole episcopate African and Italian, he assumes

a stronger tone with his own clergy^ and requires them to
circulate

them

the

copies.

for the present.

whole correspondence of which he forwards

The affair seemed settled

Lapsed except death-stricken persons,

This was done^

All the

however armed with Martyrs' papers, even Clergy penitently

ready to return to their charge^ were reserved for the decision of the organic authority

the united Episcopate.

Lastly, in accordance with the severer tone already

1

Ep.

i8. I.

assumed

DIOCESAN DISQUIETUDES.

II. IX.

by

I07

some bishops who

certain clergy acting in concert with

had been visiting Carthage and were in Cyprian's confidence^

notice was duly given of excommunication to be enforced
against any who, until that authority should have spoken,
should give communion to any of the lapsed except in the
cases already provided

By

the

for*.

November

The Goths had

relaxing at Carthage.

Rome

Decius was leaving

however

for his

Don.

the

campaign.

last

five representatives' for certain

which he sketched out and

means,

crossed

He

unsafe for Cyprian to return.

still

commissioned
tions,

250 the persecution was

of the year

It

was

therefore

important func-

which he supplied the

Carthage and the neighbouring districts. These

in

for

were three bishops, Caldonius, Herculanus and Victor, with two

presbyters, Numidicus whom, after his already mentioned
from a horrible martyrdom, Cyprian placed

resuscitation

among

the clergy of the capital, and lastly Rogatian, the

aged confessor, long since charged with the dispersion of

The

Cyprian's fortune.

by

firmness, indicates
education**.

its

letter of

Caldonius,

who

acted with

incorrectness a scanty and provincial

This commission had enough to do, under social

conditions which seemed to allow penury no upward road,

in distributing alms, in helpfully subsidising confessors

capital

had been confiscated so

as to enable

them

to

whose

resume

employed in
maintaining communications with

their trades, in selecting persons capable of being

functions of the church^ in

^

e.g:

as to the excommunication of

Gaius of Dida.
^
^

Ep. 34. 3.
Epp. 25
;

medium

j>. 34.

26,

where they are

his

of communication with other

bishops, 'ad collegas nostros' {Ep. 25).

Ep.

41.

This epistle

'...vos pro
is

me

written to

away from Carthage,

vicarios.'

them when

either

visiting

ad clerum

transmittite....' p. 41. 2.
There is no sign of their removal being
due to the influence of Felicissimus.
The resources were still Cyprian's own,

sumptibus
*

istis.

Ep. 41.

i.

^x'lorem delictum,

...abluisse

extorres, &c.

expression.

with great clumsiness of

Ep.

24.

See Hartel's Pre-

He should

face, p. xlviii.

gathering of them

have kept those readings of

'

has

fratribus nostris legite et

litteras

meas

Carthaginem

and

the Punic Latin extorrentes twice for

the neighbouring bishops or at some

:

'

Nov.,
^'^' ^^'

Ep.

41.

i.

in consistency

and Tj.

?Jan.,
^'^' ^^^'

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

I08

the provincial bishops, and above

all

in

endeavouring to

persuade to patience the restless masses of the Lapsed ^

Superstition was in

some

quarters beginning to add terror

Stricken consciences had in

to the anxiety for restoration.

many instances induced physical and mental prostration even

death*.
One person had become dumb in the moment of
denial and

Another had died

so remained.

in the public

gnawing the tongue which had tasted the idol sacrifice.

On the other hand still more terrible signs indicated the
profanity of presumptuous return. An infant girl had rejected
This occurred in
the chalice with wailing and convulsions.
baths,

Cyprian's

own

presence, while celebrating during his retire-

was found that the nurse had taken the child

before the magistrates and made it taste the idolatrous wine.
ment.

It

A woman who clandestinely presented

died in the act of communicating.

herself at the liturgy,

One who had

served the sacred Bread at home, was, on opening

after her lapse, scared
it

changed to ashes

by an outburst of flame.

in his

as usual re-

its

receptacle

A man

found

very hands.

X.
Declaration of Parties.

The

Novatus and Felicissimus.

latter class of stories

indicates,

what was the

fact,

that the opinion destined to create and to perpetuate real

was already active. Evidently the question which to

some was presenting itself was not when, or upon what terms,
the Lapsed should be readmitted, but whether it was possible
for the church to remit such guilt. Although Cyprian employs
these incidents in favour of delay, they are plainly no emanation from the party of moderation.
Yet he probably
division

apprehended at
^

Ep.

this

26.

moment

little peril

"^

De Lapsis,

from the sentiment

24, 25, 26.

II. X.

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

of Puritanism.

It

was the party of Laxity which

appeared to be absorbing into

It

IO9

itself

meritorious confessors,

every dangerous element.

many

threatened him indeed from

the crowds of Libellatics

eager

at present

There were

sides.

There were

return.

for

wounded because

was

their fortitude

not allowed to cover a brother's weakness.

But the conscientiously troublesome in both ranks were

outvoiced by the worldly and unscrupulous who foamed at
For them the Universal Indulgence franked with
the name of the Confessor Paul was title enough to cancel
mere episcopal restrictions^ Some refugees who had never

restraint.

'

left

the port, and others

who had quickly broken

and come back, skulked awhile as outlaws

places*;

and emerged, as the

voice in church-affairs.

low hiding-

in

abated, to claim a

severities

Some

their sentence

of the confessors, their heads

turned by vanity, courted by female devotees, had sunk

into scandalous immorality'.

spent one day

in

Of

many had not

the lapsed

braved their shame

penance, but had

amid the habits of fashionable and

dissipated

while

life*;

we have seen) influential persons in the provinces had

extorted communion by actual tumult from unwilling clergy.

(as

Many

of the clergy however were not unwilling^ and they

found ready

ones^

in

although

chiefs,

the Five Presbyters

perhaps not at

who had been

all

first

avowed

along hostile

Under their headship

enough
to designate itself,
the party grew numerous and bold
to Cyprian's election and authority.

a manifesto addressed to the bishop himself, as

in

The

Church.' To this he answered characteristically that since

the day of the Charge to Peter the Church had been found
^

Ep. 35, compare Ep. 22. 2.

Such must be, I think, the meaning

of '...aliquis temulentus

who

lasciviens

demoratur, alius in earn patriam unde

extorris factus est regreditur, ut depre-

'

hensus non jam quasi Christianus sed

quasi nocens pereat.'

torris is

Ep.

et

13. 4.

Ex-

certainly used both of those

and those who were

fled

legally

banished,

De Unitate 20.
De Laps. 30.
Ep.
Ep.

cissimi

17. 2, 3.

43.

i,

factio

-z

'Nunc apparuit

unde

above, pp. 25, 43.

venisset....'

Feli-

See

.'

no

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

in unity with the Bishop; and still more characteristically

that their roll of the Lapsed could scarcely be " The Church,"
'

GOD was

since

not the

GOD

of the dead but of the

living.'

More welcome letters^ reached him at the same moment.

There were many of the Lapsed who had ever since given
themselves devotedly to good works in silence. These now
assured him that they would never plead their Libels

they were living

in thankful

that

penance; biding their time for

They added with

restoration to Peace on his return.

that

gentle fervour which marked true African Christianity that

'

Peace would be more sweet to them

'

presence.'

'

my

'

these deserve from His goodness.'

'

witness

Then

How

He

in that

1 hail

restored in his

if

them/ says Cyprian,

'

own

the Lord

is

has vouchsafed to show what servants like

methodic way which gave point to

enthusiasm he requests from each side a

list

all his

of their signatures,

sends to the clergy of Carthage explicit instructions, and to

the clergy of Rome, by a subdeacon Fortunatus^ copies of

all

the papers'.

Foremost of the presbyters stood the famous and

^

Both

letters are described in )>. 33.

p.

pp.

monstrous

36. I.

34,

33,

35.

The Roman

clergy acknowledging these Ep. 36.

say

means 'demand
that stdi has

I, 2.

there

must be some

arment...&\. in

'

qui

3,

illos

perversum instrue ntes ..

exitiosa deposcant

illis

properatse

com-

municationisvenena,' and that not 'sine

quorundam would all have

tam petulanter sibi jam pacem

instinctu

dared

'

vindicare.'

'

It

should be unnecessary to

remark that arment with instruentes

means provide and furnish, and has no
relation to pacem which is simply comtnunion, and contains no indication of
weitere aufstandische Bewegungen.
'

Quorundam

refers

whom Cj^rian had

clergy at large.

to

the

persons of

told them, not to his

Again 'deposcant

Hits''

it

for them.'

restless^

To

conceive

dropped out before

in Latinity,

and

tilts is

to translate

claim /or themselves liberty to give

them communion prematurely,' equally

so.

So, however, O. Ritschl's laboured

pages, 52, 53.

^

See p. 47.

'

Rerum novarum semper

cupidus,' Ep. 52. 2.

That the leader

Novatus was one of the Five appears
from the whole tenor of the history of

more than from particular

Compare however />. 14. 4;
and what is said of the Five

the faction
passages.

Ep.

59. 9,

presbyters acting with Felicissimus, Ep.

43. 3, and of Novatus acting wath him,
Ep. 52. 2. That the Five are the original
opponents of Cyprian is shewn by the
expression olim secundum vestra suffragia in Ep. 43. 5, and these passages
'

'

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

II. X.

To

Novatus.

Ill

these opponents Cyprian allows on the whole

both age and weight of character, yet Novatus had been

in

poor repute^ and had escaped an investigation' into his

conduct only through the breaking out of the persecution.

He had
own

been charged with inhuman cruelty towards his

wife and father'.

Novatus'

It

is

true

the assumption of

that

and the attributing

guilt,

his

withdrawal

to

stricken conscience, as well as general accusations of depravity

and unworthy motive,

may

or

may

not be due to factious

But that an enquiry before Cyprian and

was impending over Novatus just before the persecu-

representations.
assessors
tion

broke out

fact

upon which,

is

if

surely undeniable.

is

viewed together leave no doubt as to

S'Z.

2.

nos

primum

incendium seminavit, &c.'

Among

dis-

Ep.

the rest Pearson (An.

Cyp. CCLi. ii.) counts Jovinus and

Maximus; but these had lapsed {Ep.
59. 10), which we have no ground for
imputing to any of the Five. Pamele
includes Repostus and Felix
but of
these one was a lapsed bishop and the
second a bishop of some schismatic
body. Dom Maran (xvii.) and Rettberg
112) fix upon Donatus, Fortu(pp. 97
natus and Gordius, and rightly {Ep.
;

14. 4) I think.

As

to Fortimatus (after-

wards the pseudo-bishop of the party)

is no doubt {Ep. 59. 9).
But that
the fifth was either Gaius of Dida {Ep.

mediate restoration of some Lapsed

for Cyprian answers as he always
answers that request. But that it already covered a

Augendus {Ep. 42) is a mere

was a deacon {Ep.

guess, and the latter

44.

Fell, without

i).

any colour,

fan-

'feine List'

80)

(p.

for uniting the strict confessors with the

lax party against Cyprian, through his

expected refusal,

is

little

too subtle.

The

phrases as to the authors of dissension in the De Zelo et Livore (6) do

not seem to me to apply to this party,

and they were written six years later.
See on that treatise below.
1

tus.
2

Semper

istic

episcopis

Ep. 52. 1.
Imminebat cognitionis

52. 3.

male cognidies.

cognitio, the technical

Ep.

term of

the law.

there

34. x) or

a question of

credible*?

the application of the words 'idem est

Novatus qui apud

is

Cyprian's direct statement be not trust-

worthy, what evidence

cordise

It

Ep.

On

52. 2.

Neander's opinion, Hist, of the

Christ. Religion and Church, vol. I.
p. 312 (Bohn), see p. 130, note 2, infra.

If Cyprian

had not spoken out as

to the

cies that

only three presbyters, those

unsatisfactory character of

named

Ep. 43.

could never have eluded such ingenuity

in

1,

remained

faithful.

Fechtrup conjectures with reason that

the petition of

Donatus, Fortunatus,

Novatus and Gordius was for an im-

Novatus

it

Mosheim, Neander, and Rettberg

have devoted to clearing him.
as

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

112

This man, as a Presbyter, had some charge

an important

in

The

region or ward in the city, called Mons, or the Hill.

Bozra or Byrsa

buildings on

principal

some two hundred

main streets leading up

itself rising

rest of the town, with the

above the

feet

may

plateau,

its

and the

it,

well have

caused

and social, like the still remembered Above

and 'Below Hill' of such cities as Lincoln; and at
no other district can well have occupied that distinctive
*

distinctions, local

Hill'
least

In managing

name\

its

church

1 This I venture to think must be the

simple meaning of '/ Monte, Ep. 41.
In each place Hartel reads in
I and 2.
^

morle and so Ritschl, &c. But in the

latter clause there is no doubt as to the
reading, T'having monte and
in the former morte T,

<f>,

Z montem ;

w, mortem

what seemed

are natural corrections of

but not so monte for morte,

obscure;

the sense of which would be obvious

whilst

immo

affairs

ut iQcum,

immo

r,

vitae,

fj.,

and

trine),

c. iv.,

E. Dupin

Ep-

note

Reference to

4.

Monte in Numidia is absurd. Mosheim and others thought that this in

Monte' travelled with Novatus to
Rome, and gave the Novatianists the
'

name Montenses
tianisckes

Hefele {Nova-

there.

Schisma

Wetzer

in

Kirchenlexikon, and

H.

u. Welte's

d. Conciles, ed.

De

Unit.

There

5, xliii. (a.d. 408).

no trace

is

of any sect but the Donatists being so

and they from a Mons

had

called,

at

in a grotto of which they

the two sects are

thus conjoined and distinguished

per

manus impositionem

ex eo quod rebaptizant
papse, Labbe,

t. 11. c.

'

Perhaps I may attempt here to emend

this canon, since

mean

(as has

the italicised words

been seen) the opposite of

fact.
They are thus paraphrased
by Innocent I. in his letter to Victricius
of Rouen (Innoc. i, Ep. 2. 8, Labbe

qui forte a

enumerated the Montanists

in his list)

canon

{Ancoratus 13) Ka^apoZ,

koX

Nava-

the construction

ws kv

'VdfiT]

natura ut humanitas Integra

Movrijo-iot,
'

Puritans

'

might be

of course either Novatianist or Donatist

(differenced by origin only, not doc-

Siricii

1225).

nobis ad

These

Ut

'

suscipiantur

(Ep. 4

V. III. c. 9), ^prater eos, si

KoX

venientes a Novatianis vel Montensibus

from a misinterpretation of Epiphanius.

His words are (after he has already

ol

Rome,

their first

In the 8th canon of the council

Rome A.D. 386

the

KoKovvrai.

De

3,

Cod. TTieod. L. 16, Tit.

Hceresibus 69.

Delarc, L. viii. 105) says that they

ratoi,

Aug.

fin.;

Eccl.

were so called (and also Montanistce,

which is an invention) from confusion
with the Montanists. But all this arises

o2

Ii.

Jerome,

(Paris, 1702, p. 35).

(165) 53,

held at

p. 113,

the Donatists were

See Optatus, B.

Chron. 356; adv. Lucif. ad

church.

See also

Rome

and the passages there quoted by

had monte before them.

that they

at

called Montenses.

indicate both the puzzle of the scribes

and

he associated with

Deacon an energetic and determined person named

himself as

sunt.^

Isidor.,

illos

transeuntes

rebaptizati

propose to read in the

Roman

^excepto qitos rebaptizant.'

'

Ducange.

cf.

For

'...excepto divina
fiat,'

S.

Excepto comitibus, &c.' ap.

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

II. X.

II3

Cyprian was naturally not consulted as to

Felicissimus*.

this

appointment, which gave to the party the control of considerable funds

by them

were systematically disregarded

his missives

Lapsed

the

admitted and invited to com-

freely

munion"; the agreement of the bishops

Rome

between

the arrangement

in

and Carthage unheeded, and when Cyprian

sent out his commission of relief and enquiry', Felicissimus

treated

answered
the

He

as a deliberate invasion of his diaconal office.

it

announced publicly that whoever had accepted

its

its benefits,

or

queries, should be* excluded from participation in

communions and

all

other benefits of the Hill

declaration appeared in his

own name, and

This

district.

was

his leadership

so energetic that the Five are designated as 'his partners,'

'

his satellites,'

even 'his presbyterate*.'

'

His Five Presbyters

were as ruinous to the Church,' says Cyprian, with their

of

Communion,

'

offers

Magnates on the Committees of

as the Five

Persecution*.'

In vigorous reply to his

own vigour

Felicissimus with

another deacon Augendus was for the time being'' excom-

by Caldonius and the Commission.

municated

Cyprian

now

speaks of the moral charges against Felicissimus as

advanced upon evidence so grave as alone

grounds
enquiry

for
is

'suspension' of

postponed

to

constitute

communion with him.

This

proper court can be assembled.

until a

Cyprian's instructions to this effect are contained in the

same

despatch which directed their benevolent labours, and he

desires that in forwarding
in

Carthage Caldonius
Ep.

52.

2;

cf. -/.

59.

I,

16.

it

will

for the information of the clergy

append

Com-

pare 'Gaio Didensi presbytero et dia-

cono

ejus,'

Ep.

Ep.

43. 2.

See

p. 107.

34.

i.

'

B.

it

the

municaturam non

names of the
esse,

qui se sponte

maluit ab ecclesia separare,' Ep. 41.

2.

Note how in

in

nionte ;

Ep. 41. 2 ...non communicaturos

in Monte secum^ to which the rejoinder
runs 'sciat se in ecclesia nobiscum com^

to

it

ecclesia

answers

to

could not answer to in morte.

Ep.

43. 3, 5,

See

p. 76,

'

Ep.

41. 2 'interim.'

7.

note

I.

Ep.

43. 3, 7.

October,

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

114

This

fautors of the conspiracy.

to us followed

by Caldonius'

accordingly comes

letter

list

down

gives a glimpse of the

It

lower social classes which entered with living interest into

Christianity and its debates, classes without which the

Church's work

With the two Deacons are

not half done.

is

named a small manufacturer, a

woman who had

The Five Presbyters are not

seamstress, a

been tortured, and two refugees.

mentioned ^
of a Deacon at this period need cause no
Although the time had not yet come when at
those officers so far surpassed the presbyters in emolu-

The prominence
surprise.

Rome

ment and

upon promotion as an

dignity, that they looked

when

injury, or

Carthage they were described as

at

third Priesthood'V

in

'

the

and needed new canons to remind them

of their subordination to the presbyterate as well as to the

episcopate, and even of their duty of rendering assistance in the

Eucharist^ yet already their control of funds, their knowledge

Ep.

In

42.

Ep. 41.

Cyprian

writes 'has litteras meas...Carthaginem

ad clerum transmittite aaWf/if nominibus

eorum quicunque
rint.'

se Felicissimo junxe-

Accordingly Ep. 42
'Caldonius

as follows.

et Victore Collegis item

Numidico

Presbyteris.

is

simply

formity with
is

epistolary

Translate

scire debuisti.''

\^\%%\xc^&

dressed to Cyprian himself therefore, as

et

Au-

usually understood, but

is

Irenem Rutilorum et Paulam sarcinatricem quod ex adnotatione mea scire

bears no address

et

debuisti. item abstinuimus

In this strange

superfluous

mean

little

to

note

it

say that

the kind of

list

by which a magistrate published the

names of absentees summoned to appear
for trial (see Dirksen, Manuale, j.f.).
This

is

itself

offenders

and

a sentence on notorious
is itself

Cypriano S.

On

Sophronium

ipsum de extorribus Soliassum budi-

adtiotatio cannot

am

Abstinuimus a

of the document issued.

narium.'

bound to inform you by a note appended

by myself.' This Ep. 42 is not ad-

genduni, item Repostum de extorribus

should seem

'

cum Herculano
Rogatiano cum

communicatione Felicissimum

et

Scire

instructions.

his

and does not imply

a former communication compare Ep.
53 ...hoc factum \\\% litteris x\o%\.Ti% cer-

debuisti

the adnotatio, as

appended to Cyprian's despatch

in con-

is

a transcript
It naturally

the vulgate heading

not original,

the obscure occupations

named

see note at end of this section, p. 117.

On

extorres

and

14

18,

173, Baron.
071

the

note
"^

cf.

Optat.

IV.

41.

Guyet,

25,

and

1.

2, p.

his Notes

Martyrology, Jan. 2

see

109 above,
i.

13 (vid. Casaub. in loc).

Hieron. in Ezech.
^

Ad Ann.

Roman

2, p.

Baluze ad Cypr. Epp.

quoting

c. 18.

Concil. Carth. a.d. 398, cc. 37

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

II. X.

II

of business, their intimacy with the secular cares of the

the very

that

fact

laity,

which had many presbyters

district

had but one deacon, gave them the command of many

threads of influence.

Hence from Spain

the church of Merida

who

writes in the

Deacon of

the

is

it

name

of the church

to the bishops of Africa in protest against the return of

and receives

lapsed bishop^

the office

calls
'

Rome

at

'

Cornelius' words)

Holy Administration/ and

the Diaconate of the

as

(apparently in

its

Cyprian

their conciliar reply.

refers to

it

The

the charge of guiding and piloting the Church*.'

Deacon indeed not only had charge of the corporate funds

but also acted as the

trustee of Christian

official

widows and

Hence his opportunity of enriching with both

adherents and property any section which he pronounced to
orphans^

And

be the true church.

is

it

from such transferences pro-

bably that the accusations of fraud and rapine arise which

'

so

are

'

Deacons, when

showered upon unorthodox

freely

darker stains on character rest evidently on hearsay*.

There

no ground

is

by

his irregularities

There

simus^
such a

is

for

assuming that Novatus exaggerated

actually conferring orders

anti-episcopalian theory (as

have freely averred*)

and

in the principles or

They were

his following.

took part

et plebi

Ep.

Emeritae consistentibus.'

52.

iii.

Ecclesiasticoe

pupillorum

ac

See

I.

below, ch. VII.

further

p.

311

pecuniae

Ep.

Times of S. Cypr.
heretical bishop

50.

...

viduarum

Ep.
See

E.

Ser.

p. 68,

vol.

I.
I.

bign^,

n. 4.
^

Ep.

'

G. A. Poole's suggestion {Life and

41.

I.

de

134) that

some

called in lacks all

Pressense,

H.

pp. 484599.

Trots

des

V ^glise

Pi-emiers Slides de

i.

52.

p.

was

new

foundation,
*

i.

deposita,

Ecclesise deposita,

communion, they

Carthage and opposed

of Cyprian, they presently elected

'./. 67 'Cyprianus...item.iElioDia-

cono

conduct of Novatus

in episcopal

in the episcopal election at

the nomination

Felicis-

symptom of any presbyterian or

members of unepiscopal churches

nor the slightest

fact,

upon

no previous or contemporary instance of

Chret.

Neander,

2me

op. cit.

D'Auhowever

p. 313, besides Rettberg,

Fechtrup

Keyser.

rightly says 'nicht eine Spur, nicht

Wort,' p. 81,

n.

i.

82

em

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

Il6

When

bishop for themselves and procured his consecration.

Rome, he threw himself

into the Episcopal

Novatus

visited

election

then proceeding, opposed the candidate

who was

chosen, and then procured an episcopal consecration for his

own

nominee'.

If in

any century of the Church's

history

the presbyteral parentage of episcopacy was forgotten or

undiscovered, and any revival of latent presbyteral claim to

assume an episcopal function impossible,

But, again,

is

it

was

the thirds

in

was already a Deacon when

attributed to Felicissimus that he

he joined Novatus, and

Novatus became

it

evident from the nature of the frauds

it

liable to

was by complicity with him that

the same accusation^ of wronging

the fatherless and widows*.

Thus

we have

at last

Opposition

of an

formation

before us a complete picture of the

the

in

third

century.

The

original clerical element of dissatisfaction with the popular

choice of the bishop had allied

itself

with discontent at the

bishop's delegating even administrative functions to others,

and with a wide-spread conviction that meritorious suffering

in the Church's cause established some claim to a voice in her
Lenity to the Lapsed, open admission to Com-

discipline.

munion was the

rallying cry, and the rank

and

of the

file

party consisted of the multitudinous claimants for restoration

with their families.

^

..illic

episcopum

fecit,

Ep.

52.

z.

See Bp. Lightfoot's Dissertation on

*
is

Epp- 41- i; 52.

Felicissimum satellitem

mum

2.

In Epp. 52. 2 this action of Novatus

with his creation of a

paralleled

'

diaconem

the Christian Ministry.

^

the reading of Hartel, but the MSS. F,

constituit,'

satellitem snurn

constituit

'

are right, and supported

mum

satellitem

suum

constituit.'

his deacon,
sciente,'

i.e.

'

making Felicissimus

nee permittente

me

inconsulto Cypriano.

nee

Com-

pare ^/. 34. i *Gaio Ttid^nsX presby' Felicissimum

tero et diacono e^'us.''
satellitem

suum diaconum... constituit* is

Fechtrup, pp.
p.

could

10,

says

not

by

M, Felicissisuum suum diaconum

Bishop, which was certainly not without

in

'Felicissi-

suum diaconum

the further repetition in

the intervention of legitimate bishops.

His offeqce lay

suum suum

and Q,

no,
rightly

'

rii,
that

and n. 4,
Novatus

have ventured upon, nor

Cyprian have failed explicitly to censure,

so discrediting a novelty as Orders given

by a presbyter.

DECLARATION OF PARTIES.

II. X.

117

From the counter extreme we have faintly caught in dark

legendary form sterner voices demanding even in easy-going
Carthage their perpetual exclusion. In the haughtier Capital
tendency alone had a chance of development. We shall
see how singularly this movement was in the very person of
Novatus linked to the opposite Carthaginian movement.
this

Our next

commanding

interest will be to trace the gentle yet

policy of Cyprian

subduing the violence of both the

in

separations.

Budinarius and Sarcinatrix. {Ep.

42.)

[Additional Note on

p. 114.]

For the reason given in the text the obscure occupations of two of
those partisans of Felicissimus are worth considering.
Soliassus (itself a name which I have not found in inscriptions) is
1.
Budinarius {budianarius

called

jectures burdonarius

'

T.), to

which we have no

clue.

Fell con-

mule-keeper,' but Baluze finds no trace of this word.

However Sophocles Greek Lexicon of Roman and Byzantine Periods has

BoupSotfi/apios Schol. Arist.

Th. 491.

Written also ^ovpbowapios Cyrill.

Also /SopStaj/dptos loann. Mosch.

Scyth. V. S. 230 A, Leant. Cypr. 1797 C.

These forms, considering the Latin termination of the word,

B.'
seem to make its existence probable.
Saumaise {Script. Hist. Aug. p. 408) (ll. p. 578, Lugd. 1671) conjectures butinarium from butitia which Du Cange indicates, though
2988

without examples, as a diminutive of butta,

*

bottle,'

S.V.),

which has many

relatives ^ovrriov,

buttis, butica, buticula (v.

means

'

Du

Cange).

of small vessels or measures

maker

chius has ^vtIvt] as a Tarentine

word

a small wine-butt or
k.t.X. (v. Soph. Lex.

'

'

fiovms

And he
'

{e.g.

for \ayvvoi ^

suggests that

acetabula).

it

Hesy-

d/ii's.

Paula was a Sarcinatrix. The employment is often mentioned in

inscriptions and was one of the offices of the Domus Augusta. See Orelli,
a fine monument ap. Gruter, p. MCXVll. 9
Inscrr. 645, (5372), 7275
2.

'Fausta Saturnia Sarcinatrix Proculeio Vernae suo puero ingeniosissimo...' and five inscriptions on p. dlxxx, where two have Greek names
and three are libertae one is of 'Julia lucunda Aug. 1. sarcinatr(ix) a
mundo mulie(bri),' &c. Abp. Lavigerie communicated to de Rossi one
;

'

from Caesarea

in

Inscrr. L. viii.

What

Mauretania

ii.

Rogata Sarcinatr. Saturno,

v.

1.

a. s.'

{Corp.

no. 10938).

the office was seems scarcely doubtful

if

the quotations in

Fronto, de Differ., p. 2192 (Putsch) ' Sartrix

Nonius, c. i. 276 'Sarcinaquae sarcit, sarcinatrix quaa sarcinas servat'
trices non ut quidam volant sarcitrices quasi a sarciendo, sed raagis a
Forcellini are compared.

GROWTH OF THE OPPOSITION AT ROME.

Il8

But as Paulus, Dig.

quod plurimum vestium sumant.'

sarcinis

1.

47,

Fullo et sarcinator, qui polienda aut sarcienda vesti83

menta accipit,' the grammarians' account (though they are anxious as
to the formation of the word) is consistent with the employment being
(82), says

2,

tit.

that of a

'

'

seamstress,' or

'

mender,' the

sarcinas

being packs of clothes.

'

So from an old Latin-Greek Glossary in the Library of S. Germain des

Pr^s, Du Cange s.v., cf. vol. vil. p. 442 a 1. 9, quotes sarcinatrix iQTrrjTpia,
aKearrpia (sic lege),

(Gaius) with the

So

r\

KaXXamarpia.

Plaut. Aubil. in.

in

5,

'fuUones,' as also in Gaius

Non.

What

It is

employment of a
41

the

COUpled in Dig.

'textrix' as
*

sarcinatores

Comment.

I,

5, tit.

named with

are

'

143, 162, 205.

iii.

1.

1.

27

an 'artificium vulgare.'
the

In Lucil. ap.

818 the 'sarcinator' makes a patchwork quilt 'suere centonem.'

ii.

the 'machinae' are in Varro, ap. Non.

vindemia incondita cantare, sarcinatrices

Anyhow

in

i.

276,

'

Homines

machinis

the exhibition of the social class

is

most

is

'

rusticos in

not so clear.

interesting.

XL
The Confessors and

Grozvth of the Opposition at Rome.

Novatian.

We

have already had occasion to mention a noble group

of Confessors

who had been committed

to the

at the time of the execution of

Fabian^

and the sight of each

tortures

other's

Roman

Their

were

prisons

sufiferings

harrowing.

Cyprian sent them constant encouragement, and pecuniary

help from his

own resources^

Among them were two of

whom we have

the seven Deacons of the city, Rufinus, of

no further personal

detail,

and

who soon passed,

Of the laymen con-

Nicostratus,

never to return, into the ranks of schism.

Urbanus twice underwent the torture; the

three Punic friends Sidonius, Macarius and the indomitable
Celerinus' are familiar names already. The Presbyter Maxifined with them,

mus* was

in after

the bishops in
*

Ep.
Ep.

28.

31.

I, 5. 6.

among
we
Cornelius

years thought worthy to be laid

the subterranean chapel of

'

Euseb.

pp. 69, 162.

vi.

43, et sup. p. 69.

THE CONFESSORS AND NOVATIAN.

II. XI.

him

find

shall

inspiring his fellow sufferers

an act of

to

But the

courage morally higher than their confessorship.

ruling spirit

who

byter,

among them during

the

the year 250 was a Pres-

doubtless belonged to the Jewish section of the

church of Rome, Moyses.

to

19

letter

in

His signature had been attached

which Novatian and the clergy signified

their adhesion to the proposals of Cyprian,

may

and we

not

unreasonably conjecture him to be the author of the manly

thirty-first epistle^

prised in

its

even while

Had some

philosophic magistrate sur-

passage such a document, rating his severities,

in process, as substantial

happiness to the sufferer,

and from a dungeon claiming the right to legislate for

evidently numerous classes of mankind, he must have questioned with himself not only as to where the chief Good, but
where the

reality of

Moyses and

power

resided.

his fellow-sufferers

from the

first

gave no

countenance to the theory that the merits of martyrs or

confessors

should cross the path of discipline

aud they

earned the gratitude of Cyprian by their remonstrance with

whom

those

they were connected with at Carthage, against

the line there pursued-.

past

when Cyprian

writing

year of confinement was nearly

them a

comfort, in answer to theirs, by the

letter of confidence

now

liberated

and

and welcome

hand of Celerinus, traced out the progress of the four seasons

of their spiritual experience, with no small remnants of his
older rhetoric ^

It

of eloquence were

must not be forgotten that such flowers

in their freshness then, and that the

new theme. Some ungroup had already died*, when Moyses

brightness of a prison-house was a

known members
after eleven

of the

months and eleven days of bondage (such

is

the

accurate record of the Liberian Chronicle, and one which

That one wrote for the rest appears

'non dicam,' Ep. 31.

the phrase

in

Ep.

Ep.

37.
37.

venerunt.'

2.
-

Ep.

28. 2.

'

per tales

talia.'

'ad osculum

Domini

Dec.(?)3i,
"

'

^^"

GROWTH OF THE OPPOSITION AT ROME.

I20

even here marks the importance attached to his position)

followed them^ to a confessor's grave.

With an

Moyses had marked

insight lacking to the rest

Novatian's progress toward an exclusive rigorism, not undiscoverable even

Cyprian softened,

had seemed

like

and hardening

in his first epistle,

to

So

meeting-points

after that

just as

unchristian-

him the insane arrogance^ of Novatian's

'

'

tone that at last he had refused to act with him, or possibly

communicate with him and

to

time

this

presbyters),

five

in

his uncharitable disciples (at

the

Post passionem ejus (Fabii) Moyses

Maximus

et

presbyteri

Nicostratus

et

diaconus comprehensi sunt

cerem sunt

et in

Eo tempore

missi.

car-

super-

which, like other

visits

Moyses may

clergy, they paid to the prisoners'*.

must

ai^Ty

Novatus, and not

refer to

Novatian, because 'The

must

be

byters.

well have

five presbyters'

The Five Carthaginian PresIt is to

be observed that through

Novatus ex Africa et separavit de

ecclesia Novatianum et quosdam confessores, postquam Moyses in carcere

possibly

defunctus

a numerical but a presbyterian

venit

(Liberian
cit. p.

est,

qui

fiiit

Catalogue,

ibi

ap.

m.

xi.

d. xi.

Lipsius,

op.

Considering that Fabian

267).

was martyred on 20 Jan. this looks as

if it meant that Moyses died on the last
day of the year; the precision of the
record is due to the necessity felt for
saving the

memory

of Moyses from the

imputation of Novatianism.
^

dirdvoiav.
^

Eus.

ttjv dpaffOrijra koX tt]v

//.

E.

vi. 43.

iiroLrj<rev

p.

I.e., where see Valois.

Although the word is classical in the
sense of 'having no dealings with,' yet
the bond and usages of communion can

have affected already a

term which soon was becoming the fixed
fail

to

word

for 'excommunicated,' especially

since

the sentence

irivTe

vpeff^vripoii to?j afia airrip airo-

proceeds avv

rols

ffXiaoffiv iavToiK rfji sKKXtjalai.

In this same clause Lipsius

p. 202)

is

called,

editing,

Having however not only

'Novatus.'

bias,

makes Moyses 'excommunicate'

Novatus and his five. In that case we
Lipsius

should have a

Roman

communicating

Five

never stirred from

whom

hear of Five.

who

Carthage, and of

difficult to

it is

had heard.

presbyter ex-

Presbyters

Ritschl,

conceive that he
p.

68,

observes

would make Six OpposiBut then

we only

further, if this

so, Moyses is not said to have renounced Novatian himself at all (but
only Novatus and his Carthaginians),
is

Cornelius,

ap. Eus. //. .,

hardly

Eusebius'

tion Presbyters there, whereas

airov

iKoivwvrjTov

through

also that this

pp. 108 sqq.

' KartSwj'

the whole Epistle Novatian

whereas his disowning of Novatian

to impress

(op. cit.

this

on Fabius.

The number Five

larly

in

the

reappears singu-

History.

Cyprian's

first

recusants are Five Presbyters, Ep. 43.

I, 3.
The heretic Privatus of Lambsese

had Five presbyter adherents, Ep.

10.

untowardly conceived that

is

the very point which Cornelius wished

59.

Five presbyters attended Cornelius

at the reconciliation of

49. 2.

Maximus, Ep.

Five bishops consecrated the

NOVATIAN.

II. XI.

121

been one of the presbyters whose advice Fabian had overruled when he ordained
who had been exorcised

the Stoic philosopher, the epileptic,

and baptized

as a daemoniac,

who

apparently fatal malady which ensued, yet

in the

his

after

recovery had not cared to complete the right by obtaining

These were harsh

the imposition of hands.

history,

tian's

and although the language of Cornelius

cruelly bitter^ they were

against
into

Nova-

traits in

him by the

likely

traits

gentlest,

is

be remembered

to

when the man slowly moved

prominence as the withholder of forgiveness and rejecter

Harsher yet was the story that the Deacons

of the penitent.

could not persuade him to emerge, in order to

confessors, from

some small

during the persecution,

'

now

to another philosophy.'

we may

half of the speech thus imputed to him

first

retired

because he had resolved to be no

longer presbyter and belonged

The

which he had

to

cell"^

visit suffering

unhesitatingly reject as a mistaken

comment on

the

rest.

Kis meaninsf doubtless was that he embraced the contempseudo-bishop Fortunatus, Ep.

Any

59.

11.

of these Fives might as reasonably

be identified with the Five Novatianist

Presbyters,

We

of Carthage.

Five

the

as

remember too

Cyprian sarcastically

Five with the

He

'

Presbyters
that

identified his ovra

Five Magnates.'

talks of his 'wolf-like friendli-

but he

is

constantly spoken of as proud

of being a philosopher, and

had been any but the

philosophorum

'alia est

The

ratio, &c.'

which he loads

of Satan, and treats the natural rule,

graves mores

person baptized under fear of

as

if it

admitted of no equally natural

exceptions.

He

was a narrow-minded

man. Cyprian, with his larger heart,

and humour rallies the prejudice (which
at Neocsesarea A.D.
314 became a
Canon) against Clinical Baptism by

Cyprian

et

sternness of his tone

Jud.

Cib.

et

c. 3.

et

hirti

hominum

No

firmi

probantur,

credit can be at-

gius,

H. E.

Phrygian.

viii.

15,

Socrates,

that

he was a

who wrote

28) with a strong regard

iv.

{^H.

for

Novatianist discipline and had investi-

attributes

its

spread there to the austere

any personal

true that

we have no

distinct in-

E.
the

gated the history of the sect in Phrygia,

well be called Peripatetic, Ep. 69. 16.

is

et

De

tached to the statement of Philostor-

character of the people and not at

It

is

his idea of manliness

hispidi

et

hinting that other baptism might just as

formation that Novatian was a Stoic,

6,

Stoicorum

well seen in the strange epithets with

asperi

death should not be admitted to Orders,

his school

could scarcely have written Ep. 55.

ness,' ascribes his conversion to the act

that

if

Stoic,

H. E.
^

ii.

influences.

32.

oIkIckos,

Euseb.

loc. cit.

Cf.

all to

Sozom.

GROWTH OF THE OPPOSITION AT ROME.

122

life in preference to the active, and for this his health

and habits furnished an excuse which would not have been
disallowed from others. To forsake the presbyterate would

plative

have been a step

to

alien

his

while at the same time there

is

rigidly ecclesiastical spirit,

no reason to question

either

the fact or the sincerity of his abjuration of episcopal ambi-

The unsparing author

tion ^
'

'

'

To Novatian
how he had wept
'

had borne

of the contemporary pamphlet

bears witness to his faithfulness as a presbyter,

own, how he

for the faults of others as his

and dwells on

their burdens,'

the strength of his

'

heavenly addresses' to the faint-hearted I

We may judge
At

vulgar order.

eloquence was of no

for ourselves that his

when

a time

no Latin writer of

ability, his

Roman

the

style

church possessed

pure, clear, incisive,

is

not disdainful of verbal repetitions for distinctness' sake, or

of prolonged pronominal

in his syllogisms afraid

When

he passes from explanations to

clauses".

he has a

reflections

peculiar tone of melancholy sarcasm and latent censure which

seems to dwell even

He
^

in the

had been engaged

We need

(Euseb.

loc.

subject

were

in

not believe with Cornelius

at.) that his oaths

(po^epoi

(tio^epGiv Tivuv...),

tioning (op.

sound of

cit.

(.../cat

on

St'

this

opKuv

but Neander's ques-

vol.

I.

pp. 335, 6) that

Novatian protested against the imputation

not creditable to his criticism.

is

his sentences.

controversy with the Jews, and

as Ep.

Compare Ep.

30.

ipsum quod pro

se

36. 2

facere

ipsis

'

hoc

puta-

verunt animadvertimus contra se ipsos

protulisse,'

and Ep.

quando mewith Ep.

qui id quod habet non
36. 3

'

liores ipsorum...\xa^t\XQ\.\xx^

30.

'

Nam

custodit

in eo

ex quo illud possidet,

Novatian was a student, and a pietist and

a severe man, and in delicate health. He

dum

id ex quo posbidet violat, amittit

illud

did not wish to be dragged from retire-

tian's de

quod possidebat,' and with Nova

Trin. c. 13 '...Verbum autem

ment

hoc illud est

until the

forced
^

it

Ad

development of

on him.
Novatianum,

appendices to Cyprian.
ship

of

this

Treatise

his views

ch.

13,

in

the

On

the Author-

see

Appendix,

From

this tone (see especially the

and

from the

insinuation

of

pronominal

peculiarities I cannot hesi-

36.

tate to ascribe to

3)

nihilominus

him Ep. 36

as certainly

Sec.

dum

Compare

again the string of short clauses com-

menced with Quod

sage
'

p. 557.
*

quod...'E.\.

xnundu% ifse posl ilium,'

qui

inf.

of
si

De

si in

habent,' &c., and

[A more

authorship

Harnack

the above pas-

Trin. with Ep. 36.

is

in op.

of.

i,

p. 147, n.

^
i

elaborate proof of the

worked out by Dr A.
cit., inf. p.

150.]

NOVATIAN.

II. XI,

123

perhaps with the Judaizing Christians, who formed so strong

a party in

Rome.

Nothing indeed could be more important

than that the vast Jewish population should be directly confronted

by

and that inquirers should learn the

Christianity,

difference between

shadow and

His two epistles

substance.

'Of Circumcision' and Of the Sabbath were thus aimed \

Whether that On the Priest bore on the same controversy
or on his own conflict with Cornelius is more than I can
decide.
But his extant epistle Of the Jewish Meats was
composed probably in this very year, and possibly during the
retirement^ which by some was so violently reprehended, as
'

'

'

'

'

'

a manual repeatedly asked for by a laity

who

'

but vehemently taught a sincere Gospel.'

It is

a singular and

partly beautiful essay

not only held

The Jews are strange to

the under-

'

'standing of their law. ..No animals, created and blessed of

'

God, are really unclean.

Some have

'or form a figurative repulsiveness,

'

vantage of as a means of instruction

illustrations are fanciful, as

days when such

like

So

it

'

was

'

in

some olden

them

own primal benedictions by closing

The true meat, holy and clean, is a

the law.'

spotted conscience, and an innocent soul.

Whoso

Such a banqueter

'sups with Christ.

'
So he says himself. See De Cibis
yud. c. I. His (/e Attalo may have
been a paper on the Abuse of Wealth.

The De

htstantia sounds like a charac-

teristic title

of a pendant to Tertullian's

De Patientia, or a corrective
De Bono Patientite.
2

Commonly headed

gelio perstanti.'

He

'

to Cyprian's

Plebi in

it

speaks of writing

is

had
to

all

an un-

right faith,

thus feeds

These

God's guest.

during an absence which he trusts

will
this

not prove injurious to them.

were during persecution

for that

it

If

accounts

change of tone as to Cyprian's

retirement which

we saw

that Novatian

imported into the

Roman

judgment.

Evan-

be used.'

to

things which antiquity

all

mists of symbol V had 'restored

their
'

'

in

Here the

in morals.'

shadows or emblems had

But Christ had opened out

'shrouded

character

was taken ad-

this

might be imagined, the pride of

the swan's neck being one of them.

'

in their habits,

and

...sacramentorum nebulis,

Jttd. c. 5.

De

Cib.

GROWTH OF THE OPPOSITION AT ROME.

124
'

be the banquets which sustain angels

'

which make martyrs.*

'

Christian temperance

These

much

these be the tables

condemns both avarice and luxury^'

and lastly, in language

vices are severely chastised,

sterner than S. Paul's'', the partaking of things offered

condemned as still in use, and apparently as being

the one way now possible in which defiled meats could be
to idols

is

eaten.

Thus then Novatian had

which the
master

well deserved the reputation, at

practical Cornelius levels an unthinking sneer, of 'a

in doctrine

and a maintainer of

ecclesiastical science'.'

He was a
Apart even from the other popes

Cornelius was indeed cast in another mould.

Roman

of the Romans.

with their Greek epigraphs, he was buried under a Latin

inscription

here
2

c. 6.

made

On

the noble Cornelii^

one singular revelation

see p. 290, n.

non

Novatian's admirable work

must, from

bellian Heresy'

its

calls

it

Eus.

/.

c.

Of the Trin-

mention of 'the Sa-

(c.

years later in date.

III. 70)

risen quiet

and

Tertullian, usually ascribed to Cyprian.

it

was

in after

times sold at Constantinople at a low

with the object of helping on the

Macedonian views of the Holy Spirit.
However it is orthodox, and inexact

price,

c. 7.

...6 SoyfMTia-His, 6 t'Qj (KKKfjaiaari.-

KTJi iin<rr-qfj.r]s iirepaa-iriffrifi!, ap.

ity,

He had

Under Cyprian's name

4.

...sumenlem daemonio nutrit

Deo...
^

among

12

sqq.),

Jerome

be some
{de Virr.

a 'quasi-epitome' from

only as prior to definition.

*

See

inf.

Ch. vii.

Catalogue (Lipsius,

i.

The

Felician

op. cit. p. 375)

does

not mention his father's name, and the

surname Castinus given

in

the Liber

PACE REDUCI.

II. XI.

12$

respected through every order and office in the church*.

Per-

sonally he was not other than a humble-minded man, yet

somewhat

and with a high sense of

irritable,

official dignity.

Cyprian at once honoured and humoured him, and was as

him

far superior to

was

in the instincts of a ruler, as

He

in doctrinal acuteness.

some who, he

Novatian

had received to Communion

himself by enquiry, had been unjustly

satisfied

accused of lapse by the severer faction, and was retaliated

upon by charges of communicating with lapsed bishops and

others, or even of being himself a Libellatic^

The

now advanced

he had

for the epis-

his irregular ordination, his

judgment of Moyses on

retirement, the

held

Novatian however

disqualifications of

copate were patent

his

unpopular

opinions.

For

He

to the position of the Puritan.

impossible that the Church on earth should reconcile

it

apostates.
salvation.

He
He

did not indeed exclude them from hope of

maintained

them
To communicate

it

to be

one of the most solemn

communion
communion was to become

ministries to bring

to repentance

never.

in their

but to

excommunicate.

No

Christian thinker as

familiar distinction

yet had struck on the

now

so

between the Invisible Church and the

Visible, as the reconcilement of her essential attributes with

their practicable evincement.

But a true sense had guided

both Cornelius and Cyprian himself, (who

so egregiously to

fail

for lack of the

in later years was

same simple formula,)

to a standpoint of more leniency than the late resolutions

had occupied. With them moved almost the whole Church.
But singular to say, the immediate comrades of Moyses had,

possibly in
Pontificalis

of

Labbe,

683,

l.

p.

some
the
is

Pseudo-Damasus,

less likely to

ditional than invented.

S.

Tav.

I.
^

Ep.
Ep.

reaction

be

tra-

See Rossi, R.

iv. 2.

55. 8.
55. 10, ir, 12.

With

singular

against his influence, but also

Ritschl says we have no
means of knowing whether Cornelius
was a Libellatic. The whole tenor of
unfairness

and the debate about

his

history

title

must have been quite different

had been.

if

his

he

GROWTH OF THE OPPOSITION AT ROME.

126

urged by a new and strange partisan, placed themselves on

the side of Novatian*.

Early

A.D. 351,

^^^ th^

1004.
Coss.

Imp.

Messius Q.

they were liberated from prison

in the year 251

election of a bishop

Pqj. ^j^g security of

commencement

of the

was contemplated.

Decius was threatened.

new year

Before the

Priscus * had

assumed

in

Macedonia the title of Augustus, and allied his legions with

Decius
Q^' Cniva and his Goths. Decius left Rome for the scene of
ni
Herenn.
action.
Scarcely was he gone when Julius Valens was proMessius
claimed Emperorf behind him, and followed him as far as
There was a sudden absence from the city of all
Cxs.[anno IHyria*.
^/''^\
the principal military officers. Valens soon fell. But the
*

?Nov. or

Dec,

A.D.

war of commanders was the Rest of the Church. And though

abounded, and expectations of resumed persecution
prevailed ^ the interval was seized* for an election. Cornelius,
|.]^j.gg^|.g

t Feb. or
\Torpfj

A.D. 251.

compelled to accept the

result',

bishops* ordained to the See of

was by no

than sixteen

less

Rome.

In that Imperial world horror followed horror and

touched blood

so fast that the sense of

'

uneasily from time to time and was

people was silently rising over

still

awe only

blood

stirred

But a great

again.

vast area, for

its

'

whom

Provi-

dence and the Innocent Blood were realities, and whose sense
of God's Love was deepened by suffering for Him. The

some months

tidings were yet

Eus.

//.

E.

ro\j (rvfjL(t>epoiJ.^voLS
"^

vi.

46

...iri.

rj Nooi/d-

March

Valens took place

29.

The

in Febr.

or

251, Lipsius, 0/. aV. p. 206; that

at

Rome.

nearly

had
tantum temporis

(2)

T\it cemulus princeps

none but Valens.

vol. III. pp. 324, 5.

...qui [Cornelius]

in

Cyprian

^P- 55-

connected them.

9-

events are connected by the

phrase in Ep. 55. 9

tientius

et

'

...cum multo pa-

tolerabilius

audiret levari

adversus se (zniulum principeni

quam

(i)

The

v/z.s

events were
If

March and

Valens

Cornelius

(according to the usual chronology)

June,

The

(3)

contemporaneous.

risen

sedit exspectans corporis sui camifices.

sacerdotem.^

this infringement of the

edict against bishops, not being himself

of Priscus in end of 250; see Tillemont,

3

Romse Dei

constitui

Decius heard of

yvunrj.

Aur. Victor, de Casaribus,

rise of

distant of a treason against

...vim

could

Ep.

in

have thus

passus est ut episcopatum

coactus exciperet.
"

not

55. 24.

Ep.

55. 8.

PACE REDUCI.

II. XI.

i.

Decius like his own, of the plunging squadrons at dead of

night in the all-devouring morass, of the strenuous emperor's

disappearance with his loved son.

When

the news

came

at

and the engulfed princes had been added to the gods of

Rome', it would have been too strange if there had not survived enough of human nature to make the Christians trace
an Avenger in such tragedies but what was new was the
acceptance by the mass of them undoubtingly of their own
persecution as a Divine and wholesome chastisement. And,
last,

says Cyprian, their

enemy had

not, 'in the darkest

hour of

the lovers of God,' succeeded for an instant in any place

silencing their constant 'boast of His praise' until once
'the world shone out in light

more

=^.'

then security was not assured, but from the day

Till

in

when

Decius marched out of the gates the persecution virtually

dropped, and

'

which but a few months before had

Peace,'

seemed an impossible

blessing, settled tranquilly

down upon

the Church.

We

shall not be far

wrong

if

we

...uterque

sunt, inter
^

'

barbarico

in

Dives

Mundus

relati.

eluxit,'

interfecti

Eutrop.

De

ix. 4.

Lapsis,

death of Decius

in

preface must

November.

(Libenan CataL),

The

This

the

death

tijicalis,

suffered

below, pp. 156, 175.

3

^/. 55.

election

by LipHis
successor Lucius died on the 5th March
after having sat eight months and ten
of Cornelius

is

sius, op. cit. p.

thus arrived at
18, pp.

206, 207.

in

the

March.

of Lucius

is

March

prettily

for

sup-

which

that

says

'

Cornelius

on 5th March, and committed

the church treasure to the archdeacon

Stephanus.'

The date of the

8.

in

ported by a depraved text of Liber Pon-

was out by the

end of March, as we shall see. See
edition, for the treatise

Day

date of the 5th of

belong to a later

little

Easter

'^'

three months and ten days previously

i.

Ultione divina' can only refer to the

the ordination of March

fix

Cornelius to about the 5th of March'.

The

introduction of Ste-

phanus shews that Cornelius is here

an error for Lucius from whose life in
the same Pseudo-Damasus comes the
story (Labbe

i. c.

739).

The common date,

4th June, assigned

days (Liberian Catalo^e) in which the

to

three added years are an interpolation.

turbed the chronology of the reign of

This brings his ordination to June 25,

(if we allow an average time for the

could not have revolted before April,

vacancy) places the death of Cornelius

and has

and

in June,

and

his ordination,

two years

the election of Cornelius,

Decius by making

it

has dis-

appear that Priscus

led even Pearson to construct

hypotheses of long recesses in the

ses-

5,

GROWTH OF THE OPPOSITION AT ROME.

year 251 was on the 23rd of March, and Cyprian, though
unable to keep the Paschal solemnity

own

his

in

church,

was the wont of the African bishops', returned very shortly

afterwards to Carthage, after fourteen months of absence'"*.
It was some expected move" on the part of 'the faction'
as

which postponed

demonstration

his return, or the fear of a

which might rekindle persecution. Nothing unusual seems

It was recognised that the execution
to have occurred.
of the edict was suspended"*, work was instantly resumed

with utmost vigour, and the bishops of the province, about

April,
A.D, as I.

the

first

week of

April,

began joyfully

muster

to

in

the

the

odd

metropolis.
sion of the First Council, and of several

journeys for Novatus to and from

That date

rests

Rome.

however on the mere

wretchedly by copying out

number of months

as

if

they were the

Thus, from the statements that

years.

application of the duration of Cornelius*

Cornelius sate

episcopate (two years three months and

Stephanus

m.

'a.

a. iii.

11.

m.

ii.

m. in.

d.

d. xxi.,

Xystus

X.,

he derives his

ten days) to the r4th of September,

a.

which Jerome gives as the historical

date of his execution at Rome. Cornelius was however not put to death, and

statements that they sate respectively

II.

XI.

He

has Lucius more correct.

Ep.

martyrdom of Cyprian, together with

whose festival the memorial of Cornelius was celebrated at Rome on account

Biennhim

is

of their friendship and union.

It

seems to

me

possible also that the

coincidence of Cornelius' election and

Lucius' death on 5th

March may have

been a cause of error

in early calendars.

Eusebius, in assigning three years to

the pontificate of Cornelius, blunders

VI.'

three years, two years, and eleven years.

the real anniversary of the

that day

d.

56. 3.

in

the

loose,

'

planned his

Easter,

Ep. 43.

He

Malignitas et perfidia.'

tinctly

return

for

dis-

after

i.

Persecutione sopita,

facultas in

over-

Roman

wrapping time-reckoning of a
Ep. 43. 4. See note 2, p. 41.

unum

cum

data esset

conveniendi, copiosus

episcoporum numerus, Ep. 55.

6.

CHAPTER

III.

SEQUEL OF THE PERSECUTION.

I.

Cyprians First Council of Carthage.

Question

Events had

The

i.

of Cornelius.

Title

so concurred that the

would demand the attention of

this,

first

the

subject which

Council of

first

Carthage which had met for perhaps half a century ^ was

had been contemplated

quite other than

Cyprian had

at the last

from Cornelius announcing

had been delivered a

against

the

choice

his

the agenda.

own

election.

But with

of another tenor;

letter

that

in

moment*^ received the despatch

had

been

madel

It

it

protest

was from

Novatian.

The

president

felt

himself called upon to decide whether

he should lay both documents before the Council, or

He

which of the two.

was guided, he

One had

of the communications.
'plicity; the other

says,

rang with the noisy baying of execrations

Concil. Agrippinense.

sense of Baluze (n. p. 432)

Ep. 45.

edits,

2 '...jam tunc, fratribus at

plebi,' &c.
*

Ep. 45.
XIX.)

2.

Dom

Maran

takes this letter

[^Vita S.

not to

have been a protest, but one from Cornelius:

B.

mistakenly,

and

not,

the tone of religious sim-

'

Cypr.

if

simply by the tone

against

the

whom

he

'cum ad me talia adversum te

(Comelium) et compresbyteri tecum

considentis(Novatiam)scripta venissent,
clero et plebi legi praecepi quae religio-

sam

simplicitatem sonabant...'

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

JO
'

and

He

resolved not to communicate the mass of

offensive

charges in writing^ against Cornelius

invectives.'

and

bitter

to an audience of partially informed, provincially-educated

persons, far from the scene of action,

beration

in

now gathered

for deli-

about the Altar^ and surrounded by the

files

Whether even on

excitable laity of the city.

motives he should have withheld them

these forcible

a question

is

con-

sidering that these councils were the very types of returning

We

freedom, both individually and corporately.

He

scrupulous debater.
^

took however the

ex diverso in librum mis-

...ea quae

sum congesta fuerant, Ep. 45. 2, nothing

wonderful. Not as Rettberg (p. 125),
ein ganzes Buch angefullt.'
2

Ep.

Fratribus

Fechtrup

However

mare

Hartel's

in si

quando.
has

reading

first

scarcely any support, his second none.

O. Ritschl

sacerdotibus) et plebi,

{i.e.

45. 2 ...longe positos et trans

may have found

n.)

quod and

in

step of

politic

136 and

(p.

difficulties

recognise in

combined with the

his act the benevolent despot singularly

part

(p. 75)

CorneUus'

makes Cyprian iman die

'...nur

letter

constitutos, 45. 2.

Hartel confuses this

Bischofe und zwar in der geheimsten

interesting passage

by a

Weise {singulorum auribus intimavi-

'

intimavimus.

'

him

the assembly forbade

the

railing

pariter

full

stop after

Cyprian says respect for

to

produce

'considerantes

accusation

ponderantes quod in tanto

et

fratrum religiosoque conventu considen-

Dei sacerdotibus

tibus

nee

et altari posito

debeat nee audiri.'

legi

That

'he well weighed what was not

be read or listened

to in

ostendimus,

scripta sunt legi

that

is,

fieri

quando

talia

temeritate con-

apud nos non patimur

us.'

suffer

(Cf.

Ephes.

it

duty

if,

'

when

not to be read before

4. 29.)

In each pas-

sage Hartel has expunged the negatives,

reading
'

'rf legi

debeat

it

secrecy about

no one should be

intitiiare
it

{e.g.

has no

tint

intimaverunt

of
is

used of the declaration of the Jews that

king but Caesar, Adv.

they had no

Jud.

App.

Hartel,

p.

The

15).

139,

the contrast with Cyprian's treatment of

'We recognise this

we

ignorant of

such a place.'

people have given vent to such libellous

'spite,

phrase merely means

thought of secrecy not only takes away

si

quorundam calumniosa

this

to

fit

Further on he says, 'porro haec

debere

is,

But

mus).''

that he took care that

et audiri'

and

apud nos patimur.' Fechtrup thinks the

Novatian's
clero

et

letter,

but he says expressly

plebi legi pracepi,

Ep.

45.

2.

Ritschl has fallen into another strange

mistake on

'...ea

quae ex diverso

in

librum missum congesta fuerant acerbationibus criminosis respuimus' (45.

2),

'den Brief der Gegenpartei will er mit

Erbitterung von sich gewiesen haben.'
Acerbationibus

depends

on

congesta.

Yet Ritschl's whole allegation against

Cyprian of unfairness

in the

treatment

changes destroy the meaning; but they

of Novatian's despatch and of untruth

really only present the converse (not the

rests

reverse)

'\i

fieri debere ostendimus is in-

terpreted 'we sanction these doings.'

on these two

errors

and on the

meaningless reading retenta in Ep. 48.

3-

III.

I.

QUESTION

THE TITLE OF CORNELIUS.

I.

proposing to despatch two of their

as

a delegacy to

and

investigate

own number

I3I

to

Rome

His old friends

report.

Caldonius and Fortunatus were selected and took their departure^

Their instructions were to communicate

who had attended

instance with the bishops

of Cornelius^ and,

the

first

them written

to procure from

if satisfied,

in

the ordination

attestations of its regularity.

This unprecedented request for credentials, although com-

Rome

exposed Cyprian at

plied with,

He

innovating turn.

to reflections

upon

his

reasonably replied that the circum-

stances were novel, and his procedure a security to the titled

The commissioners were

further charged to use their best

endeavours to recompose the broken harmony of Rome*.

One more

step

was taken

to complete the fairness of the

Communications with Cornelius

neutrality.

suspended

of church

letters

business

to

as bishop

were

the

were

ordered to be addressed for the present to

and deacons'.

presbyters

Rome-ward bound

All Christian travellers

were cautioned to be circumspect

its

city

in recognising claims for

adherence^

Question

2.

Decision on Felicissimus

Pending intelligence from Italy the Council approached

There was

their original work.

delegacy to

Rome that

if

this further necessity for the

Cornelius really favoured, as was

Rome, the

position of Felicis-

simus might be strengthened indefinitely^

Before conditions

reported, the party of laxity at

Ep.

Ep.

...qui ordination! tuse affuerant,

44.

48. 1

44.

Ep.

Ep. 45. I.
This does not seem

any

/.

Hadrumetum.

Lipsius infers

{op. cit. p.

do not see how

204) from Ep.

45 that letters to Cornelius had been

already written which were now re-

I.

'

'

see) at

45. 3.

addressed to his Clergy.

to

practical efiect except {as

have had

we

shall

Ep. 48.

Ritschl, pp. 77, 78.

i, 2.

92

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

X32
of

communion could be determined

for the Lapsed, the affair

For, should

of Felicissimus stood as a preliminary question.

it

renegades with-

his reception of repentant

be decided that

out terms of penance had been warranted by circumstances,

no further discussion on the Lapsed would be

if

the broad issue should be

to his,

decided

first

But

the opposite sense

in

might then be too late to introduce

it

required.

his

conduct as a

Condemnation would wear the appearWhereas his

schism really consisted not in the views he had maintained
about the Lapsed, (for the question was yet open,) but in the
fact that he had re-admitted offenders when the bishops had
disciplinary question.

ance of being based on ex post facto regulation.

given notice that their cases were to be reserved to a council.

There

is

large indication that Cyprian

debate and

this

An

decision.

its

was not present

at

honourable and experienced

lawyer would naturally avoid the position of a judge

in

case in which he was virtually plaintiff and Felicissimus defendant.

In writing of

not employ the

practice

subsequently to Cornelius he does

person, which

first

when he

it

is

think his unvarying

records decisions at which he had presided,

'

To

'

relation to the cause of certain presbyters

acquaint you

'

(he says)

'

with what has passed here

in

and Felicissimus,

'our colleagues have sent you a letter subscribed with their

by

'hand, and
'

their letter

you

will

learn the opinion

and

decision they arrived at after giving audience to the parties \'

Lastly, there

is

intimation of the absence of Cyprian from

Carthage at the very conjuncture when, as

conclude, the

case of Felicissimus was before them.

In

company with

one of the senior bishops of

Liberalis,

Hadrumetum^ about eighty miles

know not what errand. They found the

the province, he visited

from Carthage, on
clergy there in

official

correspondence with Cornelius, .and

in

accordance with the resolution of the Council (which their

absent bishop Polycarp had not yet transmitted to them),
^

Ep.

45. 4.

See Appendix on

Cities.

III.

QUESTION

I.

them

desired

to

DECISION ON FELICISSIMUS.

2.

communicate with the

Roman

present through Cornelius, but through

tainly the sole

adopted

its

Church, not at
presbyters and

Cornelius took umbrage at this course'

deacons.

moment

was

it

I33

and

cer-

at which Cyprian could properly have

precisely

this

interval

elapsing after the

departure of Caldonius, before the Council had satisfied themselves of the validity of Cornelius' position.

we

(as

that

is

shall see)

This they did

sometime before the return of Caldonius,

when they were debating the case of

to say, just

Feli-

Caldonius and Fortunatus had been also provided

cissimus.

with a transcript of the previous letters addressed upon this

subject of Felicissimus

by Cyprian

They were

missioners.

read to the laity of

and

his

com-

Rome, who

thus,

to his laity

without direct appeal to them, were put in possession of the

case and on their guard against clandestine negotiation

That the

demned

it

faction

is

and Felicissimus were immediately con-

almost unnecessary to

does not record

But though

it

Cyprian himself

except by implication.

these, their

was not yet possible

it

relate.

would-be patrons, were silenced,

upon the future of the

to decide

tragically situated Deniers of Christ.

'

Ep. 48.

1.

The above hypothesis

of

the absence of Cyprian from the Council

during the

trial

of his opponent Feli-

cissimus solves difficulties to

my mind

absolutely insoluble in any other way.

The text exhibits grounds sufficient to

recommend it. Pearson and Tillemont
hold that the Council was prolonged by
various adjournments.
thesis

was framed

But

(i) to

long period which the

their

hypo-

dispose of the

false

date of Cor-

nelius' election involved, (2) to allow for

this

Hadrumetum

visit.

'

Consilio fre-

quenter acto' (^/. 59. 13), which Pearson understands 'assembled again and
again,'

means 'largely attended.'

though he has corrected

Lipsius,

the election-date, proposes to meet the

second

difficulty {op. at. pp.

203

206)

by supposing the Council, before dispersing, to have empowered Cyprian, if

satisfied, to

recognise Cornelius in their

name. But we shall see that Pompeius

and Stephanus, before Caldonius returned, abundantly satisfied the Council

of the validity of the election, and that

on their evidence Cornelius was acknowledged (literas nostras ad te direximus, Ep. 45. i), and publication of
the fact ordered.

Hence

it is

incredible

end of the Council,

Cyprian should have suspended the
Hadrumetines' correspondence with
that

after

the

Cornelius.
^

p^ ^^ ^

(Epp. 41, 43.)

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

134

Question

3.

Novatianism.

For the Council at once became almost a council of war

on the more imperial question. Messengers came and went
from the field. Seldom has a council sat amid the outbreak
and clash of the questions they had to decide. Seldom has
a council been

more wisely guided: seldom indeed swayed by

so tranquil and large-hearted a chief: seldom

consider the whole range of

first

recalled

to

principles rather than to

pursue or recoil from the passion of the hour.

What we now
treatises

was

study as

in its first

one of the most famous of

form an Essay or Oration

Unity of the Catholic Church^

On THE

delivered at this con-

must have been rapidly composed, for the

occasion of it had not arisen when the prelates first assembled.
For them it was in itself an education. In masterly lines and
with a colouring sometimes not inferior to TertuUian's he
sketched that view of the constitution of the Church which
has permanently shaped its history. The great theory and its

juncture^

It

must be reserved for fuller consideration preHere must be indicated simply the two or three
leading principles by which the crisis was skilfully faced,
and an intense feeling of personal responsibility for the
integrity of the Church evoked in her bishops.

illustrations

sently.

Only by distinctness (it is represented) as to the Scripture

Unity may be formed a compact resistance to the
insinuating errors of an age whose temptation is the preideal of

sentment of novel error under Christian forms. The sole

practical bond of union is to be found in a united episcopate.

To
^

every

member

So the best Mss.

call

of that order
it,

and ap-

Cyprian himself, Ep. 54.

In the time of Fulgentius it had

parently

ceived already the alternative

title

4.

re-

De

is

committed, not only the

SiMPLiciTATE Pr^latorum.
^

The

section

date will be discussed in the

on the

De

Unitate.

III.

QUESTION

I.

regulation of his
interest in
all

and

essence and

responsibility for the totality

and oneness of

in the

individual

broad principle of the religion which

first

Love expanding into,

Such were

in Unity.

in

ducing some

intelli-

relate.

Although Caldonius and

(remaining

or rather necessarily expressing itself

now

shall

the
is

the principles of which the eloquent

expression was elicited from Cyprian by the arrival of

gence which we

35

portion of the church but a joint

Separatism abnegates

parts.

its

own

NOVATIANISM.

3.

had not returned

his colleague

accordance with their instructions

in

hope of pro-

two other African bishops, Stephen and

effect'),

Pompey by name, had appeared in the midst of the session

fresh from the scene at Rome. They had been present at the
consecration of Cornelius^ Aware of the importance of the
and assured of its reguthey had armed themselves with documents drawn up

chiefly clerical agitation against

larity,

by the consecrating
life,

bishops, testimonies from the laity to the

character and 'discipline^' of the

tations to the depositions they

universal satisfaction.

laity,

bishop,

and

attes-

All the characters of a true election

the third century (as

concurred

new

were prepared to make at

In their places they gave their evidence amid

Carthage.

in

it,

we have already

the majority of the

specified

clerics, the

them) had

suffrage of the

the consent of the neighbouring bishops^

Practically

nothing could now be gained by the formality of awaiting

Letters of recognition were

the return of the Commission.

addressed

through

all

Cornelius'.

to

The

were disseminated

tidings

the sees of Africa with the request that they too

would acknowledge the new bishop.

when

Scarcely can the ink have dried

*

'

Ep. 45. I, 4.
Epp. 44. I 45.
;

to doctrina.
I

cf.

Ep.

55. 8.

under

this

four

new delegates

His pure celibacy comes

head.

Impossible that they could, as Ritschl,

Ep.

have voted on his

...litteras nostras

82,

p.

imagines,

Ep. 45.

election.
'

Disciplina

is

the moral correlative

55. 8.

r.

ad

te direximus,

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

136

Rome

from

requested audience, a certain Machaeus and Lon-

Augendus a deacon

ginus,

excom-

of Novatian's, probably the

municated follower of Felicissimus, (not the only

member

who had taken a new colour at Rome,) and, as

Maximus a Presbyter, not the confessor, but one

of that party
their senior,

who soon

Their

after pretended to the chair of Cyprian.

mission was personally to press the charges against Cornelius,

and solemnly to announce that Novatian had been conse-

Rome.

crated Bishop of

We

must narrate the circumstances of this

which had

occurred

after

the

departure

startling event,

Rome

from

Stephen and PompeyS and now surprised the Council

of

in the

midst of their satisfaction.

seems then that the party of severity, disappointed and

It

perplexed by the election, had been stimulated to action

by

partly
Circ.

^D*^V'

Evaristus, a bishop

prime mover

^^^ appeared at
^

It

Rome

becomes certain that

this

in the

was the

order of events from the following observations.

whom

in the enterprise^

Stephanus and Pompeius

are not said to have brought any

news

Cornelius regarded as a

But a more important actor

person of Novatus.
embassy.'

tian's

own

brought iht Jirst

it

news of

that of Novatian.

Council

(it

is

stated

able to refute and

Then

Ep. 44.

repel

its

2)

the

were

charges,

if

up

letters for

which they had sought

Ep.$o. The common reading ^z'ar-

isttint

auctoremschismatis'wonXA.noigwQ

him, as Ritschl,

p. 71,

supposes

it

would,

a position ascribable to Novatian alone,

Aiictor

is

properly a promoter, not an

So

although they had not received [exspic-

originator.

tavimus Ep. 44.

own commission

\htva.%ist%oi\)\xigh(Bresis auctores,

i)

the report of their

(Dom Maran,

Vita S.

Cypr. XXI. erroneously states the contrary),

because Stephanus and Pom-

peius had produced evidence of the propriety

and regularity of the consecra-

Supervenerunt, Ep. 44.

49.

i,

the

confessors

accuse

i, it

may be

observed means 'came on the top of

our expectancy,' not 'came after Nova-

Ep.

for allowing {ut paterentur) the

consecration of Novatian.

Jerome calls
Novatus 'Auctor' of Novatian (^^ J^zWj
///.

70).

Nevertheless

probably the

right

cum

reading,

auctorc
for

reading of the two better MSS.

tion.

till

then they had received only Cornelius'

ratification.

announcement by the Novatianist em-

For the Council could

from communion as they did,

And

bassy shews that

had

not have at once suspended the embassy

except that of Cornelius' consecration.

the sensation in the Council at the

He

auctorem

is

construction.

is

the

cum

nothing but an African

III.

QUESTION

I.

own

troubles of his

NOVATIANISM.

3.

Carthage

in

hung over him was now

near,

and he wished

spirit

37

an enquiry which had long

he crossed the Mediterranean^ with at

purpose of baffling that

to avoid

but

it,

some vague

least

of the rising time which

by-

means of the episcopal order was introducing organization

amid confusion, and constituting its free representative assemblies (the only free assemblies be it remembered in the
Empire) into a legislative and judicatory power.
To prosecute this aim he would have to ally himself at
Rome with a body which took the diametrically opposite
view upon the readmission of the Lapsed to that which he
had supported in Carthage. Policy no doubt shaped his
ends as well as
confessors

means, yet his joining the exclusive

his

Rome when

at

fresh from

the comprehension-

party of Carthage does not perhaps after

a mere adventurer.

The

his view.

Rather

it

stamp him as

all

reveals the true character of

Lapsed

restoration or non-restoration of the

v/as

probably to him indifferent.

was.

What

The

question with

should be the working power?

him

In whose hands

should the settlement of the terms of church communion be

vested

The

.'

real object of his activity

was

to resist

what he

considered the encroachments of episcopal influence, and to

retain the regulation of such cases

where

it

had been during

the loose chaotic time before Cyprian, namely in the hands

of individual

He had no

clerics.

doctrinal view to maintain^

Accompanied perhaps by some of

readers, assumes that these statements

the excommunicated Felicissimites, since

are the growth of polemic rancour, and

Augendus, one of them {Ep.

goes so

appears from
bassy, Ep. 44.
^

Rome

with the

em-

far as to say that

that,

he had that

2,

Cyprian would

himself have been to blame for allowing

(previous to

r.

character
uncritical.

trial

It

is

would seem) such a

it

among

his

clergy.

This

is

true that the assump-

no character

tion of Novatus's guilt, the attributing

because at any rate this had

of his withdrawal from Carthage to a

security of the adventurer

to lose;

not come before the

Neander, indeed,
to

first

have omitted the statement

according to Cyp. Ep. 52.

312

42), re-

sqq.,

Roman

op.

confessors.

vol.

pp.
with characteristic anxiety
cit.,

i.,

place thinkers unprejudiced before

bad conscience, and

tions of depravity,

the

usual

violent

the general accusa-

may be
moral

classed with

prejudices

against religious opponents, but that an

Cyprian's first council of carthage.

138

Hence though a

passage

single

implies that his virtual

enquiry into his conduct was impending

dread of the

just before the persecution,

is

is

as a fact can be, see p.

sup.

1 1 1

as certain

pronian. Ep.

Date of Novatus' journey to Rome.

Nothing but some singular coincidence
could have given us this date minutely.
true date

But the determination of the

trial

to party

3,

6; Galland. Bibl. SS.

his 'ut judicium sacerdotum voluntaria

discessione prsecederet
nit...et hie latitavit.'

a difficulty which beset Pearson and

really

fix it.

all

attempting to

in

In other points they have misled

themselves,

(i)

Cornelius was supposed

says

by getting up, or
Felicissimus;

practised with the

Roman

Confessors

inferred from
fled to

Ep.

Rome

was
he had
It

{3)

52. 2, 3 that

to avoid the cognitio as

to his conduct,

which was

come

to

before the persecution began,

i.e.

end of A.D. 249.

was organizing the opposition
latest, in the

off

at the

He

(4)

Car-

at

thage with Felicissimus towards the end

of the persecution

towards March

Easter A.D. 250, Ep. 43.

at

Rome

To

reconcile these dates

(5)

23,

He was

after Cornelius' consecration.

to suppose that he

voyages to
party.

2.

Rome

it was necessary
had made several

while organizing his

But surely among

exertions in

his

would have received some

other

error

the cause of

this

notice, while

the inconsistency of his shifting policy

two centres of his activity would

have attracted more observation. However, I hope to be excused for a longer
at the

examination of the story,

if it

were only

because Lipsius himself,

who

the date of Cornelius,

imagines from

(2)

and

(3)

still

detected

one voyage immediately on

'

Romam

ve-

Novatus avoided

for

personal misde-

meanours by discession from the church

during the persecution, that is to say

was inferred from the words of the

Liberian Catalogue that Novatus had
as early as January 251.

by

'

But what Cyprian

that

is

excommunication

to have been consecrated in June 251.

(2) It

[Ad Sym-

Pair. vol. VII. p. 263 (1765)]. He quotes

part of Cyprian's words, but paraphrases

of the ordination of Cornelius removes

earlier chronologers

Pacian

spite.

the fountain of this mistake

that

joining, the party of

from Ep. 41.

Felicissimus

took

we

the

see

initiative

and excommunicated the Cyprianic side

(sententiam

quam

In Ep.

prior dixit).

Cyprian mentions the voyage

52. 2

in

connection with the commencement of

the party of Felicissimus, but

this is

only a rhetorical juxtaposition because

he wishes

to parallel Novatus's appoint-

in Rome with his

former appointment of a Deacon in
Carthage. (2) Again as to the Liberian

ment of a Bishop

Catalogue.

The words

under Fa-

are,

Bius, '...Post passionem ejus Moyses et

Maximus

presbyteri et Nicostratus dia-

conus comprehensi sunt

sunt

missi.

Novatus ex Africa
Novatianum

clesia

fessores,

carcerem

et in

Eo tempore

supervenit

et separavit

de ec-

quosdam conpostquam Moyses in carcere

et

defunctus est qui

fuit ibi m. xi d. xi';

and under Cornelius, '...Sub Episcopatu ejus Novatus extra ecclesiam
ordinavit Novatianum in urbe Roma et

Nicostratum in Africa.

Hoc

facto con-

fessores qui se separaverunt a Cornelio

cum Maximo presbytero,

fuit,

ad ecclesiam sunt

the death of Moyses, one or more earlier,

Lipsius, op.

and one

ject of these entries,

cit.,

p. 267.

qui

cum Moyse

reversi...,' ap.

Now

the ob-

takes Cyprian in 52. 3

which occupy the

main part of the short memoirs, is to

to speak of such a voyage, although he

record the action of Moyses and Maxi-

cit.,

sets

after the Council.

pp. 202,

down

3,

Lipsius, op.

the motive assigned for

it

mus who were commemorated

at

Rome


'

III.

QUESTION

I.

3.

NOVATIANISM.

139

change of party was not unnoticed at Carthage*, yet it is not,

as might have been expected, urged against him as a palpable
refutation.

If this election of Cornelius could be overruled at once

before being generally accepted or even announced

he

if

could establish himself at the right hand of another bishop,

whom

one to

the eyes of

been directed;
Carthage

own

his

if

many men

of highest character had

he could then secure for him recognition at

he would not only have nothing more to fear on

account, he would be in the very best position for

moderating between the episcopal power, and

who whether

all

upon lax or upon puritan principles desired almost

all

indi-

vidual discipline to be in the hands of the second order.

It

was thus that Novatus and Felicissimus

as Confessors.

was important they

It

lastly

tried to restrict

we must remark

that until after

should not be claimed as Novatianists,

the election of Cornelius had taken place

and Cornelius

no

in his letter in

ful to distinguish

is

a bishop

church,' for at the worst he could only

(as here represented)

first

It is

Moyses.

did re-

impossible to

entry into a chronological

statement that Novatus

Rome

immediately
Its object

made a voyage

after the
is

death of

to record

that

have been endeavouring to procure the

election of another.

on March
It is

way

the

no statements whatever implying that

Novatus made more than one journey
to

Rome at this period. If he did not

Rome till after the election of

reach

Cornelius on
find

5,

growing disunion

pejus
45.

March

t)

recrudescente
already,

he

abundance of time

where he would
(...gliscente et in

discordia...

would

still

to organize

Ep.
have

measures

5,

Rome imme-

A.D. iji.

annoying

Fechtrup,

to find

has ideas of accuracy,

may be
we have

conclude there-

diately after the ordination of Cornelius

Moyses died as a confessor before Notherefore conclude that

Novatus came to

fore that

vatianism began.

We

Novatus could be described

them from Nicostratus

main a Novatianist.
press the

act of

as 'separating the confessors from the

It

companion, who though not made

their

to

Eusebius

was need-

anxious to vindicate them.

that

Cornelius'

put etwa vierzehn

'

in order to allow

more

for mischief at

all difficulties, is to

Rome.
itself,

and
^

spater

If Lipsius'

and solving

be put a fortnight

out on such subjective

is

consecration

Tage

Novatus a fortnight

calculation, precise in

nology

who

suggesting by

'

Griinde,' chro-

indeed vain (Fechtrup p. 107

note).

Ep.

nunc audet
compare the earad lapsorum pemiciem

52. 2 '...damnare

sacrificantium manus,'
lier '...nunc se et

before Caldonius arrived in the 2nd or

venenata sua deceptione verterant,'

3rd week of April only to find Novatian

by indulgence, Ep.

on the point of being consecrated.

And

43. 1.

i.e.

'

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

I40

the terms of

communion

own

in their

and the view

district,

though unscriptural and unconstitutional

is intelligible.

The spirit of Novatus illustrates itself in those presbyters

of our own who, if they could, would repel from communion,
celebrate or withhold marriage or funeral

rites,

own judgment who

confirmation, on their

without respect to either Bishop or

to vows, direct the persons

who

or fix the age of

revolutionise ritual

Plebes

who admit

'

take them, and pretend to

dispense from them.

Maximus and

the other newly liberated confessors^ al-

ready biassed against Cornelius by the austerity of their own

now worked upon

views,

sacrifice

to believe that

he was ready to

a spurious charity, and

the Church's purity for

stimulated by the temper of Novatus, determined to elect

Their high character rendered

Novatian^

not impossible

it

to procure three country bishops to lay their hands, in the

supposed capacity of saviours of the Church, upon

and

to invest the

Ep.

'

54. 2.

See

'^

p.

138

Corn. ap. Eus.

vi.

We

43.

may

prelate's belief

formed by them

in a state of inebriety,

irate

though the assertion

illustrates the pos-

of the time.

Eulogius, Bp. of

sibilities

Alexandria, A.D. 579, had (Phot. Bibl.

a preposterous story about

cod. 182)

Novatian being made pope by

Kepl 'AXe^avdpeiav iwiaKdirovi'

we

should,

'Ah^^avdpov,

think,

read

'

toi>j

where

roi/s

one of the bishops

make

Archdeacon of Rome

(no such office existed before the end

of the 4th century, see Lipsius, op.

120 and note).

had an established

cit.,

'The Archdeacon
right

(6

him

rrjviKddf

We

a presbyter.'

must

of Pacian that he became bishop without consecration {Ep.

The

2. 3).

con-

temporary language of the confessors

and of Cornelius {Ep. 49 and Eus.

incontrovertible.

is

Still

/. <r.)

we put

if

Pacian's circumstantial expressions

'

ab-

sentem...consecrante nullo...per episto-

Cyp.

that will not

p.

dis-

receive with qualification the statement

lam (confessorum)

'Novatian was,' he

the

ordaining

just

sense of the story.

'

011

put an end to his ambitious designs by

irepl

named, though even

relates,

the episcopate, but Cornelius

covering that he was plotting his death

n.

and simple-hearted
that the rite was per-

dismiss the

first

to succeed to

Ti/iroj KpaTwi'...ii'ev6/ii(TTo)

Z/'3ma

...separavit deecclesia...'

Catalogue.

his head',

Puritan* with the attributes of the

first

c/e

imitate

'

side

ecclesice

by
10,

side with

'...nemine

Episcopatum dante,...' we may suppose

some little interval occurred between his election and consecration, in
which he would be called Episcopus

that

Romanus, whereas

ordinarily the con-

secration immediately followed,

*

...6

Noi/droi

rijs

twv

\eyofiiv<j)v

III.

QUESTION

I.

He

Anti-pope.

NOVATIANISM.

3.

then, in strange anticipation of the policy of

connected the Eucharistic feast with a

his rival's successors,

pledge of personal fealty to himself

me'

the form), 'swear to

'

Swear

to me,' he said

he had obtained the very syllables of

(for Cornelius believed

municant

I4I

taking

both hands of each com-

own 'never to abandon me and

The response I will no more go back

between

his

return to Cornelius.'

'

Amen^

to Cornelius' took the place of the Eucharistic

Thus was commenced the Novatianist or

which deepened

its

planted bishops in

its

own

which,

allowed and then proscribed by Constantine, supported

first

by Theodosius, and forbidden by

Julian, supported

two sons, lasted on

at least until the

This then was announced

assert the gospel''

Epistles

his

end of the sixth century^

regular form at Carthage

in

Rome, one who would

as the election of a true bishop for

'

which

the leading sees from Spain to Pontus,

all

and made the mountaineers of Phrygia almost

by

Purist schism,

unforgivingness at last to heresy

and preserve church-purity. Confirmatory

(partly forged, as they afterwards declared*) were

issued in the

name

of

Maximus and

the Confessors, together

with despatches from Novatian himself to the other principal

sees^

In these Novatian dwelt on the unwillingness with which

he had accepted a position

literally forced

upon him^

wiser perhaps than severer censors, addressed to him,

a real belief that he

supporters,

KaOapQv

may have

alpicreu^ ^/3|e...<rxfO'A'ar/cds

wu

oO yap irphs

56y/xa

5ie<p^pi:To...,

to'is

Zonar. in Can.

6pd6<j>po<TL

Cone. Carthag., ap.

I.

Migne, Pair. Gr.

vol. 137, c. 1097.

Euseb. H. E.

See Tillemont,

tims, pp. 471

we

trace

followed rather than led his

and that he might yet disentangle himself

KvpLui dXX' oi^x alperiKd^.

ti

And

which the large-hearted Dionysius of Alexandria,

in a reply

vi.

493

43.

vol. Iil. Les

Nova-

and pp. 746

753.

Hefele in Wetzer

u.

If

Welte's Kirchen-

lexikon [N'ovat. Schis?n.).

^

Ep. 44.

gelium,

See note on Evan-

i, 3.

infr. p.

147.

Ep.

pp^ ^^

iK^e^ia(T/j.4vos,

49.

i.

j.

Hieron. de Viris

^^^ 2.

Eus. J/.

III.

69.

E.

vi.

45.

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

142

again the inference from words be as just as

he was

obvious,

is

secondary place

in fact prepared to acquiesce in a

Rome,

at

it

only accepted as bishop of a church within a

if

church ^
was thus that Dionysius argued.

It
*

thy

If

'

was against

it

thou sayest, that thou wast promoted, thou wilt

will, as

by

were good

prove

'

everything so to escape dividing the Church of God.

'

martyrdom

'

dom

this

retiring.

It

to avoid schism

Nay,

to avoid idolatry*.

one case a man

no

is

to suffer

anything and

less glorious

it is

my

to

And

than martyr-

mind

In

greater.

own single soul's sake.

* But this is for the whole Church.
Even now wert thou to
persuade or constrain the brethren to come to one mind,
*

a martyr for his

is

'

thy true deed were greater than thy

reckoned to

shouldest be powerless to sway disobedient

'thine
^

own

thee, the

soul.

This will not be

fall.

And

other will be lauded.

if

thou

spirits, save,

save

pray for thy health and thy stedfast

cleaving to peace in the Lord.'

Now

was doing was conveyed

tian

Novahis own

Dionysius' actual view of the mischief which

these terms to

in

namesake, then a presbyter, afterwards Bishop, at

Rome:

'wheeling on to the stage most unholy teaching about God;

'falsely accusing our kindest
'

'

'

'

pity

Lord Jesus
Laver

Christ as void of

setting at nought the holy

overturning the

Faith and Confession that go before it and while there was

some hope of their continuance or return, chasing the Holy
Spirit away from them'.'
Read side by side with this opinion of the man's work,
;

Dionysius' letter to the

man

himself

^veKcv

tinere

martyrium ne scindatur ecclesia

(quam

est ilia

is

surely a pattern of

controversial sweetness.
^
^

rod
Kv

Ep.
Ka2
/MTj

55. 8 in fine.
rfv

ovk

eL$w\o\aTpT}(rai.

ToO

fi^

finus

ddo^oripa

(Txfo'ai

rrjs

yLvofj.^i>r]s

fjuxprvpla,

i)

^ve-

Eus.

H. E. vi. 45. The text in Pearson,

Ann. Cypr. 251, x., defective. Ru-

'et

Euseb.

Baptismal

non

erat

ne

//.

inferior gloria

idolis

E.

letter to

vii.

sus-

immoletur).'
8.

Dionys.

The fourth
Rom.

III.

QUESTION

I.

3.

NOVATIANISM.

I43

That Cyprian was deeply convinced that ambition had a

real hold on the spirit of Novatian and contributed to his
action appears in a grave incidental condemnation of him
penned six years

unanimous

his

opponents of

At

later.

councils, the

own

his

'

'

'

allusion

It

could not be to the

does

election, nor

that form of opposition.

when he

that distance of time, and after

in fact characterize

must be of Novatian that he thinks

who complained

writes of one

it

of being passed over,

not brook another's preferment, and rebelled out

and would
of enmity not

man but to his office,' and again of one

who through the coming in of jealousy

to the

clothing

in sheep's

'

'could neither be a peacemaker nor be in charity^'

When Maximus and

the other delegates of Novatian

presented themselves to the Council at Carthage

have been

in

any case

we have

time as

and were able

admit them to hearing

irregular to

prior to the report of their

own commissioners.

seen they had received very

many

once to rebut

at

would

it

But by
full

this

evidence,

of their strenuous

Until the return of the deputies they refused to

assertions.

hear more or to admit them to communicated

We

must confess however that the delegates and Novatian

himself were not wholly without justification

they had

if

anticipated that personally Cyprian might take a different

view.

It

far

is

may have

from improbable that Novatian

had before him Cyprian's new book of Testimonies, and seen

the heading 'that
against

is

rate

when

De

Ep. \^.

Zelo

GOD
last

to

it

is

impossible for

be absolved

Liv. 6. 12.

'...a

communicatione eos

nostra statim cohibendos esse censuimus

(Sr't.'

CoAibere seems

to be never used, as Ritschl (pp. 80, 81),

for the

purpose of making Cyprian con-

tradict himself in consecutive sentences,

here understands

it

offence

At any

they corresponded they had agreed upon

et

etrefutatisz/tf>,

him whose

the Church'.'

in

'sofort

excommuni-

cirt.'

It implies

only.

Absiittere,

cere, is

3
^

sometimes with

reji-

the invariable term for excom-

munication
3.

a kind of 'suspension'

see de Dom.

41. 2

Testitn.

59.
iii.

remitti ei qui in

i, 9,

10

Or. \^, Epp.

68. 2

74. 8.

28 'non posse in ecclesia

Deum

deliquerit.'

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

144

Both had held that the exclusion of

the Lapsed should be for a protracted period, to be measured
apparently by years. Both had agreed that the Martyrs

two important

points.

should have a voice as to the course to be pursued.

tian

could not restore their status as churchmen

to

Nova-

had now advanced to the conclusion that mere time

upon the

act

he was prepared

theory which regarded^ the

letter of the

more properly life-long. Again, if the Martyrs' opinion was to be respected it was no less valuable
when it favoured exclusion than if it recommended comprehension.
If he was not aware that his own change of
views was an abandonment of catholicity, how could he have
separation as

now

expected to find Cyprian

inclining to shorten indefinitely

the term of exclusion, or foreseen that the influence of the Car-

thaginian Martyrs would be exerted in precisely the opposite

direction to that of the

Roman

His ambassadors accord-

ingly, after being

removed^ from the assembly, appealed with

much vehemence

to the primate in his church

Station-Day* as well as to the

their previous

upon the next

Either then, or on

laity.

removal from the Council,

it

was replied that

Novatian had placed himself in a position external to the

church, and could not return except as a penitent*.

were however bitterly

One

in earnest.

or two of

They

them con-

many leading members of the church

made the tour of some provincial towns

ferred privately with

the capital, others

push the cause'.

It

was

however few and

sect that,

in

to

essential to the principles of such a

far

between,

all

the

Pure

'

believers

should be united in one body.

had
North Africa as well as in

Ritschl holds that though there

gone on

in

Italy a softening of the system of ex-

was ^till
the instance of Lapse until

describe a session of the Council on ac-

count of the presence of an altar

(,Ep.

and of the consessus.

used

M-

i)

It is

elusion, yet exclusion for life

similarly, if Hartel's reading de statione

the theory in

for destinantem

the Decian persecution, pp. 15, 16.

2

Expulsi, Ep. 50.

Ep. 44.

2.

Unless statione could

Ep. 68.

1.

Ep^ 44.

3.

is

correct,

Ep.

49. 3.

'

III.

QUESTION

I.

It is

follow

now worth
one

out

NOVATIANISM.

3.

I45

somewhat tiresome^ to
example of the minute finish of

while, even if

intricate

Cyprian's diplomacy, of his laborious care in conciliation, in

the avoidance or removal of misunderstandings.

Presbyter

Primitivus was

first

despatched

as

the

bearer of a private communication to Cornelius, briefly giving

the heads of the transactions, with instructions to afford per-

Such explanations he was

sonally the fullest explanations^

actually sent back to obtain, where his information failed,

Hadrumetum

with regard to the suspension at

nition of Cornelius'

Cyprian's reply on

title.

of the recogthis,

a model

of considerateness towards unduly aggrieved feelings, points

to the complete success of the
final

method adopted' and

to the

corroboration secured through Caldonius and Fortunatus.

However meantime
which proved

to be thus politic,

by the sending of
Nicephorus

the provisional sending off of Primitivus,

charge of a

in

had been at once followed up

the Subdeacon Mettius with the acolyte

explanatory despatch^ to

fuller

meet each point of possible misconstruction

to enclose fresh

copies of Cyprian's earlier letters with a request that these

might be
^

The

laid before the brethren

reader

may consider

as he pro-

ceeds the hypothesis that these diplo-

matic steps,

so

far

from obvious

perusal of the letters, so consistent

patiently traced, so dotted up and

a word or two

at a time,

worked out only

to

^
*

are an incident
be sprinkled

in

ineffective, indiscernible fragments.

- ^/).

44. 2.

Lipsius

(p.

204

Cyprian expressly

says,

is

however,

that 'et quia quibus refutatis et conpressi sunt. ..in epistula congerere Ion-

gum

fuit

'

will be

'

plenissime singula

by Primitivus, and there is no

allusion to any point as having been
mentioned in Utters which we do not
detailed

B.

Ep. 48.
Ep. 45.

2.

In

c.

4 the MS. reading

qua de eodem Felicissimo et de presbyteris ejusdem ad clerutn istic (i.e. here in

Carthage) non et ad plebem scripseram
is

the opposite of the fact, for Ep. 43

his

n.) says

that part of the correspondence here

lost.

trace in our collection except the syno-

when

in a large forgery, an elaborate story

announce that

dical letter about Felicissimus.

in the

down,

further, to

weighty appeal to the

exact subject.

laity

on

is

this

Hartel perversely ignores

the printed reading of nee before non,

which

is

essential

to

the sense,

but

dropped by the commonest kind of slip

after the -ie.
In the same line he
chooses the meaningless isdem in preference to the equally well supported

ejusdem.

10

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

146

the whole Province of Proconsular Africa had by this time

been informed of the conciliar reaffirmation of the Title of

communicate the conciliar Resolutions on

Felicissimus and his adherents and to enclose for the Con-

Cornelius

to

fessors,

under cover to their true Bishop, a

Finally

when the explanation asked

was

Brief Letter \'

through Primitivus

for

Cyprian was able to add that the Recognition of

sent,

Cornelius had been forwarded on from the Province through-

out Numidia and Mauretania'*.

And now to

take up the

'

The

Brief Letter.'

concentration

of energy, pathos and doctrine in so few lines

He

vellous'.

'

surely mar-

touches on the depression with which the news

Confessors' desertion

of the

is

had crushed him

'

Against

God's ordinance, against the Gospel-law, against the unity

'

of the Catholic foundation, to have consented to the creation

of another bishop

'

that

is,

impossible, the founding of a second church, the severing of

Epp. 46 and 47.

Ep. 45. I 'Sad et per Provinciam
nostravi,' &'c.
Then later, Ep. 48. 3,
^

'

and humanly

to a thing divinely

Sed quoniam

latius fusa est nostra

vincia, habet etiam

ritaniam

Nutnidiam

sibi cohserentes,

ne

et

Pro-

Mau-

in Urbe,'

was read

to the assembly, and to conwould not have increased the

authority.
Cyprian's object was to
place beyond doubt the facts of the
election whatever they were.
So Ep.

ceal

44.

it

'ut eis adventantibus et rei gesta

Inasmuch as our Province is very

widespread, and has also Numidia and

veritatem reportantibus, majore anctori-

Mauritania in close connection with

retur,'

&c.

'

(Peters, to

&c.'

therefore,

it,

support a

scheme of 'Metropolit, Ober-metropolit,

Kirchenprovinze

make

habet

mean

&c.

'

'

The

to
sibi

text pro-

placuit ut per episcopos, retenta

a nobis

dam

and

'includes'

'united to each other.')

ceeds

wishes

rei veritate, et

ad comproban-

ordinationem tuam facta auctori-

tate majore, tunc

demum

scrupulo omni

de singulorum pectoribus excusso, per

omnes omnino
rent.'

tel firom

istic

positos

litterse fie-

cannot translate retenta (HarMSS. except

secret' (as

ft.

recente).

O. Ritschl, see

p.

'Kept

130, n. 2)

cannot be the meaning, for the despatch

^a/^... partis

adverscE inprobitas frange-

which

is

exactly parallel

Ep.

48. 2 'rebus illic.../w veritate conper-

48. 4 '...nunc episcopatus tui et

tis^ ;

Veritas
Itice

pariter et dignitas apertissivia

.fundata &%t^

to propose

retecta

therefore venture

'discovered, ascer-

tained,' instead of retenta.

The

sense

would thus be 'we resolved that the

bishops should cause letters to be

cir-

among all in all directions here,

nowthat we had /^arw/ the real facts, and
culated

were

in

a better position to confirm your

ordination, not a scruple at last remain-

ing in any bosom.'

^

p^ ^g.

'

III.

QUESTION

I.

NOVATIANISM.

3.

147

members, the rending of soul and body

'

Christ's

'

flock

the Gospel

'

quit the

by the sundered
"

rivalries

And

of Christ*.

Church

to

come out

to

this

not the

the Lord's

in

to " assert

way

he exclaims,

we,'

you

is

we cannot

Return to your

mother

to your brotherhood.'

Dionysius the Great also wrote to them from Alexandria

The Catholic Church could realise then

what was meant by this
If one member sufifer all the
members suffer with it'
in their alienation'.

It is

remarkable that the character

which seems

is

that

two chapters of Ep. 36, and adbook De Cibis Judaicis,

to you who 'sine cessatione in Evan-

in

Ep.

gelic vos perstare monstratis.'

at this time especially to

attach to the word evangelium

of strictness ox precision.

and again

55. 3

'

in

calls the stricter

Thus

De Laps.

15

Cyprian

discipline 'Evangeli-

cus vigor,' 'Evangelii vigor,' Ep. 55.

6 'Evangelica censura.' So Epp. 67.

8; 30. 4; 27.
in
^

mind

.in

4.

This must be borne

rendering such passages as

evangelicis \xz.^\'i\ovA>\xi roboratos,'

Laps.

1.

The

catholic rule to

De

have but

first

dresses the

After his

secession 'evangelium Christi asserere'

{,Ep. 46. 2), 'assertores evangelii' {Ep.

watchword
So even in his Greek letter
Fabius, Eus. H. E. vi. 43, Cornelius

44. 3) seems to have been the

of his sect.
to

sarcastically calls

Novatian 6

Tov EvayyeXiov.

The

still

iKdiKijTTjt

extant type

was next succeeded to and exaggerated

by the Donatists. They were in the

one bishop in a city is (still with the

same idea of strictness) evangelica lex

habit of accosting Catholics with

Ep. 46

tote Christiani,' or 'Cai Sei, Caia Seia,

'

'nee

ecclesiae jungitur qui

ab

De

16.

evangelio

separatur,'

Hence

not without a characteristic

it is

force that in

Laps.

Ep. 30 Novatian uses the

adhuc paganus
11), or

traditor

consule

terms 'Evangelicadisciplina(three times),

Christianus.'

evangelicus vigor, evangelicum

ii.

men
tive

(confessorship),'

certa-

and the substan-

and adjective twelve times

in the

es,

aut pagana' (Opt.

Bonus homo

'

Es-

'

esses, si

anima;

non

tuse

Aug. de Bapt.

c.

iii.

esses

esto

Donatt.

7 (10).
^

Euseb. H. E.

^ovdrov

vi.

46

...^rt

crvficpepofi^vois yvibfir).

10-

t^ tov

FOUR OTHER PICTURES FROM

A.D. 250.

It is only fair to the Reader that I should now at this point

remind him that eminent critics have drawn very different sketches
from those above of chief actors in the church affairs of A.D. 250.
I present outlines from two portraits of Cyprian by Otto Ritschl
and by Adolf Harnack, and, by the former, one of Felicissimus in
the character of the True Churchman, and one of a vanishing
Novatus. I ought to say that mine were earlier in print, but a
short contemplation of these

It

is

may

further clear

some

points.

natural that divines in Non-episcopal Confessions should

we see) for a non-episcopal ordination, but should

wisdom and success of episcopal administration itself

not only search (as

trace the early

either to ignored action on the part of the presbyterate or to masterful

ambitions of great prelates on behalf of their order ; or again that

if possible exhibit instances in which, as one of them

they should

naively expresses

'

it,

things really

well, if only the Clergy step full

If

do go without a Bishop, and go

in.'

my own judgement
think theirs

(as

my

sincere desire to

these tests

The

of what took place in those times be warped

by prepossessions unperceived by myself, it is
have them corrected by fact and document. To

is)

commit the

first

portrait

difference without reserve.

be that

shall

of

Cyprian before his own

Presbyters in the time before the Council, by O. RitschP.

abstract will be as just as

I.

can make

Cyprian before his

own

My

it.

Presbyters.

'The Roman clergy

'see,
'

'

'

left responsible in the vacancy of their own

regarded the Carthaginian see as practically vacant through

Cyprian's retirement,

its

clergy as responsible like themselves, and

for suggesting to them a course like their

own. They wrote them therefore the Eighth Epistle.' So far well.
Next, the Carthaginian clergy out of their perfect loyalty to

themselves as responsible

'

Otto Ritschl, Cyprian

Theil, Cap.

1.

v.

Karthago und die Verfassung der Kirche.

(Gottingen 1885).

Erster

III.

CHURCH AFFAIRS

I.

No

Cyprian communicated the Epistle to him.

may say) existed among them.

'

'

Cyprian

'

by Cyprian.

I49

A.D. 25O.

faction (whatever

The Roman Letter and its probable effect were greatly dreaded
Even the loyal conduct of his clergy about it placed
them in a position to make dangerous capital of their magnanimity.
'

'

But

'

its

It

was also very great.

Four Presbyters

actual effect

moved

at least the

{_Ep. 14) to

mild views of

'the course to be taken with the Lapsed, and the final result of
'their

make Cyprian adopt

action was to

But

the milder view.

probable that the whole body of the Presbyters took this view
'from the first and that they selected Four of themselves to bear

'

is

it

Cyprian was hard on the clergy,

and laying all blame on them. The "radical"
presbyters who early communicated the Lapsed simply anticipated
the necessary policy which Cyprian after a time adopted.
'The "Visions of the Martyrs" or Confessors contributed to
soften his procedure. The offence he took at the Confessors was no

'the brunt of Cyprian's anger.

'excusing
'

'

'

'

others

all

matter of principle, but only a personal sense of their disrespect.

Cyprian's attitude however was that of a strong man.

He might
have been expected to employ his money to conciliate those who
'differed from him. But he did not. He treated the Four Presbyters,
For example; whilst in
'and indeed all, with growing decision.
Ep. 5 he uses the language of request ^^peto" &c., afterwards, when
'the great Eighth Epistle might have wrecked their allegiance, he
'boldly in Ep. 14 uses the imperative mood and strain throughout.'
'

'

'

To examine

above

the

This

suggestion.

nsts pe to, in Ep.

scheme

and

not literally true.

is

14. 3

which appear in either

no tangible difference.

mando

in

Ep.

14. 2

as imperious

when

begin with the last

Ep. 5. 2 he only
2 occur the only
consulite et providete.
But

he uses oro vos, and

real imperatives
in tone there is

to

For,
in

It is

if

in

Ep.

5.

absurd to treat hortor et

the object of

them

is

'act as

plenipotentiaries for me,' vice 7nea ftingamini.

But the whole scheme may be characterized as a string of assumed

have been already negatived by ascertainable

probabilities which
facts.

The importance assigned

to the

theory but

is

to the illiterate Epistle

wholly unwarrantable.

Eight
defect

is

necessary

of

humour

has kept the Critic from seeing the sarcastic force of Cyprian's treat-

ment of

it

in

Ep.

9.

2 (see pp. Zt, 88 above).

But

in fact there is

no

reason to suppose that the Eighth Epistle ever came to the hands
of the Carthaginian clergy at all.
They never replied to it. They

For good reason. It bore no address. It was

same time by the same hand Crementius's
which brought him the letter of the same Roman Presbyters about

never allude

to

it.

delivered to Cyprian at the

CHURCH AFFAIRS

ISO

was

A.D. 250.

once returned by him to its

we have seen, no substantial plan.
Its promoters felt ashamed of it and changed their
note.
Yet this is the formidable document to the guidance
and terror of which we are asked to trace all the leniency of the
clergy and nearly the whole policy of Cyprian.
As to the effect upon him of the 'Martyrs' Visions' it is enough
to observe that the Visions are not said to have been seen by the
Martyrs but by other persons, and that the one moral of all the
Fabian's martyrdom, and

it

authors for reconsideration.

It

at

proposed, as

is severely disciplinary and not relaxatory.

Again the 'Radical' clergy can in no sense be said

Visions

anticipated the action of Cyprian.

They

to

have

did indeed readmit to

But Cyprian's point was not that the Lapsed should

communion.

be either admitted or repelled, but that they should not be admitted

(i) without open repentance, (2) without the formal assent of the
Church. These conditions, in which lies the gist of his whole policy,
Ritschl (p. 17) quotes from Ep. 15. i ante
actam pcenitentiam, ante exo}/iologesiti.../actam, ante manum...impositam to prove that Cyprian was not angry at their action but only
But he omits Cyprian's contra evangelii
at their precipitancy.
legem from the same clause, and words cannot express greater
indignation than Cyprian's at the absence of enquiry and authority

they violated.

from their procedure.

The

and conclusions of this

hope be detected from the

impossibility of other combinations

scheme these are the main ones

text and references above.

2.

Cyp7-ia?i before the

will

Roman

Presbyters.

is our second Portrait-Sketch.

have acknowledged that it is tempting to certain scholars to
explore instances in which things really do go without a Bishop, and go

This

We

well, if only the

Clergy step

full in^.'

tempting even though the vacancy be one of a few months only,

and even if the Clergy themselves so little acquiesce in the idea that
things go well,' that all the time they are lamenting their limitations and
It is

'

longing to get the see

filled.

Yet we should scarcely have expected that the vacancy of the Roman
See, in which its Presbyters so changed their bearing towards Cyprian,
and adopted his Policy entire a vacancy in which his Kv^fpvrja-is, his
wisdom, gentleness and dignity as a bishop come so strongly out, would
;

A. Hamack,

op.

at. infr. p. 25.

'Dass es wirklich auch ohne Bischof

geht und gut geht, wenn nur der Klerus

vol! eintritt,

kann das

Beispiel,'

&c.

III.

CHURCH AFFAIRS

I.

A.D. 250.

151

be selected as an example of the adequacy of headless, unepiscopal

management
In an ingenious and learned essay (which appeared

Dr A. Harnack, along

the above text was in print)

linguistic importance,
36,

'Statesman

Epistle
25)

(p.

viii. is

is

of

Ep.

at

once a Pastor and a

Immediately on

not a well-educated one.

hearing that Carthage had by his

'clergy undertook the duty

after

effect

work of

the masterly

though

many years
much that

verification of the authorship of

has maintained an interesting thesis to that

To him
*

and a minute

with

own

act lost her Bishop, the

and adopted the

orders to the Clergy of that

'

struction " (p. 26).

city.

style of a Bishop,

an " Archiepiscopal In-

It is quite

They pursued indeed with

Roman

and issued

g^eat political sagacity a

To Cyprian they wrote respectfully as Bishop, to the

Clergy they wrote with the view of getting them to ignore him as
Bishop and take the reins of government in hand themselves.' (p. 24.)

'double policy.
'

'

Here we must

There

Ep. 8 nothing to justify the

however prudent it may
seem to some. The Roman Clergy began mistakenly. But they were in
a most difficult position. Without a head themselves and not daring to
elect one, they now heard that the Second City of the Empire was
headless too, and that by the Bishop's own act. Persecution was afoot
and he was gone. It was very natural that they should write to the
authorities there without a thought that they were composing 'a pendant
{Seitemtiick) to the Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (p. 1 5). Cyprian
nowhere complains of their doing so only, in his dignified way, of their
tone, Ep. 9
and in Ep. 20 says he writes to them not as bound to do so,
but because they are under a mistake and misinformed. They could not
know that the counsel they sent had been anticipated by Cyprian in
much more minuteness that for the liberality they recommended towards
sufferers and poor, Cyprian had provided the means; that a scheme was
begun by Cyprian for dealing with the Lapsed, the Martyrs,' and the
Premature Restorers, of which they would be glad to borrow all that
their own case required
that from his retirement Cyprian was governing
all.
When they knew, they changed their note but from the first there
was no duplicity in their conduct, rather too rough a straightforwardness.
The Clergy to whom they wrote had had solemnly committed to them
beforehand by Cyprian himself all the powers which the Romans wished
them to take.
Discharge upon the spot both your own parts and mine'
{Ep. 5. i). 'I exhort and charge you, who can be upon the spot without
'invidiousness and with less peril, to discharge in my stead whatever
really pause.

imputation of machination so

in

is

mean and

cruel,

'

'

'

'duties the religious administration

Adolf

romischen
Sedisvacanz

Harnack, Die Briefe des

Klenis aus der Zeit der

im Jahre

-250,

ap. Theolo-

demands' {Ep.
gische

14. 2).

Abhandlungen

(published

in

honour of Carl von Weizsacker's 70th

birthday).

Freiburg

I.

B. 1892.

CHURCH AFFAIRS

152

A.D. 250.

The Clergy who wrote were performing those very duties, just as the
Romans were in the vacancy, but they were only too painfully aware
that there were episcopal functions which they themselves were incapable
of discharging. They took the best and widest counsel they could, calling
in their neighbour bishops and such exiled bishops as were then at Rome,

but

'We

have thought,' say they, 'that before the appointment of a

bishop we must take no

new

middle line in attending

meantime, while we are waiting for a
'bishop to be given us by God,' the different classes should be treated
thus and thus {Ep. 30. 8). Again, We are the more obliged to postpone
'this affair, because since the decease of Fabian of noblest memory we
'have had, owing to the difficulties of circumstances and times, no bishop
'yet appointed to direct all these affairs, and to examine into the cases
'of the lapsed with authority and wisdom.' {Ep. 30. 5.)
This is surely not oberbischofliche Unterweisung.' (p. 26.) This is
not the tone of those who felt that even they themselves possessed the
authority which they urge (as we are assured) their brethren to assume.
Nevertheless Dr Harnack finds that the great writer of Ep. 8 at once
'
identifies the clergy in whose name he writes with the Bishop,' for they
speak of Our Predecessors,' meaning the Bishops of Rome
anteces*

step, but take a

'to the lapsed, so that in the

'

'

'

'

sores nostril'

The passage
'

to us as

it

was

referred to

is,

'If

we

are found neglectful,

also said to our predecessors,

will

it

who were such

be said

neglectful

That we have not sought that which was lost, and

wandering, and not bound up the lame, and were
eating the milk of them, and clothing ourselves with the wool of them.'
{Ep. 8. I.) This would have been strange language to address to primitive
bishops of Rome, but of course it was not. It was really addressed by
Ezekiel to the Shepherds of Israel, the predecessors of all shepherds^.
Dr Harnack admits or admires the sarcastic or cutting' {anziiglich) use
made of Scripture texts by the author (p. 25). This text may perhaps
serve him to illustrate that criticism, but not to shew that Presbyters of
'prelates {prcepositi).,
'

have not

set right the

'

'

'

Rome

'

regarded themselves as Successors of the Popes.

representation of the rest of the correspondence takes

The

its

colouring

from these Principia^. While the letters of Novatian 30 and 36 speak an

episcopal language, those of Cyprian exhibit his humiliation.

Das Collegium

spricht in

ihm

so,

ware es selber der Bischof, ja es

redet von 'nostri antecessores.' (p. 22.)

als

Ezek.

c.

xxxiv.

w.

3,

4.

Hartel

'

Yes, even to the distortion of minor

facts like these.

learnt

own

It

Cyprian's
delegate

has perhaps here deceived Harnack by

sent to enquire.

omitting the reference from both text

Bassianus here

and margin, ad Novat. 14; Hartel,

Append, p. 65. Elsewhere he has it.

Ep.

8. 3,

while

is

flight

said that they

through

Bassianus

Yet
is

their

solicitously

all that is

said of

that he 'has arrived,'

it is

distinctly said that

the (Carthaginian) sub-deacon

Clemen-

Ill

CHURCH AFFAIRS

I.

A.D. 250.

153

Months afterwards Cyprian writes one letter, 20, to secure allies,

'humbled even to speaking of himself as "mea mediocritas" {cc. 1, 2)
writes a second, 27, without waiting for an answer to the first is silently
ignored in two Roman letters (see Ep. 27. 4), but takes on him to answer
"
'both, with much flattery of the Confessors. At last "the ice is broken
(p. 30), and Novatian condescends to write no more to the clergy but to
'

'

'

Even then

a painful impression

himself.

'

with which he circulates the

Roman

Clergy

Roman

is

produced by the solicitude

What a triumph for the

missives.'

'

(p. 29).

'

In the last paragraph I have thought it only right to place before

web of ingenuity spun by so distinguished a scholar.

readers such a
It

the meeting-point of the extremes, Presbyterian Teutonism and

is

Ultramontanism. For I need not add that the supposed position is

laid down as a truly historical and logical step from episcopacy toward
the supremacy of Rome.
The only answer which can be of value is an ingenuous statement of
the whole contents of the Letters. To this, as I have tried to give it above,

and

to the Letters themselves

3.

0/

confidently refer for that answer.

Felicissimus as a more faithful representative of

the Church.
is that the consolidation of the Episcopate was
framed by an unscrupulous energetic man from
moment to meet the exigencies of his position, and his

O. Ritschl's Thesis

mere

moment

policy
to

Doctrine of Unity a theory evolved

In de-

to justify his practice.

veloping this thesis he reconstructs the history of the Faction of

Felicissimus.

It is

impossible to give more than an outline of his

tedious labour, but the facts must, he maintains, have been these

Cyprian's Commission and Relief Fund, i.e. his own means, were
devoted to the creation of a party by bribery and place-giving and to
the overthrow of the Presbyters' influence at Carthage. Felicissimus
was probably put forward by the Presbyters to defeat the plan.
Being only a Deacon his supposed threats cannot have been really
'formidable, and therefore the adherence to him, which was very ex'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

tensive, betokens only the

amount of suspicion

Ep. 41 exhibits Cyprian's embarrassment.

communicate Felicissimus for his treatment of

brought the information.

tius

Ep.

8. i.

Bassianus appears from the company

he

is

about Cyprian.

untrue.
^

'

felt

His success actually drove the Commission away from Carthage, and
therefore Cyprian's statement that the pluriini were on his side is

mentioned

in,

Ep.

22. 3, to

be a

Carthaginian
^

pp. 57

He would

cleric

65.

fain ex-

the Commission, but

and refugee.

CHURCH AFFAIRS

154
*

that

is

hopeless

he

falls

A.D. 250.

back on previous

offences,

The

'reserves the decision for his coming council.

Felicissimus' excommunication

is

and

after all

true reason for

his simple resistance to Cyprian.

him he is to be excommunicated for this

Between the others excommunicated the only tie is their
'alone.
The Commission had first applied to the
'opposition to Cyprian.
Clergy of Carthage to issue an excommunication. As they declined
*

If

Augendus adheres

to

'

'to

do

this,

they issued

it

themselves.

In their

own

opinion therefore

and having three

*
bishops on their board the number competent to ordain competent
They returned to Carthage, and there added to the
'they were.
'proscribed two names more {Ep. 42).
'

they must have been always competent to do

'

The

it,

five hostile presbyters

acquired their influence after the ex-

communication by the clergy of Gains of Dida. It is seen in the

refusal oi the same clergy to excommunicate Felicissimus. It comes
'
out strongly when the Commission did it in spite of the clergy
they then had with them the majority of the Christians. The five
'were the ^lite of the clergy, and enjoyed that popular confidence
which Cyprian forfeited by his absence.
To them Cyprian now attributes the original opposition to his
He kindles good Christians against the Lapsed (such
episcopate.
sees that he can never win back the followers
is the view of Ep. 43)
'of Felicissimus, and must rid the Church and himself of them.
'Accordingly the Episcopal Council of A.D. 251 excommunicates
Felicissimus and his followers.
Thus the Episcopal power is organized in order to fight Cyprian's
'battles, and, in order to afford it a basis, the doctrine of the Unity
of the Church is developed out of his consciousness.'
*

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

Of course no practical theory of polity is developed without events,

but having already drawn out the real events as accurately as I can
(and the evidence is abundant), I can only suggest further that
Ritschl's heavy pages be read with the original letters side by side,
and with an honest intent to reconcile some and to recognise other

of the incidents if

4.

Of the

it

be possible.

Evanescence of Novattis under Ritschl's Analysis.

desire fairly to give the gist of several laborious pages ^

'All our information about Novatus rests

'

upon the statements of

If we reflect on what is credible or historically imaginable

we cannot admit that Novatus was in Rome supporting Novatian's

Cyprian.

pp.

6875.

III.

CHURCH AFFAIRS

I.

A.D. 250.

155

The belief is due to the fact that Cornelius having menhim in general terms, Cyprian, delighted with a weak parallel

'

election.

tioned

which suggested

'

arithmetical progression from ordaining a

itself to

Rome.

'consecrating a Bishop at

should have

him, stated that Novatus advanced in

It is

Deacon

at

Carthage to

unlikely too that

Novatus

Carthage for fear of proceedings, since he would

'have known that he should be condemned in his absence. Unlikely
that Cyprian should have warned Cornelius against him, just as he
was about leaving Rome. Novatus' connection with past turmoil
'

left

'

'

'

in

Carthage

rests

on no proof

'of Cyprian's fancy.

built up out of the combinations

on when Novatus is named in con-

it is

It is later

'nection with them.'

And
serve

will

categorically touch

on these

''

criticis7ns^

as they de-

The
Rome.
him.

mere

fact

is

that Cyprian

makes no statements about Novatus

He comments and moralises freely on what Cornelius

An inventor of statements would never have cast them

allusive form.

We

do not look

for proof in

such a case

in

tells

in
;

the

The rule of three on Novatus' progress

is notoriety.
from Carthage to Rome and so from Deacon-making to Bishopmaking is a mere play of rhetoric on something told to him. The
critic escapes the snares of humour.
The fear of judgment going by default is not a common deterrent from absconding. Why should it deter Novatus? As to his
earlier influence against Cyprian, 'agitators' and 'certain persons'
are alluded to from the very first.
It is the manner of Cyprian and
proof

of

many

early Christian writers not to

reticence

is

And why

possible^.

name

adversaries so long as

should Cyprian describe the career

of Novatus to Cornelius until he heard that Novatus was busy near

to

him

Again, Ritschl finds

from

all

it

of course necessary to expunge^ ac Novati

manuscripts and editions of Ep. 47.

And

so Novatus

vanishes.

But yet again Ritschl himself describes Cyprian as penning Ep.

52. 2 in

a state of 'passionate excitement' at the thought of Novatus'

Rome to Carthage. If
Rome ? What had he there

return from

been

to

expected to do

See note

May

et

in

Carthage

4, p. 160.

point out to students that

Novatiani ac Novati'

is

Cyprian's

that were so.

been doing ?
Nothing ?

Why

had Novatus

And what was he

own use when both conjunctions are to

mean aw;/ (not both...a7ui)'i Compare
^/. 46 V/

actui or laudibus.'

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

156

Question

The primary

The Decision on

4.

the Lapsed.

question before the Council had been what

should be the position of the Lapsed

had been postponed

Felicissimus,

first

determination

Its

to the examination of the case of

and secondly to the unexpected outbreak of

Roman bishopric. Both of

division in the election to the

these nevertheless depended on the solution of the original

Though

issue.

yet

and

origin

its

its

the latter involved questions so

was

much

wider,

question before the Council;

in the identical

present aspect illustrated the policy of free and early

had been concerted

conciliar action such as

The

in Africa.

was as we have seen a necessary

preliminary to that action. These two decisions indeed had
Neither the
cleared off the extreme views on either side.

decision on

Felicissimus

now be

lax nor the purist view of Discipline could

Cyprian

lets

us

know

reopened.

that the discussion was nevertheless a

prolonged and earnest one^ that the basis assumed alike by

the advocates of lenity and of severity was an examination

of Scripture, and that they conceived as a distinct ideal for

their

guidance the mercifulness of the character of God^

Cyprian had bestowed deepest attention on the

He had developed his conclusions

THE Lapsed which he read to an
been
the

less

moved by

before

its

wisdom and

leaning was to a course

still

1 Ep. 55- 6
Scripturis [diu] ex utraque parte prolatis,' Ep. 54. 3 diu mul'

'

tumque
^

tractatu inter nos habito.'

The

verbal resemblance of 54. 3

and 55. II, 25 shews that the date of
the letter to Antonian was very soon
after the events,

and

therefore

brings

than

eyes,

charity.

On

who cannot have

audience

their

subject.

elaborate paper

the simple pathos with which

tragedies passing

strengthened by

in his

it

fixed

they were

Nevertheless their

milder than he suggested, and

the
to

Roman

Council mentioned Ep. 55.6

June or July,
^ Ep. 54. 4, Ep.

55. 5, 6.

read to the Council were the

and

Z> Unitate.

the former,

The

libelli

De

Lapsis

See pp. 174, sqq. on

III.

QUESTION

I.

much

they were

THE DECISION ON THE LAPSED.

4.

less

57

disposed than he to give the martyrs

The primate was

a voice in their decisions.

loyal to the

power he had evoked.

The encyclical which contained the resolutions

deliberative

But

its

admirable
fact a

and even

gist,

minutiae, are extricable

Cyprian,

letter of

pamphlet

its

The

is

lost^

from an

Antonian

Epistle to

in length not far short of that

On

is

in

the Lapsed.

Antonian was an African bishop who, while forwarding

letters

of adherence to Cornelius, privately acquainted Cyprian with

certain difficulties

from him,

which he had

after the

felt in

doing

so,

and received

Council closed, a restatement of the whole

case.
It would seem then that Cyprian in council abandoned
more than one of his own suggestions. He admitted that
the postponement until death of the reconciliation of the
Libellatics was a severity only applicable to the very hour of
persecution, when retrieval through a new confession was
yet an open though terrible way. Certainly if penance was
ever so worked in times of 'Peace' this could only be because
Lapse was infrequent and Return more infrequent still.
After peace had been once restored to a Church which
had suffered from Lapse upon a great scale, the sentence of
life-long exclusion was felt to be a cruel and an impolitic^
measure. For the utilitarian aspect of the question was a

really noble one.

In the later struggle with the Donatists

Optatus* warns them that the

'

Passion for

Innocence

in

'

the Church while practically unattainable could not, even

attained, be higher than the

'

Utility of Unity.'

natural tendency towards strictness

^ Such a document is indicated in

Ep. ad Anton. 55. 6. For 'singula

placitorum capita
the form,

nor

the contents of
to

Antonian

'

'ut

De

is

has no relation to

examinarentur
Lapsis.

prior

Council, A.D. 252, since

to
it

This
the

'

to

letter

Second

treats of the

felt

Upon

if

the

by the unfallen he

restoration of the Libellatici only, not

of the Lapsed.
^

Necessitati

multorum
Ep.
*

temporum succubuisse et
providendum putasse,

saluti

55. 7.

Opt.

vii. 3.


CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

IS8
adds,
*

who

The keys

'

Heaven were committed

of

many who

not to so

fell,

stood firm

to the Apostle
it

was ordained

'that a Sinner should open the gate to Innocence, for an

'

Innocent one might have closed

against Sinners.'

it

Considering therefore that penance without hope of mitigation could have no practical value, but that a return to

pagan

life

or at best an adherence to

schism would be

some more

tolerant

natural result, while on the other hand

its

every spiritual help was requisite

shortly be exposed

again

to

who might

persons

for

persecution*,

was by

it

this

Council ruled:

That an individual examination should be held not

I.

only of the

facts,

but further into the motives or induce-

ments which had been presented

the weakness of the

to

Libellatici.

That the Lapsed who had not

II.

sacrificed should

be

restored after a considerable term of penance, and after public

application to their bishop for restoration ^

That those who had sacrificed should be restored at

the hour of death' if they had continued penitent.
IV. That such as had refused penance and public conIII.

fession until they were in fear of death should not then be

received*.

The Council

did not rule, but Cyprian assumes, that one

reconciled as a dying

man would

Ep.

Traheretur diu pa^nitentia

55. 6, 7, 14, 15.

et roga-

retur dolenter paterna dementia,

Ep.

Ep.

55.

Fechtrup,

p.

I'zg,

alleges

6 to establish against Dupin

and Hefele
'

sacrificati,

that Rule
'

I,

when applied

implies that

to

some of these

might be restored earlier. But although

Cyprian says that their fault was of
various shades, he draws the widest
distinction
bellatici.

tiir,

he

between them and the Li'Nee tu existimes, Ep. 55. 13,

cum sacrificatis sequari

The statement in the text

libellaticos

oportere.'

I think, accurate.

is,

55. 6.
55. 17.

if

carissime frater, sicut quibusdam vide-

not be again excluded

Ep.

The
the

55. 23.

teaching of Dionysius

same

is

exactly

in the beautiful fragment of

his epistle to

Conon

Spicilegium Solesmn.

piinted in Pitra's
I.

p. 15

from the

Bodleian cod. Baroccian. CXCVi.

fo. 75,

an excerpt of which afterwards passed

for a Canon by a confusion at first with
Conon.

Pitra, op.

cit.,

I.

p. xiv. art. v.

III.

QUESTION

II.

THE DECISION ON THE LAPSED.

159

With a humour which he sometimes exercises

recovered.

upon

4.

man cannot be

over-rigidity he observes that the

re-

quired to die, or his spiritual guide to insist on his decease, in

order to complete the conditions of his restoration.

own

strain

he adds

that, if

GoD

one more mark of the Divine pity and

life

In his

Himself respites him

this is

Added

fatherliness.

takes up the pledge of holy life\

The

Resolutions were communicated to Cornelius,

to

Fabius^ patriarch of Antioch, and doubtless to the other

great sees, and the Council then broke up.

It

was the June^

of A.D. 251.

II.

Advance of Novatianism

Return

Meantime intimation had been

that his rivals shewed no

sent to Africa

disposition to

under the rejection of their embassy.

who conveyed

of The Confessors.

sit

by Cornelius

tamely down

Augendus

confessor

news was speedily followed by Nicephorus,

this

the acolyte, bearing a private note with fuller particulars of the

energetic

movement with which Cyprian was

be pressed

to

home^

A
in

it

second Novatianist delegacy had already started, and

the principal 'authors' of the movement.

Dionysius we know but by

man, probably

rich

name

Primus and

Nicostratus was a freed-

he had been one of the powerful Seven

Deacons of Rome; after sharing the prison of Moyses and

Maximus he was now permanently alienated from the
^

Compare Cyprian's handling above.

Fechtrup, p. 127, mistakenly attributes

the

provision

to

the

Council

points out that other Councils were

severe;

e.g.

Nicsn. can.

13.

and
more

Arausic.

Epaon. can. 36. Perhaps

frauds compelled them to be so.
I.

can.

3.

Eus.

vi.

43.

Cyp. Epp. 55.

6, 45. 4.

Or

July,

scarcely

which

so,

this

Lips. pp.

305,

considering

would give

to

6.

the

Yet
length

the Cartha-

ginian Council which met in April, and

the unhealthy season to which

throw the Roman Council,

* Ep. 50.

it

would

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

l6o

He

Church.

is

accused by Cornelius not only of embezzling

church funds (which might mean that he had carried sums

over to what he held to be the true succession), but also of

having defrauded the patroness to whom he owed his freedom \ Such reports however easily passed into circulation,

and perhaps shew

as

just

but that he had funds at disposal,

little

the accusations

doubtless to do with

of avarice against Novatus have

the

pecuniary organization

of the

sect^.
Still

more notable delegates were the Bishop

who had been one

'Commons' had

his

Novatus

Evaristus',

of Novatian's consecrators, and to

whom

instantly elected a successor; and lastly

himself, once

more on

his

own ground,

fortified

by

Rome*.
The ground was however less secure behind him than he
Cyprian does not hesitate to ascribe the next act of
trusted.
the drama in some measure to the withdrawal from Rome of
The very day after he reached Carthage
his great influence ^
his success at

with his colleagues, the acolyte of Cornelius sailed into the

and with the warning we have mentioned he delivered a

second letter. He had in fact hurried on board the very
port,

'

'

hour, the very moment,' says Cornelius,

'

of a Station in which Maximus, with his fellow confessors

Ep.

50.

The

Liberian Catalogue

he was made bishop in Africa,

possible, but may be due to a

of the conclusion

'

observes that the

name

states that

never mentioned by

which

letter.

He

and

one place,

is

confusion with Maximus.

^

Ep.

50, avaritia Hartel for

reading praviiaie

See

The omission

tian,

cf.

Ep.

common

of the

name

of

letter of

some

Nova-

to regard this (50)

Cornelius as a fragment.

Cou-

however (Routh, J?. Sac. III. pp.

shewed that to drop the name
of objectionable persons was a common
practice with popes and others. Routh
stant
31

33)

to avoid

speaking of

his baptism, has ireptxvOels fKa^ev with-

III.

designated only 'hujus scelerati

is

employs various periphrases,

out rb ^dirria-fia (Eus.

52. 2.

p. 136.

hominis,' led

in

of Novatian

Cornelius in any

hand,

Cyprian,

67).

p.

who had

vi.

43, Routh,

on the other

not the bitterness of

Cornelius, evidently plays on the con-

currence of names and acts,

tiani

Novati

et

novarum

'Novatus... rerum
cupidus.'
*

Ep.

Ep. 52.

2.

52.

'Nova-

novas...machinas'

i,

2.

semper

III.

RESTORATION OF ROMAN CONFESSORS.

II.

l6l

'Urban, Sidonius, Macarius and most of their adherents had

main body of the Church'.'

rumour had been rife of this return from the Novatianist camp'. Cornelius was characteristically the last person
to credit it.
At some gathering of presbyters, attended by
'rejoined the

but not by

bishops

five

Cornelius,

Urban and Sidonius

appeared to express on the part of Maximus and

Some

a desire for reunion.

his party

feeling of distrust decided the

clergy to decline to treat with representatives, and a large

body of Novatianists agreed

The main ground

to attend.

of

against them was the calumnious nature of the circular

ill-will

disclaimed the responsibility and

these.

'

They

widely and effectively in their name.

letters issued so

even the knowledge of

Nothing had been further from

'

an abandonment of the Church.

'

question simply the

their thoughts than

They had been

of Cornelius.'

title

led to

Their accusation

against themselves was the sanction which they had given

new

to the

ordination.

should escape without

for

was not

in

pardon without needless humiliation.

Nothing

Upon

further could be determined without the bishop.

a second day he convened a

five bishops.

human nature that they

some invective. They however pressed
It

The

before

date of this must have been

the

full

presbytery with the

Individual opinions were pronounced and re-

Roman

Council

(see

p.

says they returned to the Church upon

his departure from

Rome.

would have
been excommunicated, which it does
not appear that they were, and pos-

that

terior to the Carthaginian Council, since

quotes from Ep. 45. 4 refers to

Cyprian makes no

embassy of which Novatus was not a

member.

163), since otherwise they

allusion

to

it

as

in

his letters to or about the

confessors,

and he read the account of

sitting,

their return (^/. 51.

not

the

bishops.

been directly

after

embassy, described

to the

I )

It

Church,

must also have

Novatian's second
in the

same bundle

of letters from Cornelius; for Novatus

was

on
B.

that

embassy,

This date disposes of Ritschl's belief

Novatus himself appeared before

The auditis eis which he

the Council.

Rettberg,

intrigues,

who

relates

is

\i\^ first

always assuming

how Cyprian

took

advantage of Novatus' coming to Carthage to press them to leave Novatian,

and succeeded. The notion is simply

negatived by possibilities of time,

and Cyprian

II

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

l62
corded*.

The

dignified

ground as

both

sides.

who

confessors,

They listened

again appeared, took the same

Allowances must be made on

before.

an exhortation to

to

But*

sincerity.

they simply asked to be received back again without penance

They had been imposed upon. Facts had

been misrepresented to them. They had never intended to
set up a second bishop. The essential unity of the episcopate
was clear to them as to others. They had wished for one

or disgrace'.
'

'

'

'

true bishop,

'

and they had

not, until undeceived, recognised

Charity and policy alike forbade

'such an one in Cornelius.'

harshness towards such sufferers and such penitents

embraced them, they wept

laity impulsively

The

broke out into loud thanksgivings.

their circle

and took Maximus* back

the

they

for joy,

presbyters opened

to his old place near the

LocuLus OF Maximus.
^

Sententias...quas etsubjectas leges

Ep. 49.

2,

verbatim,

I believe, like

of the viith Council, a.d. 256.

^

'

Omnibus invicem

struction

remissis.'

'

De-

unless hortabamiir, or

some

such word, has slipped out, Ep. 49.

'

2.

can assign no other force to their

requests 'ut ea quae ante fuerant gesta

in oblivionem cederent

nuUaque eorum

mentio haberetur proinde atque

asset vel

commissum

vol.

si

nihil

vel dictum,' &c.

taken in conjunction with Ep. 49.

2,

yet

Sotterranea,

pp. 295, 6, Tav. xix.

I.

Though

p. 184.

siderantes...ut exhiberent,' singular con-

Roma

See de Rossi,

those

is

it

scarcely

name

the

5,
is

likely that

unknown Maximus,

also

vol.

11.

common,
another

a presbyter,

should have found a place, with his

name

in

Greek and in lettering of that

catacomb chapel of, and so

age, in the

close to the side of, the bishop

nelius,

whom

Cor-

the influence oithis Maxi-

mus so largely contributed to establish.

The statement that he was martyred
under Valerian, Baron, ad Nov. 19,

Cornelius' statement, 'omnia ante gesta

Baluze ap. Routh, R. S.

remisimus Deo,' and the point which

answered by Tillemont, t. 11 1. The

Depositio Martirum (Mommsen, op.cit.

the confessors

made

of

it

'omnibus rebus praetermissis

Dei

servatis.'

in

Ep. 53

et judicio

p.

632) has this entry,

Id.

'Et in Maximi

III.

Mense
[sc.

p.

39, is

Julio vi.

coemeterio]

RESTORATION OF ROMAN CONFESSORS.

III. III.

bishop, from

whom

death

The laymen

ever.

resume

full

itself

was no more

to part

him

63
for

of the schism were desired at once to

communion'.

This generous treatment probably

tions of Cornelius

justified the expecta-

and made recantation easier

The temperate

firmness

to others.

and the serene joy of Cyprian's

remonstrance and congratulation to the confessors on their

secession and their return place the 46th and 54th letters

among

the most delicate specimens of the collection, and are

alone enough to give Cyprian a foremost rank

and loving

Nor was

saints.

more than a glad reunion

Gospel of Peace.

'

shed

is

'

It

more

than an incident of the

was a conclusive evidence of the truth

This error being gone,' he exclaims,

in all hearts

it

is

'

light

demonstrated that the Catholic

'

Church

'

Separation has no note of permanence ^'

is

wise

But to Cyprian the return was

ing their returning steps.

of his theory.

among

Dionysius'' behindhand in greet-

One, and admits neither schism nor division.

III.

Continued action against Novatianistn

A.D. 251,

Antiochene of

Roman

The winding up of the Carthaginian Council brought us

we saw) to the June (scarcely the July) of A.D. 25 1^ nor

(as

can any long interval have elapsed before the

Silani.

Hunc Silanum martirem No-

vati furati sunt.'

Maximus.

of

There

Did

attempt to claim him

^

Coimcil of

252.

K.T>.

The Nicene

is

the

no cemetery
Novatianists

still?

Council similarly re-

ceived Novatianist presbyters back to

their

full

rank and the Collation of

Carthage {411) the Donatists.

* Euseb. vi. 46 mentions his

letters,

rots

Roman

a^ois To\noi%

bishop

ixeTadeixivois

iirl ttjv iKKXrjffiav.

Ep. 51 ad

See

The

{Annal.

fin.

p. 159.

date October given by Pearson

Cypr.

A.D.

adopted by Fechtrup

251,
(p.

xiii.)

139)

and
again

depends on the radical mistake as to

two

the time of Cornelius' election.

II

Out

a.d. 251.

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

164

many

with a Council of sixty others from Italy and with

presbyters and deacons, accepted and promulgated the same

decisions,

and excommunicated Novatian on account of

inhumane

doctrines.

The

Roman and

right direction of

Italian opinion

was

his

(as

sympathy of Dionysius.

we have

seen) aided by the powerful

He had

followed up his bracing advice to Novatian^ and his

reply to Cornelius by a

letter,

singularly called 'diaconalV

Romans themselves 'through

addressed to the

Hippolytus''

a second direct to them 'on peace and likewise on repentance

'

that

on the Restoration of the Lapsed

is,

Confessors, while

one to the

adherents of Novatian*, and two more

still

after their return.

seems

It

to require

more knowledge than we possess

enable us to decide whether the Hippolytus, through

the
'

Romans was transmitted, was the great

and philosopher, whose episcopal work though not

letter to the

first

Elder"^

'

of this synod, called by Jerome (who

treats

as almost one with the Car-

it

Vir.

865

pp.

l.

Baronius,

Zonaras

de

{Lib.

Labbe,

66),

by

Romana

'Synodus

thaginian)

Africana'

868,

c.

misled

three.

Dindorf,

20, ed.

xii.

Illustr.

made

has

Italica

iii.

Eus.

See Note

'

Eus.

J/.

end of

H.E.

vi.

ivi.aToKi)

Aiovvjlov (piperai

Toh

\ijTov.

Jerome, de

dogma

kv 'Pw^uj;

Smkopikt)

22) said were to be found (eCpois

Both name the

Eus. H. E.

vi.

ro\)

k.t.X.

Viris Illustr. 69 'Diony-

synodi

editorum

t.

X.

(vi.
6.v).

and the

irpoy Map/ct'wi'a

omnes

46 ...In hk ry toO
yvuiixri.

Mai, Classicorum Auctt.

Sia 'Iiriro-

aXKijv,

di

{repperi)

of those which Eusebius

hsereses.'

this Section.

rots

of Hippolytus'

'found'

Noi/arou avucpepo/j.^vois

Cypriani et Africanae

sius...in

many more

list

had

pp.

46 e|^y Tavry Kai

avToh

Eusebius'

and

7r/36sd7rdcrosTasai/5^crets 'ad versus

vi. 45.

at

knew

writings

E.

ri.%

61)

Cf.

^34> ^35-

kripa.

to

whom

1838,

p.

e Vat. Codd.

484,

has a

fragment of Dionysius which, from

its

peculiar touches on 'Peace,' indicating

a context on that topic,

to this letter

rather ascribe

named by Eusebius than

to one of the three treatises 'on Peni-

plurimas misit Epistulas, quae usque

named by Jerome, to which Mai

(viz. ad Fabium Antiock., ad
Laodicenses, ad Armenios).
Jerome, de

hodie exstant, et ad Fabium, Antio-

Vir. III. 69.

consentiens

htereticis

chenae

(v. p.

rebaptizandis

urbis

paenitentia, et

episcopum,

356 infr.) de
ad diversos

scripsit

de

ad Romanos per Hip-

poly turn alteram, &c.'

Jerome

(op. cit.

tence'
refers

pt.

it

SeeBp.Lightfoot.^/^j'/'^/iV/aM^'rj,
I.,

S. Clement of

p. 435, ed. 1890.

Rome,

vol.

II.,

'

COUNCIL AT ROME.

III. III.

by Eusebius,

more

16$

by Jerome*,
Rome. If
this were possible the idea is historically attractive.
For
though there is no colour for attributing to him actual
Novatianism, yet his former attitude towards two predecessors of Cornelius,
with whom he 'was at daggers drawn V
and whom he so relentlessly depicts, gave ground enough
ascertained

among

lay

'

the

or,

nationalities

'

strangely,

Port of

the

in

for his being thought not unlikely to take the Puritan side, as

afterwards he was believed to have done'.

been a right but very

and morals.

Neither side in

Rome

That position had

low tone of doctrine

fierce resistance to a

would now be prompt to

appeal to him, charged as they stood the one with laxity, the
other with irregularity

while he, at his great age, with his

profound study of the working of

whom

through

was the very man

sects,

the great Alexandrine would naturally ap-

Nor would any

proach the Romans*.

to secure his cooperation,

with the Council.

bears the singular

It

policy be so

likely

which was of serious consequence,

Epistle through Hippolytus to

them

in

of

title

'A Diaconic

Rome.'

Cyprian approved the mingled severity and moderation of

the language of the Roman Council, and letters of assent

came

in

many

from

Next,

Italian bishops

pursuance of

in

rather a subject of the

^

pas

Eus.

H.E.

-wov

KoX

vi.

a.\iTo%

20

programme ^)

...'In-TriXin-os, kri-

vpoecTTios iKKX-rjalat.

Jer. de Virr. III. 61 'cujusdam ecclesiae

nomen quippe urbis scire non

See Lightfoot, op. cit., p. 434.

episcopus,
potui.'
'

'At daggers drawn with the heads

of the
^

Roman

Church.'

Id. p. 412.

Prudentius, Peristeph.

xi.

19 'In-

venioHippolytum, qui quondam schisma

Novati Presbyter

quenda negans.'
Lightfoot, op.

shewn

attigerat,

Cf. vv. 28
cit.,

who had

not attended

its resolutions, (if it

nostra seff.

pp. 328, 424, has

that Prudentius' account of the

Novatianism of Hippolytus comes from

it.

had not been

bishop

Trofimus,

the Inscription by Damasus, while

Damasus cautiously states that he proceeds

only on popular belief. 'Hippolytus

fertur

cum

premerent

jussa

tyranni

Presbyter in scisma semper mansisse

Novati....H3ec audita refert

probat

omnia

Christus.'

Insert. Chrr. Urb.

*

On
It

Note

at

Rossi,

p. 82.

end of Section,

seems to me, though

know that
that

il.

Chronological and other Diffi-

culties see
'

Rom.

Damasus

De

do not

the allusion has been noticed,

the words

'tractatu

plurimis habito susceptus

cum
est

collegis

Trofimus

i66

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

who had

offered incense in the troubles

was together with them

his flock,

by Cornelius. It
ment to him and

and been imitated by

not denied that his people's attach-

is

the assurance that they would follow his

But Cyprian, who

return, eased the reception of Trofimus.

defends the fact against

by

misrepresentations forwarded

own

Novatianists to Africa, denies on his

was

communion

restored to

suffered to resume his Orders*.

knowledge that he
improbable that

It is

a lapsed bishop would be obliged or allowed to do public

The statement

penance.

itself

that Trofimus 'with penance

of entreaty confessed his old fault' is against

said that he made 'satisfaction,' although it

it,

and

is

presently

added that 'the return of the brethren made

is

it

satisfaction

himV

for

i^Ep. 55.

must

ri)

Roman

refer to this

in

accordance with precedents, for the

Council of June or July.

sake of recovering with him the whole

*
Sacerdotii,' Ep. 55. 11, shews that
Trofimus was a bishop not a priest (as

diocese.

Fechtrup).

with the whole episcopate in the im-

'

^Pleaves

55it

^2

'

Trofimo

et

turificatis''

short of certain whether Tro-

fimus himself had gone so far in his

And

lapse.

while in the order of this

Epistle the case of the sacrificati

is

treated separately from his in another

section,

and the

restoration of his Orders

In Ep.

67.

6 Cornelius

mentioned

particularly

as

possibility of reinstating lapsed bishops

[He

holy orders.

in

restored one

Communion,

Cornel, ap. Eus.

argument

false

What

defence

is it

to allege, like

example of former bishops sacrificed

himself for his flock, and lapsed in
order to keep them together?
This
'

ridiculous

question

exhibits

Ritschl's

rendering of 'conligendis fratribus nostris

carissimus frater noster necessitate

succubuit' {Ep. 55. It).

Frater

course not Trofimus at

all

is

of

but Cor-

nelius himself, and the necessiias

is

the

which he felt to receive

Trofimus back (though only as a layman)
obligation

on

Fechtrup sees

in his

the

restitution

'special occasion' of Novatian's seces-

must have been known

'

43.]

mistakes rather more subtle than these.

sion.

Cyprian, that Trofimus had after the

vi.

usually rested

is

corruptly to his Episcopal place, and

asks

of

Novatian's consecrators only to Lay-

expressly disproved, Ritschl (p. 79)

describes him as Sacrificaiiis, as restored
is

is

concurring

Rather too acute; since

in

Trofimus was not restored

(i)

Rome
to

it

that

Orders,

though it was reported in Africa that

he was; and (2) his restitution was after
the secession, so far as

we can

tell.

Can. Ap. 25 degrades clerics without excommunication since one act is

^

not twice

punished.

[Basil,

Ep. 188

(214), applies this to a deacon as being

incapable
Concil.

of

to

orders.]

Eliber. can. 76 fixes

penance

restoration

for deacons, Neocces. can.

for priests,

without restoration, Niccen. can. 16

volves

it

for both.

Leo

I,

Ep. 167

in(2),

COUNCIL AT ANTIOCH.

III. III.

As
them

for other great centres,

his

without

167

Novatian had announced to

and not always

election as he did to Carthage',

Even Alex-

His high tone was impressive*.

effect.

andria had needed a strong remonstrance from

To

and gentle chief, Dionysius the Greatl

its

prudent

the Egyptian

church also at large, and to Conon, bishop of Hermopolis,

Dionysius addressed papers on the Lapsed

particular*,

in

and

their

Repentance, carefully distinguishing for them the

different classes of offending';

nor can his letter to Origen

on Martyrdom have been unconnected with the discussion.

To the Armenians he wrote on the same question with the
precision* as to the Egyptians; again to the Laodicenes

same

under Thelymidres.
But about no See was such anxiety imminent as about

There the Patriarch Fabius had a certain leaning

towards the Schisml Dionysius wrote 'much' to him on
Antioch.

'

Repentance,' and so free was the East from some of the

Western dangers, that he

view taken by the martyrs.

them

'united with

'them^ so

let

able to lay great stress on the

is

'As they accepted these penitents,

renewed

in prayers,

social intercourse with

us; not constituting ourselves critics and re'Christ Himself

judgment^'

'visers of their

'of Serapion*", a lapsed

as

man who was endowed

'insight before being restored to

'acceptance of their contrition.'

in the case

with miraculous

communion has declared His

The arguments of Dionysius

were followed up by Cyprian's announcement to Fabius of

says custom excludes penance for

storation; he allows
cipline.

allows

it

Felix III

re-

tSia ypa<jyi].

for private dis-

rd^ns irapairTu/juiTuv Siaypd\pas.

{483-491), Ep-

to bishops, priests

who had consented

^

it

7,

and deacons

to rebaptization.

Ep. 49. 1 'litteras... frequent ermissae

omnes ecclesias perturbassent...'

psene

Ep. 55.

'

Eus.

vi.

I,

'objurgatoria.'

^ttiotoXt; iiria-TpeirTiKri

Reading,

'causing

conversion,' Sophocles, Lexicon.

Eus.

Hieron. de Viris

/.c.

ad Armenios de
69
de ordine delictorum.'
'

Eus.

vi.

44

4>a/3t<j)

III. z.

pcjenitentia

et

\)itoKa.ra.KkivoyiAvt^

irus r(^ crx^ff/iaTi.

*

2, 3.

46

Eus.

vi.

42 Trpotreuxw"

auroij koX

iarL&ffeuv iKoivwvirj(rav.
^
^<*

I.e. doKifiouTrki rrji

Eus.

iKebuv

yutifiris.

vi. 44.

II4

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

l68

the synodical decision of Africa, then by Cornelius' account

both of the

by a

Roman and

the African Councils, and yet again

from Cyprian urging the general excommuni-

letter

cation of Novatian and

all his

Lastly Cornelius

followers'.

addressed to him that memoir to which we owe our fullest

knowledge of the great Puritan's antecedents.

His attitude

had indeed been so menacing' from the first that (as Dionysius
himself wrote to Cornelius on receiving his announcement of
his election along with the rival missive of Novatian) the three

great prelates of Cilicia, Cappadocia and Palestine, Helenus

with his bishops, and Firmilian and Theoctistus, had resolved

to confer with

him

in

Synod

own

his

in

city

and invited

Dionysius to join them there.

His successor Demetrian

Fabius died ere they met.

A.D. 351.

held the Council in March of the next year, 252

though

not without

Novatus

'

Eus.

were

Of

in

meaning

In that

Sin*.'

vi.

43.

effort,

secured

thereby Novatian

of

as

of

The letters of Cornelius

call his

opinion

confessors, the consecrating bishops, his

and ordination

earlier opinions, baptism

in Latin.

Cyprian's there were two at least

which are not extant if, as we gather

from the context, they were addressed
Eusebius, just as he
direct to Fabius.

Friend

'the

same sense Jerome and others

Greek, those of Cyprian

and,

A.D.,

the condemnation

as a presbyter,
.

list

their

and condemnation, with

of the condemning bishops and

This fourth seems to cor-

sees.

respond

Jerome's

exactly to

'

fourth

cannot distinguish between Novatus and

very prolix' one on the 'causes of Nova-

Novatian,

tianism and the anathema.'

fails also to

perceive that the

principles of the legislation originated

in

The

Africa.

letters

were certainly four

in

of Cornelius

number.

Euseb.

first

two

'

Africana,'

the

Jerome's

De Synodo, Romana,
and

Italica,

Novatian

'on

and

Lapsed' correspond well enough

43 speaks of epistles which gave

information about the 'Roman synod,

to Eusebius'

and the opinions of them of Italy,

Africa, and the countries there (these
of
must have been at any rate two)

only three, and Rufinus of two.

Til-

lemont recognises the

sin-

a third, about the determinations of the

patriarch Flavian,

vi.

'

synod

(ffepi

ffdvTa)v),

rQv Kara

which

is

r-^v

ffvvoSov

ape-

Jerome's tAird epistle

of Cornelius 'De Gestis Synodi' (Hier.

de Virr.

III.

66, Cornelius)

and of a

fourth from which he gives long extracts

on Novatian 's former proceedings, the

Valois

(two) 'Epistles.'

argues in vain that Eusebius

four.

knew
It is

of

gular that Jerome calls the Antiochene

whom

Eusebius con-

sistently calls Fabius.

-

ivOa Kparweiv

ffxifffia,

Eus.

' tpiXa/iapn^/jLuv,

Labbe,

cf.

rtj

i-rrfx^^povv rb

vi. 46.

Euseb.

Libellus Synod, ap.

vi.

43

and the Synodicon, Labbe,

vii.

vol.

I. c.

5,

8,

738:

III. III.

COUNCIL AT ANTIOCH.

the Cainite heresy

so

169

deadly to the brethren, so desperate

in itself.

Hippolytus through whom Dionysius wrote

Rotnans with Hippolytus of Portus.

Difficulties in identifying
to the

The

is whether
Hippolytus of Portus was living in
were admitted it would not have been doubted that
he was the Hippolytus meant. But it is generally denied, and if one
doubts Bp. Lightfoot's conclusions one does it with uneasiness ^ The

point really

A.D. 250

I.

If this

is because he would have been very old in A.D. 250, that he had
been deported to Sardinia in a.D. 235, and that he is not heard of afterwards unless it is here.
Dates do not forbid us to think of Hippolytus as interested in Nova-

denial

tianism in the year 250.

Bp. Lightfoot holds that

it is not possible, because his literary

Unhappily we have not the promised proof
of this date, for the learned and interesting essay was alas
never
finished, but even so, 60 years is no unexampled period for such
interests to be sustained.
A tradition of old age appears again and again in Prudentius^ for
what it is worth. If he were 25 in 190 A.D. he would in 250 be 85.
Bp. Lightfoot thinks that, having been deported in 235 to Sar(2)
dinia, which is expressly called insula nociva, along with Pontianus, who
died there on Sep. 27, Hippolytus was not likely to have survived.

(i)

began

activity

in A.D. 190.

The statement

in the

Liberian Catalogue

(Mommsen, Chronogr.

this

is

^Z- 354 P- 635, Lipsiu5, op. cit. p. 266), Eo tempore Pontianus episcopus
et Yppolitus presbyter^ exoles sunt deportati in Sardinia in insula nociva
'

Severo

Quintino cons, in eadem insula discinctus est*

et

loco ejus ordinatus est Antheros xi Kl. Dec. cons,

we must
was

collect that Fabius' intention

On

lucubration

Tarsus, Firmilian of Cappadocia, and

the

Theoctistus of Palestine, hoped by the

Philology \o\.

help of Dionysius of Alexandria to avert

this result

and

that Demetrian, sue-

iiii

Kl. Octobr. et

Liber Pontificalis

accepts in the essay quoted a juvenile

Novatianism by his proposed Council, and that Helenus of

to aid

Cf.

ss.'

the

Commemoration of

youmul
,

Martyrdom and
S.

Hippolytus in

of Classical and Sacred

i.

pp. 188 sqq.

Prudent., ut supr., senex

1854.

w. 23,

109,
senior 78, caput niveum, canities 137,

cessor in the see, but not in the views

138.

of Fabius, decided sensibly to hold the

'

'Presbyter,' see p. 165, note 3.

Council and promulgate

May

its

conclusions

against the schism.

'

acknowledge the tenderness with

which he

partly excuses and

not

the

curious

expression

'discinctus est' allude to the divestiture

partly

of the

High

tion for death

Priest
?

Aaron

in prepara-

CYPRIAN^S FIRST COUNCIL

iyo

CARTHAGE.

01^

Duchesne, vol. I. pp. 62, 145, and note), which reads cUputati ab
Alexandra and insula Bucina. [a.d. 235 was really sub Maxt'mino.]
But Sardinia was not universally fatal. And Pontian's death is
mentioned, and that of Hippolytus is not. If it be said that Pontian's
alone is mentioned because he was the bishop, this would have also
checked the mention of their joint exile. The passage has no bearing
on the date of Hippolytus' death. Its one suggestion is that Hippolytus
(ed.

did noi die

when Pontian

died.

Neither has the Depositio martirum any bearing on that date (as
G. Salmon in Diet. Christian Biog.

Aug. Ypoliti in Tiburtina

III. p.

Pontiani in

et

88

s.v. suggests).

It

has 'idus

They may have been

Calisti.'

put together, as Cornelius and Cyprian soon were, on account of their

connection in

But

life.

is also true that no activity of Hippolytus is mentioned

between A.D. 235 and 250, which at first seems strange considering the
man he was.
But yet again what documents are there in which we should have
expected him to be mentioned as alive? And old age and infirmities after
an exile to Sardinia at the age of 60 might have kept him quiet, and
nevertheless he might be the right person to transmit a letter of recon-

(3)

it

ciliation.

The

first

an underground tunnel

sixty years of this century are like

One is that vivid light which

with two breaks of broad daylight.
Hippolytus himself throws on the times of Callistus and Zephyrinus
A.D. 202

222

the other

is

that of the Cyprianic correspondence 247

259.

From 222 247 we have

position

and

likely to

be prominently

life

no documents likely to illustrate such a

have remarked in the text that he was not

really

We

as his.

in request with either Novatianists or Cornelians,

and the Cyprianic correspondence only deals with actors if in fact Dionysius wrote to the Romans through him, we find him at once in a
worthy and significant position. Valeat quantum. There is no statement
that he was alive, none that he was dead. At the same time bC 'imvoKvTov
;

cannot be explained except in a forced way.

(4)

Bp. Lightfoot

'the delegate

strange to cite

(p.

372) would take Sia 'lirnoKiirov to

charged to deliver the

and identify an Epistle

the excellent deacon or subdeacon

mean only

But surely it would be

the Romans by the name of

letter.'

who

to

carried

it,

as such officers were

Both Eusebius and Jerome mention the 'through

Hippolytus,' and only eight paragraphs before Jerome has given a list
of the writings of Hippolytus.' Eusebius characterizes or quotes more
than thirty letters of Dionysius {H. E. vi. 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, vii. 2, 4, 5, 7,
does he refer by the name
9, 10, II, 21, 22, 26), and to none other of them
incessantly doing.

'

of the bearer.
(5)

It is said also (p. 373) that

'

Hippolytus

is

fairly

common

name.'

III.

But

COUNCIL AT ANTIOCH.

III.

this

do not

find.

I/I

In 13 of the indexed volumes of the Corpus Inscrr.

Latt. containing over 63,000 inscriptions there are only fourteen instances

name Hippolytus and three of Hippolyte. It is a most rare name.

In default of proof that he was dead, a more venerable Hippolytus

of the

may

seem

still

to

have been concerned in introducing the great man's

letter to the great church.

Why

is

Romans

Dionysius' Epistle to the

H. E.

(Eus.

called btuKoviKi^?

vi. 46.)

The bidding prayers and

litanies recited by Deacons in the Greek

which begin with eV elprjin] Serjdafifu and pray first for the Peace of
the World and the Church, are called indifferently biaKovLtca and tlpriviicd.
This has led Bp. Chr. Wordsworth {Hippolytus, p. I79,ed. 1880) to interpret
hiaKoviKT] as equivalent to elprjviKi].
See Goar's Euchologion (Paris,
r.

Liturgies,

1647), p. 65, Liturg. Chrys. 6 SiAkovos Xyet...Ta elprjvLKa

p.

195, Liturg.

of Presanctijied, \iyovTai [ra] Tovra ra btaKoviKa, and Goar's note. p. 123.

Sophocles (Gk Lex. of Rom. and Byz. periods) s.v. ra ilprjviKa 'said by
the Deacon,' 'called also ra

in

or except

serious language,

Cp. the

buiicoviKa.^

Deacon, Apost. Constt. viii. 13.

two different names for such wholly
in

different reasons, the

slang,

other entirely different applications.

by
names do not
is

called

become interchangeable

cannot think

of the

7rpo(T({)oivr](Tis

But when one thing

in

this interpretation

possible.

Bp. Lightfoot thinks

2.

had some

it

'a reasonable conjecture' that the letter

reference to the arrangements of Fabian about deacons (see

sup. pp. 67, 68).

But Eusebius' notice of

notices of the letters on Novatian,

and

this letter is

it

is

embedded

in his

not written to Fabian, or

even Cornelius, but 'to those of Rome' to the people. How Fabian's
Deacons can have been to such an extent the subject of the letter as to
give it the name of a Diaconic letter, I do not see. Again a Diaconic
Episletter no more seems to mean a letter about Deacons than an
copal' or Pastoral' letter is a letter about Bishops or Pastors.
'

'

'

'

'

'

Both guesses are those of learned and ingenious men. But StaKo3.
vi.KT\ is not a technical word for any kind of letter, and perhaps Dionysius
may have himself used it in his own letter as a lively expression, in
setting forth that he was not writing to them as bishop, in any authoritative way, but that he simply meant to minister to their deliberation as a
deacon rather than a bishop might do that the e'lria-ToXij is not (iria-Tpeir-

TiKTi

like that

Tvpea^vTepiKTi,

to

his

own

flock (Eus.

vi.

46),

nor

iiriaKOTviKrj,

word might be taken from some such phraseology,

to me.

and

[Cf. anohiKTiKTj...TrpoTpeTrrtK6s, ap.

397.]

nor even

but merely such as a deacon might submit to them.

as

it

Bp. Lightfoot, op.

The

has seemed
cit.

pp. 395

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

172

Nevertheless

4.

M. Larpent

rather incline to a suggestion

means simply

that the word, which

made

me by

to

'serviceable,' in Plato

(p. 517 B) ov8' iya> ^'ya> rovrovi yf hto-Kovovi (ivai iroXtugf

doKovai rav ye vvu biaKOViKcirepoi ytyovfvai Koi ficiWov ocoi t' eV-

Gorg. LXXII.

dWa

fioi

nopl^dv

TTokfi

TTJ

Tri(mjfiova

av

ra/xteiar

tTTfdifKi

koi

Xenophon, (Econotn.

',

irapaKa^oiKra

dicucovias

8iaK0viKT]v iroii]<TanfVT) iravrbs d^iav exV^

BiaKopiKos (ivai 8ok^s,

may be

Aristoph. Plout.

>

onorap dv-

VII. 41

jri<rnJ/xoi/a

koi iriaTTjv
1 1

70

Iv

koi

fvdfa>s

applied in the same sense to a Letter of

practical advice.

IV.
Constitutional Results

of

tJie

First Council.

All these evidences of activity and wide-spread communication are

made

of certain

constitutional

still

more

interesting

by the observation

points which the decision of the

We

Carthaginian Council involved.

note four such.

First, the submission of the views of the primate himself

to

his

Council.

They were

substantially

course which he proposed to them in the

less lenient

modified.

De

than theirs* (although even this was to be

more softened

in the course

aware of the change produced

inconsistency, he does not

The

Lapsis was
still

of the next year), and he was

in

deny

himself ^

Charged with the

Again the Novatianist

it.

deputation appealed from the Council to him as a sympathizer

But

with their rigorism.

in

fact

purism

in

him was sub-

He evoked

ordinate to his broader views on Unity.

a spiritual

power as wiser, more liberal, stronger and more divine than

any solitary utterance, and he remained loyal to it.
Seco7idly, Cyprian had in his epistolary proposals assigned
weight to the verdict and recommendations of the martyrs
in

procuring

reconciliation.

these intercessions.

Fifty

The Council wholly

and sixty years

ignores

later the Letters

of Confessors might, by canons of Elvira and Aries, be

'

Ep.

54- 4.

"

Ep.

55. 3-

CONSTITUTIONAL RESULTS OF

III. IV.

exchanged

for Episcopal letters*

I73

IT.

value being thus attached

them while the proper regimen of the Church was formallysupported.

But the Council of Carthage is in its reaction
strong enough to pass over in silence the 'merits' which had
to

lately threatened all organization.

For now comes out the unity of

their decisions as against

both of the schismatical leaders; since

it is

definitively settled,

thirdly, against Novatian, that there are no remissible offences

which

beyond the power of the regular organization of

is

it

the Church to remit,

hx\^ fourthly against Felicissimus, that no sanctity", con,

communion or remit sin,

body of the Church

ferring authority to assign terms of

resides in

with

its

any

class or person save in the

authentic administrators

The principles then which had now been solidified

into legis-

lation specifically invested the primaeval Christian institution

of episcopacy with

all

the functions of government, and accord-

ingly the private sentiments of the metropolitan were, with

his cheerful consent*, overruled, while his past acts as

of Carthage were

No

ratified.

went

name

attulerit literas confessorias,

nomine confessoris, eo quod omnes sub hacnominis gloria passim concu-

sublato

tiant simplices,

dse sunt

'

De

communicatorise

litterae.'

his qui

ei

dan-

Cone. Arel. (314), can.

confessorum

The Resolu-

of the Bishops only.

Cone. Eliber. A.D. 305-6, can. 25

omnis qui

'

forth in the

against

representations

bishop once seated were to be admissible^

tions

bishop

We

'

must not say the administrators

The

alone.

of the laity

function

is

repeatedly, though not very explicitly,

urged.

In /. 64.

is

i it

one readmission that

it

an objection to

was made

'sine

petitu et conscientia plebis.'

...scias

literas affe-

me

nihil leviter egisse sed...

iis

Uteris, alias

omnia ad commune

concilii nostri con-

accipiantcommunicatorias.'

Hefelehas

silium distulisse...et

nunc ab his non

runt, placuit ut, sublatis

not understood the application of these

recedere quae semel in concilio nostro de

canons.

communi

in

Perhaps the miraculous argument

De

the

Lapsis from instances of

divine anger against the irregularly ad-

mitted
feeling

meant to meet the particular

which rested on the exceptional

is

sanctity of the martyrs.

conlationeplacuerunt....

Ep.

55. 7.

Gravitati nostrse negavimus conve-

'

nire
et

ut

colleg?e

nostri

jam

ordinati...ventilari ultra

pateremur.

Ep. 44.

2.

delecti

honorem...

CYPRIANS FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

174

And now if we remember that each bishop was the

tative of a free election,

equals,
tative

the only

assembly

virtually taken

with

Roman

in itself,

in the
its

and

their

assembly a

free elections, the

world

place

only

free

the

^we shall see that

among Roman

Roman

strength and

free,

and disparting to

its

represen-

assembly of

first

represen-

Episcopacy had

Institutions,

informed

respect for Law,

summing

members powers

and

judicial

executive, reserving to itself all appeals, and originating legis-

was an Institution not only fraught with the ruin

of polytheism but rich with the freedom and the order of the
It

lation.

coming

society.

V.
Corollaries

Puritanistn

Saint-Merit : Flight from

The

Suffering.

De

Lapsis.

Cyprian's Letter to the Confessors on their return contains

a passage of about twenty lines which Augustine

no

less

cites in full

than three times in separate works \ as containing the

absolute Scriptural answer to Puritan separations.

earliest exposition of the parable of the Tares,

image of the Palace with

right exists to eradicate tares,

poorest earthen vessels in pieces.

corn, or

The

make

and of

S. Paul's

Vessels precious or vile as accu-

its

rate presentments of the lasting conditions of

No human

It is the

Freedom

Church Society.

or to break the
to

become good

a golden urn of itself belongs to every soul.

forfeiture of light will

ever

mark assumptions of the

divine judgeship.

Against Novatianism,

Donatism, and how

many

long

perpetuated species of Puritanism and Calvinism, rudimentary inorganic forms of the

^

To

Macrobius, Ep. io8,

Gaudentius,

ii.

3.

c. ro.

first

reaction of converted spirits

Against the Donatist Cresconius,

ii.

43,

and

COROLLARIES FROM FIRST COUNCIL.

III. V.

against

kingdom of

the

sin,

do

few

these

75

words bear

witness.

The

Letter was accompanied by an interesting

Copies of his treatises

On THE Lapsed

OF THE Catholic Church.

Of the latter we shall speak

To postpone
November

is

ing

is

Of the Unity

presently.

with Bp. Pearson* the date of the former to

to attribute to Cyprian a publication out of date

at its appearance,

improved.

and

gift

and counsels upon which he had already

'The Avenging' of which he speaks

no doubt the destruction of Decius

in that

But while large parts of the book, as we have

it,

the open-

in

November*.

wear

all

the

marks of an
In fact

oration', other parts never can have been so

and are plainly to be reasoned out in the study.
we have in our hands the edition published some

months

later

delivered,

as

we have

in several of Cicero's orations

and

to this edition belongs the actual exordium.

On

the other hand the strong and immediate Apology

marks the moment when prejudice against

for Fugitives

own

his

retirement has not yet died out*.

It is

a work of a high order.

but far beyond that praise

is

Its literary

form

is

the power with which

excellent,
it lifts

the

moment

contentions of parties and the vexing questions of the

into a region in which they can be seen as deductions from

leading principles, and determined on high grounds.

to

rise,

as in

so to uplift

mundane

is

controversies.

And

and the tone sustained without one

Its outline

may

So

to the full as difficult in church politics

the high aim

is

effected,

failure.

be sketched as follows

After the close of a persecution an ideal

position of

p<^
ii.,

Ann. Cypr. a.d.

There

is

251, c. xv.

nothing in the overthrow

of Julius Valens or Priscus which would

wear
time.

this aspect

to Christians of the

See

for

example

c.

2,

when he

speaks of confessors as present, and

then addresses them.
^

c. 3.

Laps
iii.

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

1/6

by

spiritual influence is occupied

faithful sufferers,

even

been

in actual suffering.

faithful in danger,

To

although not

the Lapsed sympathy

is

due

as true as his sense of discipline

his

sympathy

rings

especially with those

had broken down under intensity of

and others he draws a broad line.
After shewing that Persecution

and useful service he proceeds

and

by-

and by those who had

voluntary exiles for conscience' sake

Between these

torture.

is

who

not without

its

to analyse the causes of

good
Lapse

which have been so wide-spread and so operative through

the whole Church,

and that

unnatural horrors of the very

for avoiding
in the

Qf

jj^x

and

(3)

of forewarnings, of the

of

the given opportunities

all

concludes that the secret

world-leavened

He

XIV.

xxxvi.

He

it.

in spite
act,

spirit

next enters upon a close argument

readmission,

to be found

(i) with the party

with the Confessors

(2)

is

of the Church.

who seek

with those of the Lapsed

it

who promote
;

it,

setting before

them deterrent experiences and the dishonesty of the position.

He concludes by an exhortation to honesty of confession,
to seriousness of repentance and to activity in good works.
High hope is yet in store for them.

The book on
narrative.

Its

the Lapsed has largely contributed to our

teachings concerning the Eucharist, and

its

evidence upon contemporary Supernaturalism will be discussed each in

its

its

own

place.

Upon

Penitential Discipline,

views, equally remote from Protestant and

Roman

stan-

dards, have been exemplified sufficiently.

Yet we may now

the relation in which

further

remark on the singularity of

Romanism

stands to the Cyprianic view

of the influence of interceding saints.

holds,)

to

may

come\

Their merit, (Cyprian

day of judgment, in the world

But they cannot on earth reverse or disturb

aid sinners in the

the organization and working order of the visible Church.

^

De

Lapis,

c.

17.

CYPRIAN

III. V.

OF THE LAPSED.'

Departed martyrs are heard

to be

How

avenged.

\^^

Apocalypse

in the

still

praying

can they in that situation be the

defenders of others*.?

How

ingenious then

Romish combination

the

is

supposed accumulation of meritorious treasure with

of a

its official

dispensation by visible authorities!

His opinion^ that there might be occasions when a

n.

man would

not be justified in accepting the offered crown of

martyrdom, and that

flight

from persecution

in

such circum-

stances was 'a private confession of Christ as martyrdom

a public one,' must have saved to the Church valuable

although the problem of decision

the least of the

difficulties

is

lives,

any given case was not

in

which arose between Christianity

and heathenism.

The eloquence of
The style has gained
the touches are a

De Lapsis seems almost

the

in lucidity

little

too ornamental.

passages than the triumphal ode

brates

'

The White Cohort

women and

of two passages from

it

of

stedfast

How joyful thou art to

be

now

is

the
power

on an African

finer

Confessors, men,
after their war-

is

an adaptation

inscription',

Child.

among

thou beginnest existence

How

There are few

Church

its felt

Magus Innocent

Now

perfect.

here and there

still

prose with which he cele-

in

of Christ,'

children, restored to the

A touching instance

fare.

though

the Innocent.

Life to thee.

welcomed by thy MotJier

the

Church

on thy return from this world.

De

Lapsis,

^ c.
3, cf. c.
^

p.

jam

of our hearts be stilled.

weeping of our eyes be stayed.

Let

the sighing

Let

tlie

c. i8.

turn excipet mater ecclesia cleoc

lo.

do revertentem.

Pitra, Spicilegium Solesm. vol. IV.

536,

MAGVS

inter

puer

innocentis

innocens

coepisti.

esse

rum
rum.

gemitus.

mun-

conprematur pectostruatur

fletus

oculo-

The name Magus and

a peculiar

quam

ai-rangement of cross and palm branch

te le-

indicate a Carthaginian origin for the

staviles tivi hsec vita est

|

B.

quam

12

CYPRIAN'S FIRST COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

178

Another

beautiful passage^

and one which

the oratory of Cyprian sometimes piles

of Barrow,

is

how

illustrates

up

itself

like that

worthy of quotation upon the obliteration of

repentance by over hasty communion.

This

'

He

no peace but war.

is

Why

'

who

'

blessing.?

'

do they pretend

repentant lamentation of those

'

deed.-*

'

parts from the Gospel.

Why give

does not join the Church

do men

an injury a

call

to give

communion, when they

Such teachers are

interrupt the

who have need

to

as a star of tempest to trees

tree

'

wreck the ship ere

'

no peace, but annuls

'salvation.

It

is

ships at sea.
;

uproot the

it

communion but

gives no

employs

advances to

'

again with unperceived devastations

tion, silencing their sorrows,

it

in his

their sin,

eyes,

'

toward a deeply offended Lord,

drowning the

pent.

monument
are

lamenta-

hushing the groaning heart, quenching the weeping

'

written,

Our

wiping out the remembrance of

'

'

hinders

assail the fallen yet

stilling their

easiness yields

a fresh persecution, a fresh temptation.

subtle foe

'

Such

enter the harbour.

it

'

Icvtos

in-

are

creep on with sickly suggestion to deadly infection

'

sages

the ravage of pestilence to

and herds; the wildness of the storm to

The solace of everlasting life they steal away
;

weep

to the lapsed as hail on corn

flocks
*

How

to impiety the style of " Pity".-'

"

and

entreaties of long

and

all

Remember from whence thou

itself.

>e

The Cyprianic

pas-

Quam

vos

Lapsis

(2)

excipit mater ecclesia de prcelio

revert entes, (16)

comprimatur pectorum

ad

Denietr.

quoted,

has been suggested to correct statuatur

[Hartel

as in itself absurd fo struatur by the

'

it

stands

and

j/a/wa/ttr

is

c.

but
:

16.

re-

quite

Si fontem siccitas statuat'

c.

7.

The second and

third lines also of the inscription

It

gemitus, statitattir flatus oculorum.

repentance

art fallen

However

monument.
Cyprianic

full

the while

know

Ireto sinu

not

pectoris.]

seem

whence.

CYPRIAN 'OF THE LAPSED.'

III. V.

79

Mai's supposed Fragtnent of CyPrian.

can find no place among the Cyprianic argnings which could be
by the fragment KYIIPIANOY Trept fitravolas (Mai, C/ass. Auctt. e Vat.
codd. editorum Tomus X. pp. xxix., 485
7), nor, I suppose, could Mai, who
says videtur hie Cyprianus Antiochenus.' For that however there is no
colour.
The point of the extract is that equal sufferings have no
power to equalise the bad and good. Besides, if we except slight touches
on S. Paul (which compare with Cyprian [Hartel], p. 304, 26 511, 16 18)
not one of the Scripture illustrations is Cyprianic in handling. The Fragment adduces Pharaoh, the Penitent Thief, Naboth, Ananias, who are never
named by Cyprian Job is not taken from Cyprian's very distinct point of
I

filled

'

view

Zedekiah, also, not

the spurious

The

in

Cyprian,

De Pascha Computus

contrast between Daniel

is

curiously dealt with,

much

as in

(Hartel, App.^ p. 258, 22; 260, 19).

and Nebuchadnezzar

is

that the former

was

consigned to feed beasts and the latter to feed with beasts. The realistic
contrast between our Lord and the Thief lacks Cyprian's delicacy. Thus
the Fragment's

first air

of resemblance to Cyprian melts away.

12-

CHAPTER

IV.

CYPRIAN 'OF THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

I.

Time and Substance of

the Treatise.

The

two or three leading motives of this victorious essaywere sketched at the point where we had to outline the
The flesh and
principles on which the Council acted.
blood, so to speak, the colour and the warmth, claim nearer
attention.

conjuncture at which

The

discernible.

is

it

was read

to the Council^

Allusions to Novatian and to

having

his

On the
assumed the episcopate are plain and numerous'*.
other hand there is no reference to Felicissimus and his faction,

a subject which in a paper on unity could not have been

avoided unless

it

had been already disposed of. Allusions

and dissoluteness on the part of former

there are' to laxity

but

confessors,

without

any reference

adopted towards them, and only in

to

methods to be

illustration of the posi-

tion that confessors (and so Novatian) were not secure from

falling away.
^

Ep.

54. 4.

Thus the publication of the

In de Unitate

c.

we

have a trace of its original character

as a Lecture or Essay addressed to

Quam

unitatem tenere

firmiter et vindicare

debemus maxime

colleagues:

episcopi qui \n QCc\QS\2^pmsidemus.'

* c. 3,

ministros justitiae asserentes...

\
\

treatise

interitum pro salute, &c.

loco... multos past ores...
feritas.
c.
c.

13,
15,

c.

10,

aemuli

episcopi

is

marked

c. 8,

^ c. 21.

in

luporum

sibi

nomen.

sacerdotum

(bishops),

sacramentum profanat.

aliud altare.

uno

c. 9,

p.

17,

IV.

'THE PROBLEM OF THE UNITY.'

I.

l8l

as after the settlement of the question of Felicissimus and

was determined.
The position of Novatian was the problem of the hour.
But
Heresy had hitherto been manifold and fantastic.

before that of Novatian

meaning secession
doctrinal, had been almost

upon questions not originally

unknown. Now, however, be-

Schism,

ginning from the central see, the Church reeled with the new

upon an enquiry as

possibility of being cleft in twain

whether she possessed disciplinary power

tion of her

The

own

to

for the reconcilia-

penitents.

rationale of such a separation,

relation to the

its

economy 'What such a portent meant.?

How God could suffer it ? was the question on many lips.
It is not (they said) as though a new dogma or mysticism

divinely preconceived

'

'

'attracted the speculative

and devout.

But with teaching

amid undoubted holiness of

we

Altar

see

'

identical,

'

against Altar, Chair against Chair, in the metropolis of the

'

world and Church.'

out to solve.

'

The

This

is

life,

the problem which Cyprian sets

when

characteristic danger of the age

the

time widely accepted

the

'

Christianity

'

presentment of old error under Christian forms.

'

Such danger can be detected only by distinct concepabode of truth, clearness as to the Scriptural
These are not far to seek. When the Lord
idea of unity.

is

for

first

is

'

'

'

tions as to the

gave Peter his commission,

shall

'

a// the

"

bound," and then

be

'

Whatsoever

Apostles, " Whosesoever

'

remitted,"

'

same

it

is

level*, yet,

obvious that

by

first

Hoc

placed

diti et

Petrus, pari consortio prae-

honoris et potestatis, sed exor-

dium ab unitate proficiscitur, c. 4.

Then follows the famous interpolation,

of which below.

alike

all

Pacian, p.

illustration

indicated

itself.

So ever

3,

c.

praecipiens.

Ad

Petrum
unum, ideo ut

unitatem fundaret ex uno,

commune

repeats the

11,

with clearness

locutus est Dominus, ad

in

on the

He

addressing Peter alone.

erant utique et ceteri apostoli

fuit

bind

ye remit they are

sins

He

'the Oneness or Unity of the commission^

quod

shalt

t/iou

renewed the commission to

mox

idipsum

'THE UNITY.'

82

bond of the Church's unity

'since, this tangible

'

AND HISTORY.

ITS BASIS

her one

is

united episcopate, an Apostleship universal yet only one

'the authority of every bishop perfect in itself and

pendent, yet not forming with

'

meration of powers, but being a tenure upon a

Such

some

all

The man who

that he holds the Faith

'

Church,

He

continues,

holds not this church unity, does he believe

He who

he assured that he

is

and existent con-

the threatening schism.

'

totality, like

joint property*.'

his statement of the historic

is

ditions as against

inde-

the others a mere agglo-

'

'that of a shareholder in

is

contends against the

within the Church

The

'Old Testament and the Pauline teaching harmonize with

And

'the Gospel as to this unity.

bound

to

is

'

indivisible oneness.'

Then
natural
'

follows the

the episcopate above

the maintenance of

exert itself in

'

analogies of this spiritual

Church which outspreads

'sun has

many

itself into

'There

unity.

one

just as the

in

many

the clinging root

flow off from a single fountain-head,

and, while

'

although a multiplicity of waters

rills

is

seen streaming

'diverse directions from the bounty of

away

in

its

abundant overflow,

preserved in the head-spring.

Pluck a ray away

'

yet unity

'

from the sun's body

'

rays but one only light, and a tree

'

is

is

a multitude (of churches),

branches yet one only heart, based

many

all

own

famous and beautiful passage on the

'wider and wider in ever increasing fruitfulness

'

its

Break a bough

unity admits no division

off a tree

once broken

it

will

of light.

bud no more.

So

'

Cut a

'

too the Church flooded with the light of the Lord flings rays

rill

off

from the spring

'over the whole world.

'

'

itself

everywhere

She reaches

'

richness

'

bounteous flowing
^

it

is

the unity of the

forth her

of her

Yet

the

one

cut off dries up.

light

which diffuses

body knows no

partition.

boughs over the universal earth

fertility,

Episcopatus unus

rill

rivers,
est cujus

in the

broadens ever more widely her

and

still

there

is

one head, one

a sinptlis in solidum pars tenetur.

c. 5.

IV.

one mother,

'source,

we

'

ANALOGY.

ITS

I.

are born

ITS VIOLATION.

her milk our nurture, her breath our

Of

rich in ever succeeding births.

83

her

life.'

Scripture, he proceeds to shew, teems with examples and

illustrations of this unity.
'

'

He

of his undefiled spouse.

who has

The Sons

of Christ are the sons

cannot have

not the Church for his mother.'

in the fall of Jericho, the

Lamb, the one mind

'

in

form and nature' of the

the inferences which

the

House

House

Flock, the one

Flood, the Seamless Coat, the one

untouched

God for his father

The Ark of the

one House of the Paschal

of Israel, the Dove-like

'

Spirit, all are parables illustrating

we might draw from

the

Kingdom

of

Nature, and from the Unity of the Godhead, as well as from

the direct injunctions of Christ, S. Paul and S. John^.

'

The application is immediately pointed.

those who withdraw from the Church, and

conception of Separatism

Heresy

'

of God.

'

tion.
'

Its

itself

has

It is

is

them

alien

distinctly obtained.

place in relation to unity in the

its

a testing power.

promoters

now

first

economy

a prae-judicial separa-

It is

assume preeminence among the

unthinking, then holy orders, and then the episcopal pre-

'

rogative, of which the essential character

'

that

'

Blessing on the United

it

'own
'

build

spirits.'

'

'

There are now

This must be recognised as the departure of alien

'homes.
'

'

separatist twos

commend

"

Two

that

is

They take

a transmitted power.

is

or

Three

and threes^ as

"

if

and apply

a given,

it

to their

the Lord meant to

They

not unity but paucity.

it is

Christ's special

corrupt the Font

^ The gall-lessness attributed to the

Dove is brought in from Tertullian, De

of S. Prassede {Jnscrr. Christ. U. R.

Bapt.

BVS SINE FEL. Compare

8.

tration

It

receives interesting illus-

from contemporary

inscriptions.

In the cemetery of Callistus (de Rossi,

Rom.

Soil., vol. II. p.

xxxviii. n.

19) a

PALVMBA SENE

i85,Tav. xxxvii.

lady

is

described as

FEL, and in the crypt

vol,

I.

sc. 2,

gall
-

p. ^11, no.

'But

937)

we have PALVMiya;/^/, Act

am pigeon-liver'd and

To make oppression bitter.'.

De Unit. cc. 6 9.
De Unit. cc. 10 12.

1 1,

lack

84 'THE UNITY.'
of Baptism*

OBLIGATION

the
(mark here

'than cleanses; they erect a

'

appearance of Cyprian's

earliest

'so that

great characteristic error)

'

OF ESSENCE OF BELIEF.

IS

its

water stains rather

they offer a

rival altar,

but it is the sacrifice of jealousy, and so their very

martyrdoms are wretchedly not crowns but judgments. For
while a Lapse from the faith is purged by the Baptism of

sacrifice,

'

Blood the religion of the Schismatic

is

'

not for any narrower cause but that

fails in

principle of Christianity, a

'

Schism

schismatic's

'

only a penalty and a despair.'

it

spurious in essence,
the

first

Loving Union with the brethren.

death under the persecutor

is

no martyrdom,

and living persons.

to passing events

eminent, unnamed, intemperate-tongued, confessor

established a separate
'

broad

accordingly more fatal than lapsing, and the

is

He comes

'

rival

The

who has

communion, can be none but Novatian.

that confessor who he may, he is not greater, better, dearer

God than Solomon once was. Yet he retained God's grace

Be
to

'only so long as he trode God's path... He

'

after confession the peril

voiced.

the Gospel, for of the

fessor

He

is

more, for the foe

is

but

'

He

and worthiness of Christ be

a confessor

There

is

is

more pro-

The more should he stand by

Gospel came his renown. ...He is a con-

'discipline in action, like the

is

a confessor!

a confessor!

Let him be lowly and calm,

is

not

Christ
so, if

evil

let

him be modest with

whose confessor he

is.

afterwards the greatness

spoken of through him\'

here an undertone of anxiety for the fidelity

of confessors at large, which exactly suits the immediate

position of

Roman

mingling with his thankfulness

affairs,

for

the general loyalty^ and echoing the personal appeals already

He

cited ^

proceeds

perish that

'counsel, I urge

'should

De

that, if

'bosom one united

would indeed, dearest brothers,

it

be possible, not one of the brothers

the joyful mother should lock to her

people.'

Unit. cc. 17, 20, 2i.

2 c. 22.

'

If the return of wilful leaders be

^

Ep.

46.

IV.

VIOLATION

ITS

I.

hopeless,

is still

it

UNBELIEF.

IS

8$

conceivable to him that the mass of the

own

misled should see with their

eyes,

and extricate them-

selves from personal complications.

Lastly, he restates the nature

and obligation of unity and

the causes which underlie disunion.

The

unity of the Godhead, of the person of Christ, of the

must be reproduced in the unity of /

the earthly congregation. Agreement is the medium of that/
ideal church, of the faith,

Sections from the living organism must lose vitality/

unity.

The

unity of humanity within itself and with

God

is

that in

which alone salvation consists \

f^
*

As

'

for the real causes of disunion, its origin

theory of this or that teacher.

Loss of unity

is

not in the

the natural

is

outcome of an age of recognised, sanctioned, recommended/

selfishness
selfishness which saps belief and moral force
'together, which undermines that faith whereon rest thai
'

'

God-fearing,

and

principles

'

work, and diminishes the awe of things to come^'

of

righteousness,

This was penetrating doctrine

love

went to the heart of things.

Which of the churches will master it earliest ?

The suitability of the whole argument to the
its effectiveness, need no illustration.
The beauty
tion

is

spirit.

the

Again and again

heart.

Stripped of

its

figures this

climax

23) contains the ground of Cyprian's

zeal

and the essence of

his doctrine.

The passage almost defies translation

unus Deus est, et Christus unus, et
'

una

ecclesia ejus,

et fides una, et plebs

spirits

of

dic-

its

persuasions and

its

a matrice discesserit seorsum vivere

non

spirare

amittit.'

Pkh
by
PV,

una,

Hartel,

false collation,

a mistake for

V (Veronensis);

value on such a point.

potest, nee corpus

unum

discidio

visceribus in frusta discerpi.

Quicquid

aSttr plebs.
^ c.

26.

misled perhaps

on the authority of
(Monacensis) and

cordiae glutino copulata,

conpaginis separari, divulsis laceratione

et

poterit, substantiam salutis

of

Scindi unitas

its

nobler than the noblest

[una] in solidam corporis unitatem con-

non

and

searches alike the deeps of the divine word and of

human

warnings have availed with

(c.

crisis,

vehicle for the loving holiness and might of its

fit

It

hara

neither MS. of

any

WGR omit una

86 CYPRIAN 'OF

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

which have agonized themselves into separations

in

hours of greater temptation than

yes,

and

theirs.

II.

Two

Questions on Cyprianic Unity,

Conviction or of Policy f

Of

2.

Does

Was it a theory of
involve Roman Unity f
i.

it

the Unity of the Catholic Church Cyprian has been

reverently,

suffered

purpose

Yet

is

hope, and dutifully, so far as a faithful

able to represent

him

to speak for himself

the merest outline reveals the defects as well as the

merits of his marvellous book.

The impossibility of harmonizing his theory, as it stands,

with some phenomena of church history is owing to its nondevelopement of one

The

munion upon

essential principle.

between a Visible and an Invisible Com-

distinction

earth did not present itself to

the true incorporation with the Visible Church

bers not entirely sound.

We

are not called

him

still

less

mem-

itself

of

upon

to dilate

on a topic which has engaged Hooker', but we must notice

that it is this same deficiency which in his next great crisis
placed Cyprian himself in some danger of separatism.
But there

arise

demand

two further questions which

candid answers.
1.

Was

Cyprian's view of the Church as one whole with

one proper and

Had

characteristic

he received

Christian thought

government a sincere doctrine

Had

it ?

Or, was

it

been a reality to

.''

earlier

it

only the justification of his

practical policy, a tissue of the

ingenious suggestions point

by point of a difficult position ?

Did this theory of Unity
2.
1

rest on, contain, or logically

Eccl. Polity, B. III.

IV.

QU.

II.

WAS THE THEORY A POLICY?

I.

I87

lead up to a recognition of a central church authority in the

Roman
The

or Petrine see

moment

questions are of

their bearing

The

first

apart from their interest, or

on Cyprian's honesty and on

his foresight.

Expounder

enquires whether Cyprian was an

or an Inventor of the Oneness of the Church.

The second
outcome of

Roman Supremacy was an

enquires whether

his teaching

on that Oneness.

Before the former question can be well answered

know whether

the individual congregation

were

If that

ference.

now

the word Ecclesia had until

so,

more, more only by trans-

or, if

the Cyprianic theory was novel

not more than an engine against Novatian.

so, the

it

were not

which Oneness was attributed to an Ideal more

complex or more abstract than that of

Now

If

would probably reveal the

course of the enquiry

principle on

we must

described only

'

parishes.'

a review of Cyprian's few writings before the Decian

persecution

is

enough

shew in the first instance that the

the word Church was not limited to
to

idea then conveyed in

'

'

the individual congregation, either with or without

pastor.

That name

is

from the

distinction of the Congregation, of the Diocese,

Whole Body of

the Faithful.

It is

appears without

chief

effort

and of the

not the case that the

former senses are earlier in Cyprian than the

latter sense also

its

used equally and without

first

The

latter.

and without explana-

tion, as familiar to all.

Thus

New

in the First

People

Book of Testimonies,

in contrast

Mother of Old Testament

the fruitful wife.

It

is

figures,

It is the

proving more

is

the

Barren

fruitful

Test.

^i 20.

than

the Sara, the Rachel, the Hannah,

whose sons are types of the

borne the Seven Sons,'

the Church

with the Jewish.

for

it

Christ.

was

to

St Paul wrote as well as St John.

It

is

'

She who hath

Seven Churches that

In this one passage two

of the senses stand clearly out.

In the Second

Book

the 'Church

'

is

the

Spouse of Christ'

ii.

19.

i.

CYPRIAN 'OF THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

l88
H.

In the

V. 3.

Dress of Virgins,' the virgins themselves are

Mother the Church.'

The Church had been planted and founded upon

'

the

glorious fruitbearing of the

H.

V. 10.

'

In these three passages the larger sense alone

In the loth

Ep. 10.5.

cally the
Ep.

I.

I,

'

word

is

'Happy

letter,

Church of Carthage

used

in

both the

had been

Lord,' which
is

mentioned

but in the very

first letter

the

and second of the three senses.

discipline 'in the Church of the

first

certain rule of clerical

bishops,

possible.

our Church' means specifi-

is

is

Peter.'

laid

in the

down in a Council of earlier

same passage with the direction

that certain offenders are not to be prayed for 'in the Church,'

that

is in

free

3. 3.

epistle,

Clerks are to

from private business to serve the Altar

'

and the Church,' just as

Ep.

In the same

the congregation.

have their time

in the 3rd (so

numbered)

it

is

said

Deacons to their Presbyter leads to

forsaking of the Church and the substitution of a

that the disobedience of

the

'

profane Altar.'
Ep.

1.

In the 2nd letter the Christian

3.

profession as a Dramatic Tutor

and

vision'
local
'

'

'at the charges

is

who has

to give

maintained by 'the pro-

of the Church' seemingly the

church to which he belongs, but

urged to 'learn

is

things outside the Church.'

cannot be said then that the use of

the sense of

'

Congregation

aggregate sense, and

it is

'

or

'

Diocese

'

is

this

earlier

word

in

than

its

needless to point out how, in

of these instances, the eye sees in the Diocese the true

and

life

'definition'

when Cyprian

'

plebes established in

'

severing in what

it

t/ie

say that the earliest idea was

It is no
'The Church, that is the
Church, faithfully and firmly per-

that of the plebes apart from

word

some
image

of the whole.

It is similarly impossible to

13.

his

saving things witJiin the Church instead of teaching deathful

It

^/. 63.

up

its

governing body.

writes

has believed.'

It is

no

to be defined actually recurs within

definition, for the

it,

and forms part

IV.

II.

'THE CHURCH' NOT THE ISOLATED CONGREGATION. 189

The

of the definition so-called'.

'What

question remains,

the Church within which the plebes

thus established

is

an unorganized, undisciplined, unruled aggregate of

it

viduals

On

enough when

Deacons

'

is

'

own

Definition

they are the Church

'

a Flock clinging to

In the 4th

Episcopate and of

has

'

in

one of

letter,

again exceeded.

very

his

Commons

'

If they refuse to

earliest,

be pure

they cannot be readmitted to the C/mrch

on

'

the old

'

with the temporal sword.

to

is

and salvation

Law

be

if

we

One,

To

live,

and

habit,

slain

be cast out of the Church now

For outside the

inasmuch as the House of God

is

if

who

he

'

Schism not

to

departs remain in the one Faith and

then uncritical and unhistorical to suppose that the

thought of the aggregate Church rose later on Cyprian's

mind, or grew up gradually out of the idea of the individual

From

Church.

each
^

in the

the

first it

other.

Ep.6i. Yet Ritschl

24'2)

It

is

was impossible not

also equally

(p. 91, pp. 241,

actually proposes, on account of

the supposed simplicity and absence of

organization

implied

in

what he

is

pleased to treat as a 'definition,' to

transpose

among

the

this

4. 4.

In

same Tradition

It is

Ep.

one can be safe but in the Church.'

be made, even

'the

^d. 8.

they cannot count

In the 3rd Book of Testimonies we read,

'

never

not obey the Bishops.

with the spiritual sword.

slain

and no

will

in life

an

find
is

he who would not obey the Priest was

Church they cannot

'

they

united Ep.

Shepherd.'

its

'

'

nothing

it

exposition of which the hardness and definiteness

'

3. 3.

the

constituted

inconsistent with other words which really belong to

to a Bishop

life

indi-

letter is significant Ep.

Apostles

the

that

This imagined

same period

the

says

it

to be the ministers of their

the Church.'

which

numbered)

this the 3rd (so

is

Is

.!*'

epistle

and

earliest letters

place

it

before the

Decian persecution.
2 This passage is not necessary

this

Catena,

later than I
p. 23.

But

to

think

anyone would give a date

do to this 3rd Book. See

if

it

is

clear that this

is

general precept on schism, and has no

reference to Novatianism,
fore earlier

and

than Novatian.

is

there-

Cyprian

would not have allowed that Novatian

in the one Tradition.'

remained
to

to see literally

uncritical

'

Test. Hi.

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

190 CYPRIAN 'OF

when

that there ever was a time

plated apart from

Each again was

I from the 4th

the Church was contem-

Ministering Rulers or they from

its

essential

epistle before us,

impossible to conceive

is

it

it.

With the passage

to the other.

that the Church appeared to Cyprian to have ever carried

I

itself
I

on or subsisted without

its

episcopal order

or ever to

have been anything but a Unity.

'

We

have seen before' what the Bishop was to

Congregation and

'

Was

Diocese.*

own

his

there anything which for

whole Church Catholic corresponded to the Bishop's

the

position

answer

absolutely

own Diocese

own Diocese

of his

respect

in
is

clear:

What

The Cyprianic

the Bishop was to his

whole united Body of Bishops was to

that the

the whole Church.

When,
it is

Cyprian

'

which

'

is

'

one sarcastic

in his

"

is

Bishops

fast cleaving

may

and

sarcastic

writes to Florentius Puppianus,

CATHOLIC, ONE,"

'

indeed

The Church,

not split nor divided but

is

and compacted by a cement of

certainly knit together

ness

letter

each to each

other'^,'

grotesque-

this

put more forcibly, but does not express

substantively, the ground which

assumed

is

in

more

the earliest

epistles.

In the 1st epistle

engage
'

The

in secular business

Church
'

forbidding clerics to

had been long ago determined

Council of the Bishops

in the

Law
'

'

the Bishops, our prede-

'cessors, religiously considering and soundly providing for

'

this,

enacted &c.

'
'

that so the decree of the Bishops, reli-

giously and needfully passed,

More palpably

Roman
1

presbyters

c. 11. viii.

still

una' without

sup.

rentium

sit

sibi

copulata.

utique conexa et cohce-

invicem sacerdotum glutino

The

be observed by

authority for

'

us.'

than single phrases can state

Ep, 66. 8

divisa, sed

may

assume, in the 8th

quando ecclesia quae

catholica una' est scissa non sit neque
-

'

catholica

letter,

that

ei is conclusive;

(qua

est)

take

it

the
the

and

for

and because it is assumed

as the ground for deduction,
to be meant as a quotation

this reason,

it,

in

from the Baptismal Creed,

IV.

*AS BISHOP TO DIOCESE SO BISHOPS TO CHURCH.' I9I

II.

absence of both Bishops the two churches have to maintain

the brotherhood of mutual counsel.

In the 3rd (so numbered)

laid before the

An

individual Bishop having

body of Bishops a complaint against a Deacon

of his own, Cyprian's reply speaks of

the Bishops and Prelates'
surely,

if

'

the Apostles, that

is

description of a united college

words can describe one.

Lastly

to go no furtherthe great decision

can assemble and make sure

until all the Bishops of Africa

of acting in

harmony with the Bishops of

The College

postponed

is

of Bishops, then,

Italy.

the very form and sub-

is

stance of the inherited free government, advising by resolu-

commanding by mutual consent, yet not even when

unanimous constraining a single dissentient bishop \ As the

tion,

Nicene Fathers did not make but formulated the Nicene

some

Faith, so the characteristic of Cyprian, his merit as

venture to think,

is

the clear outlining and distinct expression

which he gave to the principles which he found

in use,

and

the stedfastness with which he worked the code and submitted

himself to
those

who

it.

His characteristic reward was the loyalty of

felt his

they were Bishops

loyalty to them,
in council,

felt it

rendered because

though evidently not

his peers

in learning or in policy.

If

theory of government

problems
although

and

Did Cyprian create

then the First Question be,

.'*

in

in the

the answer

him

feeling after

it

was

is

Church

that

lit

and

in order to solve his

was

it

fired

far older

by

his

own

than Cyprian,

that sense of

Love

Unity which seemed to Augustine the most

special characteristic of the man**.

See Cyprian's speech on opening

the seventh Council.

to place the 63rd epistle very early (see

on
this character having been put on, and
assumed by Cyprian as a mere weapon
and instrument, may be read in the oriIt is worthy
ginal (pp. 89, 106, 109).
2

Ritschl's

incredible

of these criticisms that they force him

remarks

because the simplicity of

p.

189

its

language on the Church appears to

him

n.),

inconsistent with

views

Cyprian's

only, he ought then also

placed

the earliest

Epistles

to

later

have

and the

CYPRIAN OF THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

192

'

Our Second Question was, Did the theory of Cyprian

demand or lead up to or suggest a single Centre of Church
Government at Rome or elsewhere ?

Rome

could not but be a centre of thought and feeling.

was not merely the largest, richest or strongest city. It

was the head of the civilised world, with a practical reality of
power and fitness unattributable to and unimaginable of any
other head before or since. Was the Christian Church in it
similarly not only the foremost church, but was it the head
of the world-Church which was already in existence }
It

We

need not stay to enquire whether Cappadocia, Antioch,

Jerusalem could so regard

was
It

it

had a

believed

have

it

but was

such even to Carthage

lofty undeniable

in it

S.

such to the West.''

primacy among

all

Peter's

CatJiedra,

ascended by

even more

but

Wcis

of a different kind or

it

to

his successors.

than to the

it

Mark, or the Ephesus of

S.

was.

churches which

Certainly not less veneration could attach to

Alexandria of

it

Foundation of Saint Peter, and

to be the

it

it

Principalis^ Ecclesia

John

S.

say

order.-*

Did the theory of Cyprian either in itself, or as embodying

the Western feeling, whatever this was, towards Rome, suggest that this see was a centre of authority or jurisdiction to
the Church at large

We

.''

have seen how each Bishop was

held to be a centre of authority and fountain of jurisdiction

Did the theory of the Oneness of the Church

to his diocese.

involve that there should be

braced

One See whose

The only
from being

.-'

possible answer

verified or

is

obliterate

it.

Testimonies

(which

are

that this conception, so far

supported by Cyprian's theory, contra-

dicts that theory, has overthrown

simple^

em-

other sees analogously.-' that there should be a

all

Bishop of Bishops

influence

not

at

in his sense) very late.

all

He

is compelled further to assert (p. 94)

without a vestige of authority that in

it

in practice,

and tends to

de Unit. 5 the words from

nemo

to cor-

rw/w/a/ are a later interpolation.

^ Cyp.
Ep.
on Principalis

59.

14.

See Appendix

Ecclesia, p. 537.

IV.

QV.

II.

We

1.

2.

DOES

IT

LEAD UP TO THE ROMAN THEORY?

shall presently see in detail that in order to

I93

adapt

even the very language of Cyprian in the passage which they

thought the most favourable to their pretensions, the papal

apologists have framed, and at all hazards, and against evi-

dence

full

and understood, have stedfastly maintained the

Without the insertion of their

grossest forgery in literature.

phrases

passage means something palpably different.

the

This does not look as

on their

Does Cyprian's

2.

We

Cyprian here had ever been

if

how

shall see

Roman

with the

practice exemplify the

to be

theory

.-^

him sometimes, as we should

sometimes wrongly but in

see exhibits

it,

exhorting

always

almost

Roman

the subsequent history of his intercourse

say, rightly in conflict with

conflict

felt

side.

buking him or making excuses

the

Roman

bishop, re-

for him, or assuring

him that

he had excommunicated himself by his vain threats of excom-

municating others

But

3.

it

obeying him never\

may

perhaps be

said, that great

are not always consistent, that his practice

inferior to his theory, or

men and saints

may have been

even contradictory.

The answer to this is that the very mention of the supremacy of one Pontiff, or the universality of one jurisdiction, is
the precise contrary of the Cyprianic statements. The form
of government for the whole Church which these enunciate
that of a
tive

Body

Body.

its

whole episcopate.

members, appointed

Its

represent each one diocese*.

constituted t/iem to govern,

Cyp. />/> 68.

2,

72.

This

is

no

less the

Christ

Purity

75.

ment by Presbyters
first

is

less

Appointafter

the

model, Presbyters not being proB.

perly representative of their congregations.

case wherever

of Representatives.

free election,

delegation, for

they are appointed by the Representatives

a Representa-

by

not to appoint governors.

(Firmil.) 2, 3, 6, 17, 24, 25.

^

is

give their judgment by

They have no power of

suffrages.

They

This
for life

is

still

Cooption by other Bishops

less satisfactory,

intolerable

plan

pointment by

own

order

is

one

while

that

the

of their apof

superior

appointed

is

only

by

their

few

themselves.

13

of

194 CYPRIAN *0F

THE ONITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

of conduct was essential to the continuance of any one of them

No

in his authority*.

borne by a majority,

though
all

it

among them

minority

could be over-

a matter of administration, even

in

were so grave a question as that of Rebaptism.

If

but one voted one way, that one could not be overruled

the direction of

diocese.

his

brother,' writes Cyprian in the

'

bring

we hold

'

We

home

'

in

These considerations, dear

name

of his sixth Council,

'

we

to your conscience out of regard to the Office

common and

in

to the simple love

we bear

you.

believe that you too, from the reality of your religious

and

feeling

'

Nevertheless

approve what

faith,

we know

religious as well as true.

is

who cannot

there are those

readily

'part with principles once imbibed, or easily alter a view

'

of their own, but who, without hurting the bond of peace

'

and concord between

colleagues, hold to special practices

among them

'once adopted

anyone and impose no

and

herein

we do no

violence

For in the administration of

'

to

'

the Church each several prelate has the free discretion of his

law.

own will having to account to

The prelate who is thus allowed
'

No

right to direct all or

'It
'

remains

same freedom

the

governing his own diocese

rest of his order in

Bishop of Rome.

the Lord for his action*.'

is

protest of his in answer claimed the

any of the

rest.

for us to deliver

each our judgment on the

particular question,' so said Cyprian, opening the seventh

of his

Councils,

'

without

judging any, without removing

'

any from our communion, whose judgment may

'

our own.

'

'

as the

Stephanus,

None

differ

from

of us constitutes himself a bishop over

makes it imperative for his colleagues to obey

him, through any despotic awe, inasmuch as every bishop
bishops, or

'by leave of
^

Ep. 67. 3

'

his

freedom and

Propter

quod plebs

obsequens prseceptis dominicis et

metuens a peccatore pmposito

Deum

(sc. epis-

copo) separare se debet, nee se ad sacrilegi sacerdotis sacrificia miscere,

quando

office,

ipsa

has a free scope of

maxime habeat potestatem

vel

eligendi dignos sacerdotes vel indignos

recusandi.'
"

Ep.

Cf.

72. 3.

Ep.

68. 3.

THE CYPRIANIC AND ROMAN THEORIES CONTRARIES.

I V.II.

own, and can no more be judged of another than he

'

his

'

can himself judge another.

We

'judgment of our Lord Jesus

'

'

I95

hath the

office

{potestas)

must

Christ,

all

who

alike await the

by Himself

alone

of promoting us in the govern-

ment of His Church, and of judging our course of action V

In what then consisted in effect the unity of a body
4.

so constituted?

together

by

was a practical unity, a moral

sense of unity, by

As problems

concord""'.'

each by

It

own

its

The

itself.

first

'

unity, held

the cement of mutual

them

arose they were to consider

thing was that they should, with as

deliberate consultation as could be had, state their several

opinions without favour or

If

we

fear.

consider what great effects were produced, what far-

reaching and enduring results were secured, through the mere

and utterance of this moral, or spiritual, judgment,

by men whose divine commission was simply to use this, and
exercise

to

express

this,

we may perhaps think

that an incessant

complaining of the unwillingness of imperial assemblies to

decide and give effect to church measures,

discuss,
least not

times

not

The

primitively church-like.

the Church has worked

its will

impressive

of

periods

upon us through

in

is

at

which

civil rule

are

The immeasurably

spirituality.

higher enthusiasm and stronger effectiveness which has at-

tended

its

moral judgments under governments as

as surly, or

as

indifferent

as

mere

politicians

hostile, or

could wish

governments to be towards really Christian matters, might

encourage the
their

faith of

modern churchmen

the value of

one undisputed prerogative.

A bishop

could not then resist their united voice without

hardihood, but

if

he did, he was unassailable unless vicious-

ness or false doctrine were patent in his

in

VII. Cone. Carth. Prafat. Cypriani.

Ep. 68. 3. An important passage

and often quoted to evince the consti^

so often to

of

its

life

or teaching.

In

shew the simply moral force

which is what it really

action

shews.

tutional character of the body, but not

132

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

196 CYPRIAN *0F

was

that case the allegiance of his flock

He was to be regarded

be withdrawn.

to

(says the African primate, with a strong

who had got

local colouring) as a brigand chief

possession

of a caravanserai \

The

divine reality of such their unity had been taught

Lord to Peter and

typically in the respective charges of the

The

to the

Twelve ^

same

to each several apostle.

(such

is

authority and power committed

But

for the sake of

many

Cyprian's interpretation) that

make many

language addressed to one only

in

Church

shewing

first
is

decla-

couched

For that one

S. Peter.

occasion the words are to one, but the meaning

to

the

apostles did not

churches, but one only, therefore the

ration of the foundation of a universal

is

is

for ever

all.

As

nothing limited

to all the apostles,

it

in space, but the authority

wherever they went, so

in

belonged

time also, after

they were departed, nothing limited that authority to Peter's

among

successors

the successors of them

charge to Peter appears

among

Though

all.

the

the earliest of Cyprian's

Christian ideas^ as does also the obedience due to bishops*,

yet Peter's successors are nowhere mentioned or hinted at by

Cyprian as necessary to the Church's Unity^

And

cessors of the other Apostles are.

by Christ

the power given

S. Peter,

of

But the suc-

them

it is

said that

measure with

to them, in equal

passed on to the churches which they established,

and to the bishops who everywhere succeeded them^

A headship attributed to the successors of one among

them would simply

1
2

Ep.

68. 3.

priest.

See Catena of passages on the

Unity from Peter, infra

is

De

Ep.

where the

spiritual

was

It

be understood that he plays the

dangerous game of maintaining presby-

sword

described to be as deadly to the spirit

as the material sword

This Ritschl himself confesses.

'

will

p. 197.

Habitti Virgg. 10.

4- 4,

the whole theory of the

ruin at once

to the life of

any who disobeyed the ancient high

terianism against episcopacy,

saddle

to

Cyprian's

the papacy as

Ep.

its

by trying

episcopacy

with

necessary deduction,

75. 16, see

Catena below.

IV.II.

THE CYPRIANIC AND ROMAN THEORIES CONTRARIES.

I97

unity and of the authority which subsisted in the copiosum

corpus sacerdotum

the episcopatus unus, episcoporum multorum

And

concordi numerositate diffusus^.

Yet

5.

Bishop,

it

again,

this is Cyprian's theory.

Body might not

rule

any one

any one Bishop could not

follows a fortiori that

Body.

rule that

that

as

such pretension could never

It is plain that

be set up without violating the principle and essence of

Cyprian's theory.

This theory could not even coexist with

The two views

the theory of a dominant centre.

are mutually

exclusive.

A singular fate overtook two strong sentences of the early

Latin fathers.

It

is

comprehensible

how

the sentence of

Cyprian could be vivisected and injected with corruption

as

we

find

it,

original force,

it

and

seemed to yield a sense contrary

to the context,

and

to the

of the treatise, and to the leading idea of

that Tertullian's scornful parody of

assumption
episcoporimt,

'

coming the actual

feat

should

its

whole scheme

its

But,

author.

some Bishop of Rome's

maximus, quod

Po?itifex scilicet

edicif,'

till,

to

est episcopus

have worked round into

be-

and style of his successor, exhibits a

title

of that brilliant imagination which even

itself

could

never have realised.

Catena of Cyprianic passages on the Unity signified in the Charge

[a.d. 248.

to Peter.

Dominus pascendas tuendasque

Petrus etiam cui oves suas

commendat, super quern posuit et fundavit ecclesiam, aurum

quidem et argentum sibi esse negat,...

rhetorical contrast of the facts in Matt.

xvi.

and Acts

iii.

not by

itself

touching the question of Unity.]

A.D. 251.

Probatio est ad fidem

Dominus ad Petrum:
'et super istam
'

facilis

'ego

Dabo tibi claves

In Cyprian this thought and these

Cf.

But Ep.

55. 24

is

veritatis.

a strong condensed chapter.

Ep. 68.

Loquitur

inquit 'quia tu es Petrus

petram asdificabo ecclesiam meam,

inferorum non vincent earn.

words are in perennial flow.

compendio

tibi dico'

3.

Tert. de Ptidicit,

et portas

regni caelorum

i.

198

CATENA FROM CYPRIAN ON THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH

'et quae ligaveris

caelis, et

super terrain erunt ligata et in

'quaecumque solveris super terram erunt soluta et in caelis.'

Super unum aedificat ecclesiam, et quamvis apostolis omnibus

suam parent potestatem

post resurrectionem

me

*Sicut misit

Sanctum

si

tribuat et dicat

Accipite Spiritum

pater et ego mitto vos.

cujus remiseritis peccata, remittentur

illi

si

tamen ut uniiatem manifestaret,

unitatis ejusdem originem ab uno incipientem sua auctoriHoc erant utique et ceteri apostoli quod fuit
tate disposuit.
cujus tenueritis tenebuntur,'

Petrus, pari consortio praediti et honoris et potestatis^ sed exorimitate proficiscitur, ut ecdesia Christi una monstretur.

dium ab

Whatever may be the value of the argument or illustration, there can in this
genuine shape be no doubt as to the meaning of the passage. The Apostles
Simply to
are all made equal in honour and power by our Lord's commission.

its

declare the unity of His Church, He, the

gives

it

stood

it)

first

time that

He

gives that commission,

Afterwards he .repeats the same commission

to one.

The

to all.

origo,

Cyprian under-

(as

exordium, of unity starts {proficiscitur) from one as a

manifestation or demonstration {manifestaret, monstretur) of unity.

The same

teaching identically appears, with greater or less compression, but

with no variation of idea, in

Ep. 43.

5.

A.D. 250.

all

other references to whomsoever addressed

cathedra una super Petrum

The unity is here inferred from the Lord's
et

Ep.

45. 3.

A.D. 251.

De

as follows

Deus unus est, et Christus unus et una ecdesia

Domini voce fundata.

{Plebi universes).

forth in the

voice speaking to Peter alone, as set

Unitate published the year after at the same place.

Hoc enim vel maxime, frater, et laboramus et

Domino &\.per apostolos nobis

{Cornelio Frairi).

laborare debemus ut unitatem a

successoribus traditam, {not vobis nor per Petrum successoribus,

but to the bishops as succeeding to that equal authority of

the apostles] quantum possumus obtinere curemus, et quod in
nobis est palabundas

Ep.

48. 3.

,)

{Cornelio Fratri).
ecdesice

et errantes oves... in ecdesia colligamus.

Communicationem tuam

unitatem pariter et caritatem

id est catholicas

[n. b.

not

honorevi

or

potestatem.\

Ep, 55.

8.

A.D. 252.

{AntoniaJto Fratri).

The

see of

Rome

is

Fabiani

locus,, .locus

Petri et gradus cathedrae sacerdotalis.

Ep.

59. 7.

{Cornelio Fratri).

eodem Domino

Petrus tamen super

fuerat ecclesia,

ecdesice voce respondens ait,

r4.

...et

ad

Petri

{Florentio cui et

'ad

quem

sedificata

ab
et

cathedram atque ad ecclesiam principalem unde

unitas sacerdotalis exorta

Ep.66.i. A.D. 254.

'

quem

unus pro otnnibus loquens,

Domine, ad quem imus V

Puppiano

est.

Fratri).

ibimus &c.' loquitur

On same

illic

passage as ^_^. 59. 7

Petrus super

cata fuerat ecdesia, ecdesice nomine docens.

quem

aedifi-

AS TYPIFIED IN THE CHARGE TO

Ep-

71. 3.

S.

PETER.

I99

{Quinto Fratri, referred to in Ep. 72 Stephana fratrt). Cyprian

is not to be drawn from the commission of our Lord.

A.D. 255.

here shews what deduction

Nam

nee Petrus, quern primum Dominus

elegit et

super quern

suam, cum secum Paulus disceptaret, vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter aut adroganter adsumpsit ut diceret
se primattim tenere et obtemperari a novellis et posteris sibi
aedificavit ecclesiam

potius oportere....
I.e.

tion to
E-P- 73- 7-

Peter did not draw the inference of his primacy from the fact of his selec-

be the

A.D. 256.

'

origo

'

or

'

exordium of unity.
'

{Jubaiano Fratri). Manifestum est autem ubi et per quos

remissa peccatorum dari possit, quae in baptismo scilicet
datur.
Nam Petro primum Dominus, super quem aedificavit
ecclesiam, et unde unitatis origiiiem instituit et ostendit,
potestatem istam dedit ut id solveretur [in terris] quod ille
et post resurrectionem

solvisset.

dicens 'sicut misit

me

quoque ad apostolos loquitur

hoc cum

pater et ego mitto vos.'

dixisset, inspiravit et ait illis 'accipite spiritum

sanctum,

si

cujus remiseritis peccata....' unde intellegimus non nisi in

ecclesiae prcBpositis et evangelica lege ac

fundatis licere baptizare....

In manner precisely parallel to the Dc Unitate he
to one in token of unity

and

to

was afterwards said

dominica ordinatione

infers that

what was

first

said

to all as their charter of authority

none but them.

Ep. 75. 16. A.D. 256.

{Firtnilianus Cypriano Fratri).

Qualis vero error sit et quanta

remissionem peccatorum dicit apud synagogas
hsereticorum dari posse, nee permanet in fundatnento unius
ecclesiae, quae semel a Christo super petram solidata est, hinc
caecitas ejus qui

intellegi potest

ligaveris,

...'

insufflavit

quod

soli

Petro Christus dixerit 'quaecumque

et iterum in evangelio

Christus dicens

[quando]

in solos apostolos

spiritum sanctum,

'accipite

si

peccatorum remittendorum apostolis

quas illi a Christo missi constituerunt et

cujus...' potestas ergo

data est

et ecclesiis

episcopis qui eis ordinatione vicaria successerunt.

Here

similarly Firmilian

(who

as

is

well

known

echoes Cyprian to the

letter)

holds the voice to Peter to be the token of unity, and the powers to be shared by
the apostles, the churches and the successive bishops
17. A.D.

256.

tam apertam

all alike.

manifestam Stephani stultitiam quod

qui sic de episcopatus sui loco gloriatur et se successionem
Petri tenere contendit, super quem fundamenta ecclesiae collocata sunt, multas alias petras inducat et ecclesiarum multarum
nova aedificia constituat, dum esse illic baptisma sua auc-

...banc

et

toritate defendit.
I.e.

The

present bishop of

Rome, Stephanus, who

succession, sacrifices the prerogative of himself

and

recognising baptism external to the church and them.

so prides himself on his

all

other true bishops by

'

200 CYPRIAN 'OF THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

III.

The Appeal of

modern Church of Rome to Cyprian on The

by way of Interpolation.
Catholic Church

the

Unity of the

'

Notwithstanding

its

somewhat

technical character,

can-

not but present this strange matter as part of the continuous

and Work,' The conception of

his formative influence on the Church of Christ would be at
once exaggerated and incomplete without some account taken
of an immense power claimed in his name, and exercised
narrative of Cyprian's

'

Life

through the shadow of his name, by

have no act or

real

word of

men and

shew on

his to

societies

who

their side.

In the year 1682 the Galilean Church held that celebrated

assembly which affirmed their ancient Liberties, and described

in

The Four

Bossuet

in

Articles the limits of papal authority.

the most eloquent perhaps of his harangues had

discoursed to them,

Yet, as

'The object of

that assembly was Peace'

Innocent the Eleventh.

Peace with

'

Conserver I'Unite

was the guiding thought of Bossuet's life\ Their Synodical

Letter^ therefore, addressed to the whole French hierarchy,
prefaced

its

protest against that

pontiffs usurpations with

a confession of their duty to his See.

lished and

That duty was estab-

acknowledged by words borrowed from Cyprian's

fourth chapter on Unity

It is difficult to

the printed text.

exaggerate the

effisct

of those words even

amid the universal indignation which then possessed court.

Church and people. The authority of that primaeval voice
was once more as conclusive as it had now been for some
centuries. It was alleged as conclusive, and was alleged alone.
And yet the great orator of Meaux, amid his own array
1

Sermon preche

Nov. 1681) a
du
Sur I'Unite de

Clerg6 de
rglise.'

France,

(9

I'ouverture de I'assemblee generale

'

Lettre de I'assemblee du Clerge de

France, tenue en 1682, k tousles Prelats

de

I'figlise Gallicane.

Dupin, Liberies

de rglise Gallicane (i860).

IV.

THE ROMAN APPEAL TO THE BOOK.

III.

201

of inconclusive authorities, forbore to marshal this capital and

decisive text

That very year there appeared the new English edition

from which that text was omitted.

The words

may

tion

be

The

are spurious.

history of their interpola-

even now, and

distinctly traced

is

it

as singular

as their controversial importance has been unmeasured.

may make

a history which well

and

may

as he

it

the most interesting of

But the Ultramontane

literary forgeries.

long remain

so,

we

It is

is still

unconvinced,

lay the evidence before

others.

The eloquent Mgr.

Freppel, Bishop of Angers, late Pro-

fessor at the Sorbonne,

in

which capacity he delivered

his

course of lectures on Saint Cyprian, repeats the contention

that the giving of the keys to Peter and the charge to feed

the flock

is

support of

'

the charter of investiture of the papacy,' and in

it

asks leave

able

passage' of

'may

raise

'

to place under our eyes this remark-

Cyprian.

difficulty

criticism

on the authenticity of such or such a word

'particular' does not affect the

'to

'Whatever

'We have

argument.

in

a right

maintain a reading which has such numerous and such

'antient testimonies for itself V

I

quote

merely as a clear statement of the position

this

which Romish argument has taken and

passage and as to

its

value as

it

still

stands I

takes as to the

It is

easy to allege

what he says so many times

which this place is reprinted
and repeated betokens well enough the misgiving as to the

that 'Cyprian only repeats here

elsewhere,' but the tenacity with

other passages being capable of enduring the required mean-

ing without the

1

comment of this

Par

S. Cyprien.

M. I'Abbe Frep-

fabrication'.

Most old

copies of Cyprian bear

pel, Prof, k la Faculte

de Theologie de

witness to the agitations of spirit over

Paris 1865 (Cours

a la Sorbonne),

these clauses.

pp. 277
2

fait

Maran

2gi.

See also Prof. Hurler, S.

Patrum

Opusc.

I.

p. 72.

J.,

.S^".

erased and
sides.

Beside

(Venet. 1758);

references

Pamele,

me

casually

some

placed at

clean

is

lines are

the

throughout

202 CYPRIAN 'OF

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.

The 'numerous and

ancient testimonies' consist of (i)

the editions which contain the passages, and the manuscripts on

which they are supposed to

Our

simplest method

is

as this author reproduces

Rigault (1648),
"

Dom

The Lord

art Peter,

of the passage.

to give the passage in

it

of Manutius (1563) (who

(2) Citations

rest.

(as

first

full,

exactly

he says) from 'the editions

printed

it),

De PamHe

(1568),

Maran (i726)V

saith unto Peter,

and upon

'

say unto thee that thou

this rock will I build

my Church, and

the gates of hell shall not prevail against

give

I will

it.

unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven,

and whatsoever thou

shalt loose

on earth

shall

be loosed

And to the same [apostle) He says after His rein heaven.'

surrection 'Feed my sheep.' He builds His Church upon that
one,

and to him

His resurrection

after

His sheep

He

to

And

be fed.

although

assigns equal power to

and says *As the Father sent

apostles,
I

entrusts

you, receive ye the Holy Ghost

me

His

all

even so send

whosesoever

ye

sins

remit they shall be remitted unto him, and whosesoever

sins

ye

retain

order to

make

they shall be retained,' nevertheless

the unity manifest.

He

in

established one

and by His own authority appointed the origin of

same unity beginning from one. Certainly the rest

CJiair,

that

of the apostles were that which Peter also was, endued

with

equal

partnership

both

of

honour and

office,

but the beginning sets out from unity, and Primacy

given

may

to Peter,

that one Church of Christ

and one Chair

be pointed out; afid all are pastors aftd one flock

except for two very soiled pages here

with rufHed corners. A Baluze (Paris

pencil, the other with a knife,

1726) has racy passages written out into

the margins, and the whole of this

tius

so appears.

So of the two Pembroke

Mss., one has the passage scored with a

We

is

must however

state that

Manu-

does not give the clause 'he

deserts the chair of Peter on

is

who

which the

Church was founded,' nor Maran the

words

'established

one chair

and.'

IV.

THE ROMAN INTERPOLATIONS.

III.

203

shown to be fed by all the apostles with one-hearted accord,

that one Church of Christ may be pointed out. It is this
one Church which the Holy Spirit in the Person of the
t

Lord speaks of
one,

is

my

perfect one, one

who brought her

her

Song of Songs, saying

in the

is

My

dove

she to her mother, elect to

He

forth.'

'

that holds not this unity

of the Church, does he believe that he holds the faith

He who

.-*

and rebels against the Church, he who

strives

of Peter on which the Church was founded,

that he is in the Church.-* Since the blessed

deserts the Chair

does he trust

Apostle Paul also...'"

The words

admittedly must be from the pen of

in italics

one who taught the cardinal doctrine of the

Roman

Cyprian wrote them he held that doctrine.

There

guising the

fact.

no

dis-

Onofrio Panvinio- for instance in his great

on the Primacy of Peter places

treatise

If

see.

is

this

whole passage

from Cyprian 'foremost of the holy Fathers' next after his

citations of Scripture,

and the words we have printed

he has anticipated us by printing

in italics

in capitals as the crucial

and

decisive ones.

But the reader

italicised

a different one.

is

in unity

from the

It

is

the doctrine of a catholicity perfect

As we

without hint of Petrine or of any primacy.

have already seen,

special

observe that, separated

will

words, the passage runs smooth and the doctrine

it

exhibits a unity indicated (such

argument of the passage) by

and the same charge,

first

Christ's

is

the

committing one

to one and then to all of the

apostles as peers or equals of that one.

Now

we

the indictment

prefer

is

that every italicised

word

a forgery; and a forgery deliberately for three centuries

is

past forced
editors
^

and

by papal authority
printers

See Latin Text in ^/)/^(/ir

549)

(p.

O.

Panvinio,

at
et

its

mercy.

De

primatii

Petri

The

Apostolicce sedis potestate,

Veronse, 1589.

with collations.
2

in the teeth of evidence

who were

upon
recent

pp.

3,

4.

204 CYPRIAN 'OF THE UNITY OF

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

labour of Hartel reveals a similar process at work long be-

upon the manuscripts.

fore

patent, but

now we

The

corruptions were always

can actually watch the agents.

If proven, the interest of our tale

Prelates

beyond that of

is

Dukes and

curiosity or even literary morality.

literary

Cardinals,

and Masters of the Palace prevailed over brokenIt was a Battle of the Standard, fought

hearted scholars.

that a forgery might not be (as one of the defenders expressed

it)

'ravi

the

I'Eglise.'

All that energy,

very tone of this

moment

are

that diplomacy,

all

the best

witnesses

to the value of the Protestant conviction that, although

Cyprian would have to be read by the

could they be saved, Cyprian without them

witness against those assumptions.

with the literary evidence.

We will
The

The

all

light of those phrases

is

an irrefragable

But our business

reader

may

is

now

point the moral.

take the manuscript history of the passage

first.

codices of Cyprian^ de Unitate which are older than

the tenth century are as follows

The Seguier manuscript at Paris so styled from its first

known possessor the great Chancellor, from whom it passed to
the Prince Bishop Coislin of Metz, thence to the Abbey of
;

S.

to

Germain des Pr^s by

the

his gift, thence after the fire of 1793

Library of Paris, where

precious volume

it

is

now.

It

is

a most

of the Sixth or the Seventh century pre-

serving the most genuine readings and oldest forms of words,

and

it is

distinguished in collations as S.

The Verona Codex of the Sixth or Seventh century (V),

an uncial MS. which was given to Charles Borromeo by the
canons of Verona, used by Latinius in preparing his notes for
the edition of Manutius, and further known to us by his
which were in the hands of Baluze and
another
and
copy is extant at Gottingen. A someRigault,
what inaccurate collation was also made by R. Rigby for
Bp. Fell. Latinius was certain that it was of the Sixth century.

collations, copies of

Hartel, Praef.

ii.,

iii.,

v., ix., xii., xiv., xix., xxii., xxiii., Ixxx., Ixxxiv.

IV.

THE INTERPOLATIONS AND THE MANUSCRIPTS.

III.

The Codex Beneventanus

(called also Neapolitanus)

We

one of the best manuscripts \

The

MS. of Wiirzburg

ascribed

The

by some

made by Rigby

(W) of

was

are acquainted with

from the collations made by Ant. Agostino Bishop of

used by Rigault, and those

20$

for

Bishop

it

and

Alifi

Fell.

the Eighth or Ninth century,

to the Seventh.

codices Reginensis ii6 (R) and San Gallensis 89 (G),

both of the Ninth.

In not one of these manuscripts have the italicised words

appeared

any shape.

in

Of Trecensis (Q) of the Eighth or Ninth Century, and of

Monacensis (M) of the Ninth, we will speak presently.
The

great scholar Latino Latini,

died at the age of 80 in 1593,

tells

manuscripts (integros) of Cyprian

Canon of Viterbo, who

us he had seen seven

in the

Vatican

in

which

all

these words were wanting^

Baluze^ says

that

he had himself seen

twenty-seven

manuscripts without them.

Bishop Fell used four English codices of which none

and besides these four English

which we add a Pembroke codex missed

have a trace of our

manuscripts (to

by him^)

all

have only the additional Post-Resurrection

Charge to St Peter,
all

italics*;

(a

mere

parallel text,) without

or the

of the Church founded on Peter.

desertion

manuscripts are

all

of the tenth century or

Baluze says that the

Latino Latini, Bibliotheca Sacra

citatis.
et

Profana a D. Macro (Magri), Romse

at

Comm.

1726, p. 545.
Viz. Bod.

Sarum.

I,

Ebor,

Baluze.

Paris,

College

N. C.
of

in loc.

New

2,

In spite of these Fell kept the

interpolated post-resurrection charge to

Peter.

end of this volume.

Viz. Bod. 2, Lambeth,

'

Opera.

collations

ofthe English manuscripts see Appendix

1677, p. 179.

Cypriani

These

of the time of

For a description and new

Hartel, pp.

at

later.

German manuscripts

any word

about the Chair, the Primacy of Peter, the Unity of Peter,

i,

and Pem.

Voss'

Mss.

2.

have

Lincoln,

[Fell's readings

not

been

re-

vised.]
^

545.

Cypriani Opera.

Paris,

1726,

p.

206 CYPRIAN 'OF

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

Venericus bishop of Vercelli* seem not to have had these

nor are they found in any of the earlier editions (or

numerous reprints) of Cyprian which appeared before
that of Manutius in 1563 and which represent to us many

words

their

manuscripts which have long disappeared'.

We

must now see what authority there is in favour of

the italics against this mass of negative evidence.
In 1568 Jacques De Pamele, canon of Bruges, brought out
Ignorant of the facts and of Latini's griefs (of
his Cyprian.
which we

he

presently speak),

shall

edition as representing the

Manutius'

accepted

famous Verona manuscript.

But

had no nose'; he was absurd enough

tract
on Dice-players was in
and careless enough to say that its Latin

as Latini hinted 'he

think

to

spurious

the

Cyprian's style,

'

He

Cyprianic form.

texts were in

manuscript'

belonging

to

surrendered himself to

abbey of Cambron*

the

in

Hainault, which was more interpolated throughout than

any known copy. He thought it confirmed the Verona
reading.

The

corruption according

to Baluze

was found also

in

an ancient manuscript of Marcello Cervini, afterwards Pope

Marcellus II., and this one was used by Onofrio Panvinio^
It

was found

Fell

in

a certain Bavarian manuscript which Bishop

knew only through Gretser^ who

1078

A.D.

1082.

Gams,

Series

Very inaccurate accounts of these

editions are prefixed to the editions of

peated in

Maran and

and rethe Oxford translation of Cy-

Baluzius by

of Fell,

prian, p. 151 (Library of the Fathers).

'

'

generasse'

p. 309), admires the con-

Not that manuscripts caused Jacques

one of his polished

Lati-

letters to

if

they were edited as his

friend edits 'contra fidem codicum.'

*

tior interpolatissimis'
'

to

'

'

Codex Cambronensis

'

interpola-

Hartel.

Baluze, Cypr. Opera, p. 545

\imo,

Praefatio.'

De Pamele unreasonable trouble.

nius, in

was

it

which we should see ancient

authors 'in aliam formam a nativa de-

Hartel has examined and given a careful

account of them in his

i.

us

dition in

Episcoporttm, p. 825.
2

him {Epp.

assures

De Prim. Petr.

Pan-

p. 4, only alludes

scripta exemplaria.'
J.

bendi,

Gretser, de jure et

expurgandi^

et

more prohi-

abolendi

libros

'

IV.

THE MANUSCRIPT EVIDENCE OF THE FORGERIES.

III.

We

of 'the highest stamp.'

20/

however presently know

shall

more about it if the reader will only bear in mind that this
was evidently the Munich manuscript, Monacensis or M.
The manuscripts which have this passage have it with
all the varieties, omissions, and transpositions which uni-

The

versally indicate corruption of text.

additions like those in Manutius

one of the tenth century.

is

belonged to Isaac Voss and

It

called

is

may

pass

we

over as

it

higher up the stream.

shall

copied

manuscripts\

meet the corruption

we need

Similarly

is

it

T, and partly from interpolated

partly from

But we

oldest which has

not here concern

ourselves about a manuscript of the fifteenth century in the

Bodleian* which has a like tale to

But there

one^ in

is

tell.

the Bodleian

of

the eleventh, or

perhaps the tenth century, which exhibits well the most

and

peculiar

interesting

phenomenon connected with

manuscripts.

of which three others

now extant belonging

and

are

centuries

earlier

Troyes Codex,
century
ninth

Trecensis,

may

11., c.

7,

all

call

hareticos et noxios.

He

'

says he

Hartel, p.

additions,'

fell

in Bavarica bibliotheca

Appendix, p. 549, as to

He

xl.

pp.

xi.

its

notae.'

See

readings.

says ^the same

and

xii.

n.,

but

worse than Manutius in reading

'this unity of Peter's' instead of 'this

unity of the Church.

2

Fell's 'Bod. 3.'

Fell's

'Bod.

The Codex

Monacensis, M, are independent copies

ofone copy ofthe lost Archetype (Hartel,

Our

p. xxxv).

Bodleian, which

described by Hartel,

is

that

same copy of the

for

though

it

lost

has the

almost the same,

still

is

not

not copied from

manuscript,

interpolations

its

readings de-

and Q, and these deviations are better and more genuine readings.
It was copied then from a lost
viate

from

manuscript other and better than the

4,'

loth

or

nth

immediate original of
with Hartel

cent.
*

copied from copies of one lost manuscript

membranaceum...optim3e

is

eighth or ninth

of the

Q,

the

are

the Archetype*.

(Ingoldstadt, 1603,

p. 303.)

upon this codex

it

or

tenth

the

to

three

Munich codex, Monacensis, or M, of the

and the Bodleian just named, of the tenth or eleventh.

which we

These

copies.

the

These three are

Lib.

the

There once existed a manuscript of Cyprian

Trecensis,

Q,

and

original

we

<X>

call

M and Q. If
M and Q's lost

we may

call

the lost


THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

2oS CYPRIAN 'OF

Now

seems almost incredible but

it

that

true

is

it

manuscripts should reveal so minutely as they do

these

the manipulation practised on their forefather.

and

come

give the interpolated

to the

end of

with

it

passage in
its

full,

Codices

and having

four inserted clauses they

proceed without stop or stay to give the genuine passage

without any interpolations at

comes the doctored

First

all.

was intended,

recension which the scribe of the Archetype

by the person who directed him,

an

emphatic

began

'

He

of

repetition
built

cue

the

in

keyword

the

for

the

the

original

which

with

But the

His Church upon One\'

fortunate copier supposed this

be

substitute

to

This remodelled paragraph was finished up with

original.

it

thrice-

repeated keyword to

final

which he was to go

from

Accordingly having copied out his interpolated pattern

on.

schedule he went

on

from

those words

manuscript before him, and wrote out

genuine passage which began with

Codex

gives

three

first

in

in his simplicity the

The

them'^.

interpolated

the genuine

clauses

Bodleian

only but

in

repetition of the whole passage inserts the fourth inter-

its

polation.
If

any one

How

asks,

copyists could so flagrantly go on

giving a genuine and an interpolated text on the same page,

we can only be

thankful to the fatuous or cynical fidelity

which wrote out what was before

Many and

it.

manuscripts give only the corrupt form.

form went on being copied

still

is

more remarkable the

still

original of the Bodleian

<X

coordinate with Hartel's

i>.

It

<X>and

<Y>.
^

sized

as

unum

sedifiraz'iV

ecclesiam,'

others have similarly

by redoubling them

empha-

the similar

Jesuit

theologian

words 'That the Church of Christ may

be shewn as one.*
*

'Super

just

we have mentioned, has

the duplicate form* as late as the fifteenth century,

and what

is

For example,

for a long time.

the third Bodleian MS. of Fell, as

inferior

But the double

See Appendix

p.

549.

Hartel,

Prsef. pp. x., xi., xliii., notes pp.

213.
*

Bod.

3,

Laud Misc.

217.

an,

IV.

III.

INTERPOLATIONS FORCED ON MANUTIUS* TEXT. 2O9

Gretser copies

it

fury to demolish

out double word for word in triumphant

Thomas James

prove as he says that

'

papistae

the 'English Calvinian,' to

have seen manuscripts

\'

Thus if there never was a viler fraud than the inventor's,

there was never a worse nemesis than the honest obtuseness
of his instrument.

We

must now enquire how interpolations against which

the manuscripts bore such conclusive evidence came to be

embodied

for the first

1563 after

in

all

time in the edition of Paulus Manutius

and

earlier editions

reprints

had escaped

them^
The son of the great Aldus had been two years settled in
Rome, loaded with every kindness, honour, and privilege his
failing health spared by a staff of able correctors who were
assigned to him for the great undertaking of the new Papal
;

press in Greek, Latin and the Vernacular.

to

Charles Borromeo had

author issued from that press.

first

been truly anxious

its

for the restoration of the text of

primitive integrity.

procured by him

The
Besides

Cyprian

The Verona manuscript had been

for the purpose.

editing of the text

'collecting with

illustrative

Cyprian was the

was committed

many

commentary on

to

Latino Latini.

watchings and labours' an

obscure

accurate collations and prepared a brief

passages,
critical

made

he

commentary

on the readings^ In one of his private letters'* he complains

that after the most conscientious labour upon the text he
found that, while passing through the press, not only were
Biblical quotations altered to conformity with the Vulgate,

but besides,
^

Gretser,

I.e.

'

whether
p.

it

was

at the

303 (Ingoldstadt

"

certain

ascertains that he had of our

extant

ones Vat. (0) n. 199 and prob. Mona-

1603).

Hartel names 10 edd., and there

were

mere pleasure of

at least 20, including reprints of

Erasmus.

censis
*

(/t).

Ad

Andr. Masium (Maes)

109 [Hartel, p.

x., of. p.

II.

Ixxx.],

p.

and

'

Besides the Verona and Benevento

Life of Latini prefixed to the Biblio-

'(or

Naples) codex, Hartel, p. Ixxx.,

theca.

B.

14

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

2IO CYPRIAN 'OF THE UNITY OF

*

'

knew

persons or of set design, he

some passages were

not,

name

not allow his

no

Under

it

'

letter/

to be connected with the edition,

and withdrew

his annotations.

notes of the

et Profatia, or collected

three epistles of Cyprian

then

MS.

these circumstances he would

same

critic \

at

published

'

authorities"

un-emended,' and

two

letter

from

would not allow

accordingly the

They

epistle does not appear at all in that edition.

also

in

Bologna, and

Clergy which Cyprian treats contemptuously was

These he says the superior

be

to

he mentions

discovered by himself in the

first

Salvadore's

Saint

at

Roman

one.

deeming

In the Bibliotheca Sacra

Vatican MSS., of which epistles the arrogant 8th

the

'

light crime to conceal the truth or to alter the smallest

'

'

and even

retained contrary to the evidence of the manuscripts,

some additions made!

anti-Roman

to allow the

brought forth out of darkness

have acquiesced,

'

'

of Firmilian

epistle

but

8th

refused

be

to

seems to

in this Latini

Upon a

detesting the man's petulance*.'

remark of Pamelius* censuring a certain reading of Manutius

a few lines forward
'

is

in

the

De

Unitate, he

observes

'

this

one of the alterations which were made neither by me, nor

'by Manutius, but by one who had permission to pervert,

'

to add, to cut out, or to corrupt whatever he would, against

'

my

will.'

That our present

sonage's

the

manipulations

same page,

script except
'

interpolations were

'

in

a small book

that he

is

among

clear from Latini's

had

per-

this

statement on

7iever seen these in

any manu-

a fragment very recently written at Bologna,

containing only a few treatises of Cyprian,

'belonging to Vianesius de Albergatis,

and

also in a

com-

'plete copy at Bologna (from which the said fragment was

copied) which was itself also written in a recent hand.'

'

There

is

in

the Library at Gottingen^ a copy (brought

"^

Bibl. Sacr.et Prof.,^.

Qui prseerant, I.e.

B. S. et P., p. 177^.

\-]j^b.

ramel.,

262 a, note
'

Cypr.

4.

Hartel, p.

(Antv.

1568),

B. S. et P., p. 179
xi. and p. 21311.

a.

p.

IV.

III.

'

INTERPOLATIONS FORCED ON MANUTIUS' TEXT. 211

from Venice) of the edition of Manutius, with notes written on

Those notes are copies of manuscript notes by

One of these notes says upon this place, These

margin.

its

Latini.

'

'

words were added out of a single manuscript belonging to

'

Virosius (a clerical error for Vianesius) of Bologna,

by

P. Gabriel the Poenitentiary

'

the Vatican,

'

of the Master of the Sacred Palace.'

So

now

in

with the consent

close a chain of

evidence leaves no doubt as to the time, manner and performers of the interpolation.

The most competent

editor of his age and country felt

compelled to resign his work because he was powerless to

prevent the Theologues of the Vatican from remodelling his
text.

But we are not quite at the end of

this strange story.

In the Council of Trent in the year 1563 the debate was at

its

height 'whether Bishops have their powers of Divine right

or of

Rome,

Papal

The ambiguous canon proposed from

right^.'

that bishops hold the principal place dependent on

the pope, was under discussion with a view to substituting

for

it,

chief under the

from Cyprian were

pope but not dependent.

About

rife.

the

Quotations
Carlo

20th of June,

Visconti, Bp. of Ventimiglia, the pope's secret

minister at

Trent, and his spy upon his legates, an experienced diplomatist and

Rome

'

telling

man
him

of exact judgment,' received letters from

that the

new Cyprian had appeared, with

the passages which the correctors had expunged from the

Unitate'\

The

De

possible effect on the Council itself was serious.

now bishop of Lerida, a

great lawyer, diplomatist and antiquarian, who had received
the same intelligence and with it a copy of the new book. He
could tell Visconti that Latini himself had many days back
Visconti went straight to Agostino,

communicated the

facts to Cardinal

he thoroughly understood,
^

De jure

for

divino, de jure pontificio.

See Sarpi, Books

vi., vii., esp. vii. 52.

it

Hosio (Osius)

facts

which

was he who had years before

-

An

Visconti

apt

wrote

'

de

Authoritate.

slip.

14

212 CYPRIAN 'OF

made

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

The Agent

the collation of the Benevento manuscript.

told the one Legate

whom

the pope trusted there, Cardinal

Simoneta, and on June 22nd advised the Vatican that 'before

such an opinion got established

'

as that the correctors

been overruled, they should find means to remove

'

'

it

had

which

could be done by giving authority to those words which had

'

been published, authenticating them with the testimony and

'

approbation of persons

'

antient codices

So

who had

writes one

who had

just recorded the 'testimony' of

who had 'confronted'

the persons

seen and confronted the

the antient codices,

the

verdict of the correctors.

Even

in

563

it

was a

little late

the note actually attached

meaning ^

It

'catholic interpretations

such measures.

the volume

to

ends thus, 'It

for

is

now

is

not improper

if

But

full

of

pious and

and true senses be applied

to the

'

writings of the old fathers in order to preserve always the

'

unity of the Church which Cyprian in his writings had most

'

at heart.

Otherwise no end to heresies and schisms.'

This

must have sounded mysterious to the unsuspecting student

and they were few who knew that they were
of Cyprian
;

meant

at

once to gloze the gloss and to defend the scholar-

ship of the perpetrators.

Such

is

the history of the interpolations in the edition

of Manutius where they

Their appearance

in

first

appeared.

the Benedictine edition

is

no

less

remarkable.

Baluze had rejected them on the weighty evidence which

he states with utmost clearness^ and had printed off the
xlv. al

manuscripts, Latini's account, the 27

Card. Borromeo [Baluze, Miscell. III.,

1764]. See
p. 472 (Mansi), Lucae 1761

codices, the condition of the text temp,

Appendix, Visconti's Letter, p. 544.

2 See same Appendix, p.
545.

below) by Calixtus

Epp. Car. Vicecomitis, L.

His witnesses being

indicated) the Seguierian

(as

we have

and Veronese

Venerici Vercell., and the citations (see

1408, and the

II.,

the cardinals in

Roman

Correctors (see

p. 218, n. 5) p. 545 (Paris ed. 1726).

INTERPOLATIONS FORCED ON BENEDICTINE TEXT. 21$

IV.III.

His death

sheets without them.

in 171 8 interrupted the

work

which had been committed by order of the Regent Duke

of Orleans to the Royal Press.

In 1724

completion by the Benedictines of

of

S.

was resumed

it

Maur

Dom

Typographiae Regiae Praefectus/ and entrusted to

'

Prudent Maran.

Baluze had formerly been banished

Louis XIV. and

his

property confiscated, for

by

publishing

History of the House of Auvergne fragments of a

his

in

for

at the request

and

cartulary

obituary which shewed the descent of

an

the Cardinal de Bouillon from a sovereign house in France'.

He

had been placed

in the

Index by the court of

account of his Lives of the Popes at Avignon.

genuine text of this passage

his

by

J.

du Mabaret, Professor

in

Rome on
And now

Cyprian was assailed

seminary at Angers,

in the

dominant

Minister, to the

of

The

the holy see.

decide the

critical question.

culty with the court of

and others

Jesuits,

named

minister

in

now

a dissertation'^ which he submitted to Cardinal Fleury,

in the interest

a commission

to

was understood that a diffiwould follow the omission of

It

Rome

the passages from an edition issued under the authority of the

ministry.

It

courtiers, the
flatteries

Due

d'Antin, of

requested

The

whom

it

prince of

was said that he acted

Dom

Maran

to 'confer' with the

result of the 'conference'

The accuracy and honesty

luze in that

The

to restore them.

which others spoke, was charged with the delicate

He

office.

Targny^

was decided

most curious of

of Ba-

historical

by M. Ch.
'Le cardinal de Bouillon,
Baluze, Mabillon et Th. Ruinart, &c.'
Rheims, 1870.

the admirable Camille

de Louvois, to

and

abbe

was what printers

whom

Le

Tellier,

abbe

he was 'Theo-

Le

disputes are demonstrated

logian,'

Loriquet,

death, the confidence of the Cardinal

Lettred'uns9avantd'A.auxAuteurs

after

de Rohan, and died

Sainte Beuve, Index de

Tellier's

in

un Passage important de S. Cyprien

translation worth noting.

pret k 6tre enleve par de celebres Edi-

Targny

1726.

See Appendix,

for Oct.

p. e^^6.

Targny enjoyed the confidence of

i?^^a/.

The

Latin rendering of Chiniac (see p. 216,

n.

Memoires de Trevoux

See

1737.

/"(jr-/

des Memoires de Trevoux pour reclamer

teurs.

early

i)

dicti

confuses the history by a mis-

(theologo

'Cum

Domini

le

Abbatis de Louvois) tunc

ecclesiasticis

partes

abbate
Tellier

in rebus

agentis.''

Abbe de Louvois had died

in 17 18

The
and

214 CYPRIAN 'OF

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

The

call 'a cancel.'

symmetry,

moral

'necessary to

alter

much

would have been altered

effected.'

Rigault'

that of

all

text in

for the reintroduction is that

French editions

them and

for 150 years,

Rigault

being that

truth

prints the uncorrupt

full.

perceive

notes,

'it

the words can scarcely be

the

in his foot-notes repudiates

and a
had been
and that more

reduced,

could have been cofivenienily

if it

The double sense of

The sole ground alleged

the 'words had appeared in

greatly

stating that

it

Baluze's

in

in

note

Baluze's

even

interpola-

expense of typographical as well as

incorporated with

parenthesis

missed \

was reprinted with the

leaf

tions inserted, at the

and anyone

may

published at Paris in 1726

volume the

will look in the first edition

perceive

traces of this sad story.

been introduced.

lation has

who

On

In order to

in that

magnificent

page 195 the interpo-

make room

for

it

this

and the next page have been reprinted with forty-seven lines
of type, there being through the rest of the volume only forty-

On

six lines to a page.

these or on the adjoining pages he

will find also the traces of the binder's

'guards' by which

the separately printed pages have been inserted.

The Index seems

same evidence.

to yield the

register 'cathedra, primatus, pastores, grex' from

It fails to

page

195,

apparently because the clauses containing them were foisted

it after the Index had been printed off, although it gives
same words abundantly from other passages, and though
other words from the genuine part of that page are given

into

the

copiously

e.g.

'

apostoli

'

is

quoted from

it

twice, but not

from

the forged part.

his eloge

des

was delivered

Sciences

French

is

at

at the

Easter

'conferer avec I'abbe

(Theologien de

le Tellier,

de Louvois) qui jouoit

dans

les

Academic

affaires

de

The

1719.

Targny
I'Abbe

dit

alors

un

I'^glise.'

role

The

parentheses are as
^

'Quin etiam

give them,

necesse fiat in Baluzii

Notis non pauca mutare, ac plura essent

mutata, id

si

fowwoa'^

fieri

Maran's parenthetic note

Paris 1726) on p. 195.

potuisset'
p.

545 (ed.

IV.

ORIGIN OF THE FORGERIES.

III.

Dom

Maran's preface betrays the very moment of the

For

change.

He

print.

215

it

was made

there

cites

was actually

after that preface

the passage with

only the

in

early

and honest addition 'et iterum eidem post resurrectionem

suam...^' and proceeds 'I quote this testimony [of Cyprian's]
'just as

it

is

contained in this edition of Baluze's, but the

'words of Cyprian are read differently

*

the editions of

in

Manutius and PameliusV

In the notes which are placed in this Paris edition at the

end of the volume, it has been found necessary to cancel what

must have been far the largest part of Baluze's original note.
A whole sheet, a pair of leaves, printed off before his death,
had to be entirely removed, viz. pages 545 and 546. In order
to preserve the continuity of the paging two leaves which

precede and follow the abstracted ones, and which also had
to be reprinted, have

two page-numbers on each of

their

two

pages.
Thus, page 543 is now numbered also 544; what
would have been 544 is now 545 and 546, and so on until
page 551, when the single numbering of the pages is resumed.
Similarly,

GgggS

at

3-"d

the foot of

the

same

the

leaves,

notations

Gggggij which designated the filched sheet have

been affixed

additionally

to

their

neighbours

and

Fffffij

Hhhhh.
Professor Mabaret

now had

a sight for the

Baluze's original note, upon which he penned

It is necessary to

Baluze wrote
ficat...&c.
2

observe also that

Super ilium unum

sedi-

'Hoc testimonium

ita

protuliuthabeturinhacBaluziieditione.

Sed Cypriani verba

sequimur non solum editionibus Manutiana antiquioribus sed etiam codicum

manuscriptorum auctoritate

Praef. p. X.

Prsef. p. X.

aliter leguntur in

time of

first

some elaborate'

1726, p. 545).
(p.
^

461) adds
*

'

'

The Venice

(Paris ed.
ed.

1758

confirmatur.'

...I'apostilla

de point en

point,'

Mabaret's paper

editionibus Manutii ac Pamelii.' In the

Chiniac, as note

mutilated note the Benedictine editor

had the grand title Baluzii in Cypriani

locum Primatus Petro, &=. primigenia

has

left

one sentence without a verb

sed tamen scriptura,

quam

in contextu

3.
'

Observatio censoria virgula castigata.'

CYPRIAN AND PELAGIUS PAPA SECUNDUS.

2l6

which

annotations

the

not

did

editors

worth

consider

printing \

III.

What,

I.

passages themselves?

To

the

be observed that they are

It will

namely 'And

first,

the Origin of the interpolated

lastly, is

same

to the

four.

apostle, &c.' applies

the remark of Latinius that the corrections have crept in from

marginal summaries, not

This

is

the oldest of

all,

all at

once but from time to time.

occurring in manuscripts which have

no other trace of addition.

simply a second text ad-

It is

duced and affirmed to be

illustrative of that

had quoted. The word

alone later and polemic.

ilhun,

The second

2.

interpolation

apparently exists only

chair'

the most corrupted manuscripts^

in

makes nonsense of the argument

It

one

'established

as regards

its

order, but

also have been a marginal note.

and

The opening words

4.

'and the Primacy

to Peter' of the third interpolation

in that state, in the

had a similar

given

is

For

origin.

form namely, 'Here the primacy

is

given

to Peter,' Cardinal Hosius' mentioned that they existed

in a

is

omitted even by Maran when replacing the forgeries.

It is

may

which Cyprian

'upon that one' apostle,

still

manuscript of his own, where they found place immedi-

ately before the

But the

interpolation.

first

rest has a

very different origin.

The Bishops of Istria had from the time of Vigilius

onward contended against the authority of the second Council
^

The

history of the Paris edition

is

given in the Catalogus Operum Steph.

by P. de Chiniac prefixed

Baliizii

to

regum Francorum
pp. 73, 74, and in his

Baluze's Capitularia
Paris 1780,

I.

Capitulaires

1779 (the

same essay and Appendix

in French),

Histoire

pp. 226
2

des

228.

MQ., B3B4

Cambronensis.

and Pamelius's

the source of atque

B3B4, atque orationis suae

Appendix on the

originem, see

after

Inter-

polation, p. 550.
^

Ap. Pamelii adnot. (Cypr. 1568,

and Lat. Latinius Bibl. S. et P.,

p. 261)
p.

Pern,

On

rationem B2 Fern., atque rationem sua

178.

Latinius here writes Hosius,

but in his Letters he writes Osius.

IV.

EXTRA PLEAS.

III.

21/

of Constantinople as having virtually censured that of Chal-

In A.D. 585 Pelagius the Second invoked the effective

cedon.

Smaragdus of Ravenna and

authority of the Exarch

an

in

Epistle to the Bishops appealed to the 'terrible testimonies

of the fathers'

as

Among them

Pelagius

may

he

which has never been

well call

in

own

quotations.

a passage from Augustine

identified

and bears small resemblance

Then, four centuries before

to the views of that father.

appearance

his

alleges

its

any known or any evidenced manuscript of

Cyprian, Pelagius produces the passage from the

with the interpolations which

we

now

are

De

Unitate,

considering,

and

Thus,

without the citation from the Canticles.

Aye and Blessed Cyprian too, that noble martyr, in the book
which he called after the name of Unity, among other things says
The beginning sets out from unity and Primacy is given to
thus
Peter, that one Church of Christ and one Chair may be pointed
out and all are pastors, but one flock is shewn, to be fed by the
'apostles with one-hearted accord,' and a few words later, He that
'holds not this Unity of the Church does he believe that he holds
'

'

'

'

'the
^

'

faith.''

He who

deserts

and

the Chair of Peter, on

rebells'^

which the Church was fotinded, does he trust that he

Church r

is

the

iti

These interpolations can never have been meant as honest

paraphrases. The manipulation is too much. However here
they appear for the first time, and the inspection of the
passages side by side will shew how, down even to their
omission of the verse of Canticles, the later recensions of the

manuscripts have been formed upon

The omissions

are as evidence of design no less instructive

than the insertions,

1

i.

The

Obsei"ve the retention with an im-

possible
resistit

construction

this Epistle of Pelagius.

of the

genuine

which better scholars dropped

out of their remodelled Cyprianic text.

This one fact also prevents our accept-

text which assigns to all the

itself have

scripts

Ep. 6

been interpolated from manu-

of Cyprian.

(2

ad Epp.

See with

'

manuscript of the loth century which

the Interpolation,

of

Pelagius

may

PapE
(ed.

ii.

Ven.

Note on the Citation from

p. 220, Appendix on

Pelagius

letter

Labbe

1729), vol. vi. c. 632.

ance of the possibility that the solitary

contains the

Pelagii

Istr.)

II.,'

p.

551.

'

THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

2l8 CYPRIAN 'OF

apostles the remission of sins

the Feeding of the Flock to Peter

expressions are

left

out,

is left
is

and that which gives

substituted for

one apostle, as being

to the corrector's

also, as irrelevant to his purpose,

mind inadequate.

Rome

because at

'

and Paul'

et

Paul's

'

became Peter

the later watchword

and the reading kanc

So

3.

the text of Canticles.

is

After this we have the awkward introduction of

unity

Those

2.

it.

out which indicate that unity begins from

'

Pauli unitatem.

the

is

attempt to invoke Paul also after Petri had been already

adopted.

We

must

also note the force of the earlier interpolation

ilium before unum.

The contention

Church was

otie.

be that
'

built

on

For the

of Cyprian was that the

corrector's purpose

it

must

one.'

Mgr. Freppel's
that they

are

last

cited

argument
the

in

for the

interpolations

is

Acts of Alexander III.\

in

the Decretum of Gratian'*, and in the Decretum of Ivo of

Chartres'.

any

If such quotations in the twelfth century possessed

importance,

it

would be more worth while to observe on the

other hand (with Baluze) that Pope Calixtus

Humbald

of Lyons*, that the

assembled at Leghorn
^
'

Baron. Ann. Eccl. A.D.

Hanc

igitur unitatem

in

A.D.

164, xxix.

non tenens

Fri-

dericus Imperator tenere se fidem eredidit.

quam

Qui Cathedram

Petri deserit super

fundata est ecclesia quomodo se

in Ecclesia esse confidit.'

But he does

not give the 'phrase entiere' as Mgr.

Freppel

(p.

n.) states.

279

A.D.

A.D. 1090-1116, Ivo Z^ffr. pars v.c.

361, where

151.

it is

thus quoted,

'/'i?/rz

uni-

II. in

a Bulla to

Cardinals of Gregory XII.

1408^,
^

this,

and that the Roman

Baluze, p. 545, and others mention

but the text is first published in

Bullaire du Pape Calixte II. by U.

Robert, Paris, iSpr

(l-

p.

307; B. 212,

5 Jan. 1121).
^

Ep. Cardinalium Greg.

xii.

ad Epis-

copos A.D. 1409 (1408), Labbe, vol. xv.

Nearly all of c. 4 and s of
p. 1159.
Cyprian are quoted without one trace of
corruption, although the interpolations

would have so

precisely suited

their

tatem qui non tenet, tenere se fidem

credit? Q\x\catkedramPetHsM^Gx quam

purpose that in default of them they in

fundata est Ecclesia deserit, in Ecclesia

inserting

se esse confidit

fact introduce a
'

new one

of their

own

Episcopatus, ergo summus,

unus esse debet.'

[In Bibliotheca

Max.

IV.

THE PAPAL

III.

edition

Correctors, with the

PROFIT.

219

of Manutius before them,

all

gave the passage pure of corruption.

And

as to the appeal to Gratian who, in the 93rd Distinc-

tion \ quotes

from Cyprian the 4th interpolation thus,

as

'He who deserts the chair of Peter whereon the Church

was founded, let him not trust that he is in the Church,' it

'

actually yields us a

instance of the singular fatality which

fifth

has haunted the dealers

and 5th chapters

Gratian'' cites the 4th

another passage

in this forgery, for in

from 'the Lord

entire

saith to Peter,' not only omitting the phrase

he elsewhere

cites but absolutely without any trace whatever of any even

the earliest corruptions.

Singular, hateful,

and

time

in its

effective,

has been this

forgery as a Papal aggression upon history and literature.

first

threads

Then came an unwarrantable paraphrase and a

mutilation for a political purpose. Then it ap-

language.
deliberate

peared

in

Its

may have been marginal summaries in exaggerated

manuscripts of the author with

its

indictment round

by side on the same page with the original which

Then it was forced into two grand editions
with an interval of a century and a half between them, first
by the court of Rome itself, then by the court of France with
neck, side

its
it

caricatured.

the fear of

Rome

before

its

TantcB molis erat

This

and

is

How

to

make

The surrender by some

Pontificia,

the

Romanam

condere Sedem.

the true 'Charter of the Investiture of the Papacy'

documents

as authentic as other

endeavour

eyes.

to

Rom.

in that cartulary.

the best of the forgeries now.

of so important a help suggested to others the

do without

it

by weaving together

1697, torn. vi. p. 905,

Decreti Pars

not

Decreti

interpolations

are

not

only

omitted but specially insisted on.]

however, Baluze, pp. 545, 546.

See

Quaestio

i.

different texts

I.

Pars
c.

18.

Dist. xciii.
II.

Causa

from

c. iii.

XXIV.

220 CYPRIAN 'OF THE UNITY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.'

Cyprian to shew that

this

one

(in its

corrupt state) represented what after

an

attempt which would never have been

thought of if this spurious passage had not first caused him to be thought
so powerful a support. This is done with the utmost special pleading by
P. Ballerini A.D. 1766 de vi ac ratione pritnatus Romtn. Pontiff, xill. iii.

was

all

his real teaching:

But a Catena of the passages

ed. Westhoflf 1845.

To any

sqq.

It is

as

we

fair

mind,

Roman

or other,

given sup. pp. 197

is

commend

them.

nothing to say that they also have scholars as alive to the forgeries
These forgeries have been important steps in their ascent to

are.

power and maintenance of claim.

Unreproved and honoured scholars

uphold their genuineness and reprint them in text-books.

Others with superior art like the Rev. L. Rivington avoid quoting the
intruded words, but force the whole gist of them, and infallibility besides,
If such
if he had been so understood antiently, into the genuine words.

of theirs

still

had been the meaning of Cyprian, the forger would have had no occasion
for his craft.

Note on
The

from

'Citation' from Pelagius II.

Roman

is

Pelagiiis II. (p. 217).

of course the decus et colutnen of

proof of the genuineness of the forgery.

But there are three

which have to be faced. I will call the text (as
stands) of Pelagius II. P, as seeming less to insist upon his personal

the

alternatives
it

the 'Citation'

(i), (ii), (iii),

responsibility for

it.

We

have no external evidence to the authenticity of the first two

epistles of Pelagius II. to the Bishops of Istria, beyond the fact that
the third alludes to some earlier 'epistles' and 'words of admonition.'
Paulus Diaconus (Warnefridus), de gestis Langobardorum ill. 20, mentions an Epistle of his (written for him in fact by Gregory when a
deacon) on the Tria Capitula, and Gregory Epp. II. 36 mentions 'a
Book {liber) of Pelagius, on the subject. The Book is no doubt our
'

'

'

'

long third

'

Epistle.'

'

Hence

Alternative (i). If the second Epistle were not authentic of course

testimony to the interpolation would be valueless.

its

But assume it to be authentic. There being only one MS. of the Three
of Cyprian being
and that of the xth century; and codex
of the ixth century; we ought to consider whether P can have been
Hence
interpolated from
ox its relations.
Alternative (ii). In that case again Pelagius would yield no evidence.

Epistles^

^ Given to Baronius by Nicolas Fabre,

Baron. Ann. Eccl. a.d. 586, Pelag. ix.,
xxviii. Labbe [Mansi ix. Florent. 1763,

cc. 434, 891, 895],

See Catalogus
P. 3,

t.

codd.

and now in Paris.

MSS.

Bid/. Reg.

3, Paris 1744, p. 170.

IV.

THE 'citation' FROM PELAGIUS

Ill,

However

221

II.

think that the reading of the Cyprianic interpolation

which stands in P is not derived from the interpolation which appears

in codex M.
Reference to the Texts in Appendix will make the facts
clear.

was of course not sufficient for the argument, as it stands in P, to

on Ecclesice without express mention of Cathedra Petri. Therefore
for Ecclesice renititur the manipulator has put Cathedram Petri deserit;
but he has left et resistit coupled to deserit^ thinking this connection of
resistit with the accusative over the body of deserit might pass.
But the
scribe of
knew this coupling to be inadmissible in a good style, and
smoothed the difficulty, as any good grammarian would, by leaving out
the genuine qui Ecclesice renititur et resistit and replacing it by qui
cathedram Petri super quam fundata ecclesia est deserit. This seems to
be the genesis of the wording in the interpolated part of M. And so P
remains the fount of the phrase.
It

rely

Alternative

convicts

it

of

(iii).
Whether the text is Pelagius' own
awkward but intentional manipulation.

him and corrected

The

'Citation'

suffices to

shew

'

is

indeed a valuable one.

that either
it

was

a Citation
but to whom

Citation

Cyprian

'

its

M had

wording

before

it.

been corrupted since

the

or not,

'

i,

the Epistle

is

written, or that
'

of

much

3,

Its

presence

in this

not genuine, or that

Epistle

2, it

has

Pelagius himself adulterated

value in establishing the text of

CHAPTER

V.

THE HARVEST OF THE NEW LEGISLATION.

I.

The softening of

on

the Penances.

SECOND

and circumstance which had waited

Lapsed was the work

In

spite of all the care

it,

the Rule of restoration for the

of a

most austere and

class, the

For we must

recollect that,

in reality the least

and even

(if

tempted.

although the clergy were most

exposed to persecution, yet the sorest of

tation, position,

COUNCIL.

all

tempters, repu-

they ever expected a cessation

of persecution) worldly advantage, called on them to stand

A.D. 252.

1005.

same motives invited many

The Rule was too rigid to be a real

firm as strongly as the

of the

laity to yield.

aid to

human nature and it was therefore injurious to the Church.

The Persecution of Gallus (as it may be called for convenience) was a general movement of popular feeling
who

Imp. Ctes. against those

refused to perform the sacrifices ordered

C. Vibius

\^y edict for the averting

nianus

demanded 'Cyprian for the lions*.' Mani^

.,
him and to others
gave warning
wholly
justified
the
event
of
sufferings
at hand more
^^^
by
severe than ever^ Of the libellatics condemned to indefinite
Suspension many were living in penitence, never quitting

GallusP.F.

Aug.

II.

time.
.

of the spreading Pestilence of the

Street cries
J

testations

and

visions to

**

Vibiifs

Afinius
Gallus

Veldum-

'

nianus L.

pP^^""^

In

Ep.

Cf. edicta feralia, 58. 9.

59. 6.

ad Nffvatianum

pendix

p. 57,

it is

dum pmlium,

in

6,

Hartel,

Ap-

this

Ostensiones,

Ep. 57.

non-fulfilment

is

i,

2,

fair

5;

and

chrono-

spoken of as a secun-

logical note that such anticipations are

who had

not a forgery later than the persecutions.

which they

been 'wounded' prima acie id est

Deciana persecutione recovered them-

graviorem

selves.

58.

...non talem qualis fuit sed multo

I.

et acriorem,

Ep.

57. 5;

cf.

V.

THE EXAMINATIONS OF THE LAPSED.

I.

the threshold of the Church*

';

some, where the clergy had a

Novatianist bias, died unaneled'

had quietly resumed

name

the

some clerical delinquents

whence no material power

their posts,

was able to dislodge them

many

persons had resumed with

of Christians their old unchristian

who

those

families of

223

and many

lives',

despaired of practical restoration to

the blessings of the Church had been lost to heresy and even

The examination

to gentilism.

revealed unexpected palliations

individual cases

into

men had

had

sacrificed to save

and friends from the 'question'; or had without

families

themselves to be registered as

reflection allowed

while simply intending to purchase exemption.

'

sacrificers,'

Cases where

there was less excuse deserved no less compassion.

At

men named Ninus, Clementian

enduring much violence from their own

or near to Capsa* three

and Florus,

after

magistrates and the angered populace, were thrown victorious

Dragged out on the arrival of the Proconsul

upon his progress*, and submitted to repeated tortures in
which life was carefully guarded, they could not endure till
into prison.

'

They

the crown came.'

fell.

able penitents to the Church.

'

Ep.

Ep. 68. I.
Ep. 65. 3.
Ep. 56. I.

^
*

to the city.

57. 3.

Capsa (Gafsa)

proconsular province

town

antient

lay

earlier

clan

of the

unhappy wife of Commodus,

a rich and very

marked by the epitaph of his wife,

C I. L., viii. i. no. no.
^ Ep. 56. 1 coronam non potuisse perferre.' Note use of /^^y^r^? with an object

had

for loyalty to Jugurtha,

the Capsitani were

much a

Capsa of an

consul in 153 and iSo A.D., seems to be

been strongly national, suffered horrors

'as

halt at

in the

Lake

in a beautiful oasis;

under Marius

The

proconsul, C. Bruttius Praesens, father

north of the Tritonian

little

Then they crept back as miserMore than two years after^ their

still

as a

in Pliny's

time

Roman town'

'

of the thing to be attained. Corp. Inscrr.

Za/^

viii.

i.

2803a, at Lambassis, 'con-

(non civiias tantum sed etiatn na'io).

jugis absentisreditum perferre nequisti'

Then

of a lady dying before his return.

it

was raised

to the rank of a

'Colony'; and was one of the two

capitals of the Byzacene province under
Justinian.
VIII.

i.

p.

See
22'.

Corp.

Inscrr.

Latt.

Pliny's Capsitani refers

rather to the natio^ Cyprian's Capsensis

'

Triennium {Ep.

stance

of the

vogue.
11) a.d.

56. i), a

inclusive

good

in-

reckoning in

This was before Easter (Apr.

252, so that even

if

the pro-

consul had visited Capsa (which

is

not

SECOND COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE.

224

bishop Superius presented them to the new bishop of Capsa,

DonatuIusS and the

his consecration,

five colleagues

and asked whether

might not now be closed.

who had assembled

for

their pitiable exclusion

was agreed to refer the question

had convened for after Easter.

It

to the Council which Cyprian

And

Cyprian on receiving their application did not hesitate

warmest terms

to express in

many

In very

claims for mitigation,

assembled at

May

IS,

this

his conviction in their favour.

sympathy and policy united their

and the SECOND COUNCIL, which

cases

May

two-and-forty bishops in the

least

year^ ruled 'that

all

who had

of

so far continued stedfast in

A.D. 252.

penance should be at once readmitted.'

Cyprian penned the

Synodical Letter which announced the decision to Cornelius

likely)

as

as January 350,

early

years and three months

time possible.
^

See

The meeting

at

is

two

the longest

Capsa was

for the

is

among the

Fratres saluted.

S.

should seem to drop his

universal scepticism in

must

p. 41, n. 2.

purpose of ordaining a new bishop.

Donatulus

moment Mr

briefly observe (i )

the Conciliar Epistle 57

makes

to otie previous Council,

therefore

We

favour.

its

with Pearson that

reference

and emanated

more probably from a second

In A. D. 256 he appears as Bp. of Capsa

than a third, but Pearson's (second)

vii. Cone. Carth., and was therefore

no doubt the person now ordained.
^ Easter fell in A.D. 252 on Ap. ir.

observation that

The Second Council UNDER Cyprian

their session of a.d. 251, has

at

De

pace lapsis t?taturius danda

Id. Maij,

May

15.

Mr Shepherd

Ep.

is

dated

so

many

again

in

it.

tion

59. 10.

is

as

met

(3)

(s(>

it

before

In

is

improbable that

bishops should have

Easter

Ep. 57.

10,

persecution under Gallus

ap.

cogente,' but

ix.)

calm, such as set in

it.

the relaxa-

p.

{Letter

after

nothing

granted in anticipation of the

wake of Lombert
Pearson, Ann. Cypr. A.D. 253,

following the

252

Ep. 64

is

'necessitate

written in a

when

^Emilian's

argues that the censure passed upon

seizure of empire in April 253

Therapius {Ep. 64) for readmitting the

attention from Christian progress,

lapsed presbyter Victor to

communion

could not have been consistently passed

withdrew

and
was continued by Valerian from June
onward upon principle.
(4) Ep. 64. i
speaks of the conditions of

the relaxation granted by the

Second Council, and that accordingly
the Council which censured him which

relaxation granted by the Second Council

we

Therapius.

after

count Third, placing

it

about the

distinctly

as having been neglected in the act of

He

had received Victor

.September of 253 a.d. {Ep. 64), must

have preceded our Second Council of

not only 'nulla infirmitate urgente,^

May

also 'cu {nulla) necessitate cogente,'

This

252 A.D. which issued Ep.

is

57.

so poor an attempt at harmoniz-

ing that we can only wonder

why

for

i\vQ

plea allowed by the First Council, but

very words are

i.e.

the

by the Second. The

borrowed from Ep. 57,

relaxation granted

'DE PACE MATURIUS DANDA.'

V.

11.

It

may

22$

be described as an able answer to

To

sterner language.

his former

men ready

superfluous in the case of

'

by martyrdom,

'

Ecclesiastical Peace,'

duty to arm such combatants

own once
was

restitution

to seal their sincerity

Blood was higher than

since the Baptism of

he

his

argument that

replies that

'

was the Church's

it

for that last

encounter with the

Body and Blood of Christ' 'Men might

well faint (he says) who were not animated by the Eucharist.'
He remained the guiding spirit of the movement although

'protection of the
'

his policy

had so

altered,

-rather

perhaps because

had

it

and even when its working had evoked one antiRome, and two in Carthage. The letter of Antonian
exhibits commonplace bewilderment at the change.
At

so altered

pope

in

the results of the change Cornelius gazed in horror, Cyprian

with an unaffected though not careless contempt \

11.

The Effect on
It

happened

The

thus.

their

(5)

Some time then after

Autumn 254

Easter 253, and before

when the

4th Council was held,

we must

place the 3rd Council which replied to

Autumn

Fidus.

which

is

or September of 253,

Pearson's conjecture, seems a

reasonable

time.

The

4th

and

7th

Councils were certainly held at that

time of year.

Maran's

( xxiv.)

them

in

amnesty upon

their

austerity.

numbers were increased by new

and are again expanded in the words

'nunc non injirrnis sed fortibus pax
necessariaest.'

his Party.

effect of the late

the Puritans would be to confirm

At the same time

and

Felicissiimis

notion

laid

down

the conditions for neglect of

which Therapius was censured: surely

not by the same Council.
^

esse

Satis miratus

commotum.

autem

sum

te... ah quantum

{Ep. 59. 2.)

de Fortunato

tibi

Quod

isto

pseud-

non statim scripsi, frater

carissime, non ea res erat quae, &c....nec
tamen de hoc [Maximo pseudepiscopo]
tibi scripseram quando haec omnia conepiscopo

temnantur a

r\oh\s. ..{Ep.

59. 9).

To

(adopted by Hefele) that Fidus was an-

conceive (Rettberg

swered by 66 bishops on Id. Mai 252 in

the second Council seems unreasonable,
for why should only 42 of them have

Cornelius

in turn upheld the tottering throne of

concurred in the Synodic Epistle?

Carthage,

was

this

B.

It

Synodic Epistle which actually

repaid

the

13,

p.

152)

services

which

Cyprian had rendered him, and

is

that

now

indeed to misunderstand

the circumstances and mistake the men.

15

SECOND COUNCIL.

226

ITS

EFFECT ON

converts from heathenism, and what would be the relation

of these to the Church whenever the enlargement of their

dogmatic views should incline them to the Catholic body^

become a

They now

was sure presently

to

cast off their last

hope of Cyprian and elected and conse-

crated the head of their

first

serious question.

legation,

anti-bishop (or more accurately

'

Maximus,

to be their

anti-pope') at Carthage I

Meantime the laxer party perceived that the ground was

cut from under their feet, and their leading adherents, never
having done penance, found themselves as far as ever from
readmission to the Church
their numbers also had been
swelled by disciples who wished for communion on easy terms ^
and all these clamoured for some action on the part of their
heads which would give them a tenable position'*. They had
;

been taunted as the 'only unepiscopal body' among proAccordingly, when Privatus, once bishop

fessed Christians'.

new

of the

great colony of Lambesis, but

Ep. 69.

I think this cannot

Ep.

71.

s.Qxx^'is.oiQy'^ni.n,

have been done

6; Ep. 36.4; Ep. 58. 10).

made a Bishop in Carthage. In Ep.

Maximus is spoken of as sent M/^

59. 9
(viz.

A.D. 251) and consecrated f,

in A.D.

252 (that

letter

i.e.

having been writ-

since

Lambese{Sentt. Epp.

I, 2.

In Ep. 5c. 1 Novatus has not

earlier.

yet

I,

some years

of this striking though

The history
much spoiled

now Lambessa, is beautifully

worked out by Wilmanns from its inscriptions, above 1700 in number (Corp.
Inscr. Latt. viii. i. p. 283).
It was a
wholly modern military town, sprung
place,

May, Ep.
lOadAnton.

from the great camp of the Third Legion,

we find they had appointed bishops in

many places before the second Council.

the north slope of Aurasius or Middle

ten this year after the Ides of

59. 10, 13).

Butin/.

If therefore this step

Carthage,

it

hopes were

was delayed

in

may have been

because

entertained of

some de-

still

in their favour

claration

Nor can

55.

by Cyprian.

think that the hope, though

misplaced, was unnatural.

which, after a.d. 123, Hadrian fixed on

Atlas, to

keep the continent

quiet.

In

was but a mVj, but the leave

given to the legionaries to have families
increased it immensely, and by A.D. 208
it was a viunicipmm and capital of Numidia.
lis streets and great structures
a.d. 166

it

Even

began shortly before

temples remained under military au-

Ep. 59. 15.

Ep. 59. 15, 16.
' Ep.
43. 5.
Lambasis more often in inscriptions, and (Hartel)
in the codices of
Augustine' (Sentt. Epp.), but in some
inscriptions, as uniformly in the manu'

that.

its

exempt from civic magistrates.

Analogy leads Wilmanns to believe it
was made a Colonia when Gordian removed the Legion. That would be bethority,

tween a.d. 238 and 244.

should infer

V.

THE INDEFINITE

II.

condemned of heresy

DOCTRINE AND

IN

in a

Council of ninety bishops holden at

that placed and severely censured

by

letters

Carthage and Fabian of Rome, applied

the

Council of 252 A.D. and was

repaired

its

own

heat of his mortification.

new

from Donatus of

for a fresh hearing

refused,

by procuring

defect

DISCIPLINE. 22/

by

party too

this

adhesion in the

his

coalition of Five* created

one of Cyprian's oldest opponents, Fortunatus^

into a second

anti-bishop of Carthage.

The fault was fatal* and it was followed by instant collapse.

Whatever presbyteral standing they had was gone. Whatever
hopes they had cherished of a grand general reconciliation
with the Church were gone. Their followers were not in the
main prepared to accept a new Church and a new bishop.
They had thrown away the advantage which numbers gave
them although those numbers were up to that moment
scarcely a minority as compared with the Cyprianic church^.
;

The announcement

Carthage that twenty-five bishops were

in

expected from Numidia to consecrate Fortunatus

from Cyprian's wording that

was a

it

Colonia not only when he wrote in A.D.

many

2$7, but

when

years before

Pri-

literis

tana colonia ante multos fere annos con-

la sentence J'

'

As

(,Ep. 58. 10).

in Fabian's time,

that

was

between 236 and 250,

expressed

montane, 'Privat
dont

demnatum

...par

Carthage,

severissime notatum.'

scientiously

its bishop was condemned, 'Privatum veterem hsereticum in Lambesi-

vatus

in

/e

by

s'etait

Thus conan

Ultra-

vu condamner

une assemblee de 90 eveques,

pape saint Fabien avait confirme
Freppel, p. 295.
Privatus himself; Felix,

They were

a pseudo-bishop of Privatus' appoint-

this casual Cyprianic date exactly fits

ment; Repostus, a lapsed bishop pro-

Wilmanns' observation. Next

year 253 the Legion was restored, and

bably of Tuburnuc

in with

with

the greatness of the place,

60,000 people, continued

tine

made

his

own name.

till

its

Constan-

Cirta the capital and gave

Then Lambesis

it

col-

In a.d. 364 it had no bishop.

I may observe that in 252 its bishop
was probably Januarius, as he is a very

lapsed.

senior bishop (6th) in 256.

^

Ep.

59. 10 'nonaginta

sententia

Sentt.

Epp.

episcoporum

condemnatum, antecessorum

etiam nostrorum...Fabiani

et

Donati

Maximus and

(see p.

80, n.

convicted

Jovinus,

5)

of

and sacrifice, who (from their having been first condemned by nine bishops
there by the first Council) were doubtless
lapse

bishops.
^

Dean Milman

took Fortunatus for

^ Novatianist zx^'Cx-Mx^o'^.

It

apparently

escaped his observation that there were

/wo anti-popes in Carthage. Lat.Christianity,

I.

i.

Ep,

If I rightly understand

59. 15.

/.

59, 15.

152

THEY FORM A SHORT-LIVED FREE EPISCOPAL CHURCH.

228

the announcement in

Rome

him\

failed to accredit

that they had actually done so,

Rome

Felicissimus sailed for

new chief

capacity of legate to his

or instrument

in the

Cornelius

and the milder party might yet be willing by a recognition of

Fortunatus to drive Novatianism off the field with numbers.

They

represented Cyprian's cause as

pared to bring him to

'

'They were pre-

lost.

before the church of Carthage.

trial

His flock were ready to expel him tumultuously from the

'

'

If Cornelius

city.

refused

they submitted, they should

'

Roman

*to the

repelled

him with

spirit,

feel

bound

to

communicate them

Cornelius was disconcerted by the

laityV

Felicissimus

of

violence

hear the documents which

to

though

not imposed

upon.

He

but wrote tartly of Cyprian's neglect

not informing him of the movements of the party. Cyprian

in

in his long-practised tone of business indicates a certain defect

in the

memory

of Cornelius, and apologizes for unavoidable

delay on the part of his messenger, the acolyte Felician.

advice

is

keen and stimulating, and though he opens half

His
sar-

is

profoundly affected by the prevalent disorders.

'

If Sacrificers

and deniers of Christ are to be proposed,

'

admitted, and then to terrorize, the Church

'

render to the Capitol at once; Bishops

'

the Lord's altar with them

themselves and their altars into the assemblage of the

castically

'No

he

priest of

God

is

idols

may as well surmay be gone and take

and images may transfer

weak enough, abject

clergy.'

or prostrate enough,

'

nor so enfeebled by the imbecility of mortal incompetency, as

'

not to rouse himself against the enemies and assailants of

'

in

godlike wise, and

feel his lovvness

and feebleness

God

inspirited

by the valour and vigour of the Lord.' The best refutation

however was that Cyprian himself was almost worn out by the

'

p.

Clear

59. II.

the allusions

to

it is

that

among

schism and pseudo-

bishops in the de Unitate none bear on

tinctly before the eye of

divider of the flock.

fix

the incidents of the two Carthaginian

who

pretenders.
(in all

It

is

Novatian himself

the chapters

viii.

to end) is dis-

Cyprian as the

This alone might

the date of the treatise,

Ep.
Ep.

16.

59.

r,

59.

2, 3,

18.

PURITAN FIBRE MORE LASTING, BUT NOT IMMORTAL. 229

V.II.

labour of examining and readmitting the fast-recanting ad-

by the anxieties of rejecting those

every case was formally put to them* and

herents of Felicissimus and

whom

the flock (for

considered in their presence) absolutely refused to receive.

The

Christian public witnessed singular pictures of the brutal

insistence of some, the tearful thankfulness of other candidates

Mistakes were made.

restoration^

for

that he had disastrously in

more than one instance overruled

It is well

protests against false penitents.

age the claim for

that in this

was not sacerdotal or

suffering

will

it

worth remarking

stricter penitential discipline

In epochs of

but popular.

official,

be always

Cyprian confesses

so.

These causes then, the decision of the Council, the suicidal

policy of a rival episcopacy with no moral basis, and the
popular

demand

party.

Cyprian estimated that

for discipline, acted rapidly to

moment when

the

at

break up the

emissary was intimidating Cornelius at

Rome

shrunk

inferior in

Carthage to a congregation

in

the clerical

members of the

first

CounciP.

They vanished

it

its

had suddenly

number

Presently

all

to

trace

more earnest ques-

of them

is

tioners.

But Novatianism contained no such seeds of speedy

lost.

Although Cornelius represents

dissolution.

Alexandria* and to Carthage

^

Ep.

59. 18, rc^arj, cf.

rogarelegem,

Ep.

15.

59.
(v.

moment

19)

The statement
that

this

of

was the

which Penitentiary Pres-

at

in

Antioch, to

to

terms stronger than Cyprian

as in the East shews

known

magistratum.

Socrates

before

how

little

was

of the date or origin of such

officers.
^

^/. 59.

15, z.^.

than the bishops, pres-

byters and deacons

who had been

their

byters were instituted to hear private

'judges.'

Eighty-eight bishops from

whole

all parts

of Africa are scarcely likely to

confessions

is

counter

view of the time.

gives

an

interesting

Roman method
later date in

of his

the

(vii.

picture

of the

of penance at a

which the bishop

16)

is

much
him-

have been attended on the average by

more than two clerics each at the outside.

If

number

we add

forty as a possible

for the presbyters

and the ab-

of Carthage

And this direct

own statement that

contradiction

than 300 as the

Penitentiaries

tion of Felicissimus.

were an

institution in the

West

as well

Eus.

it

H. E.

and deacons

may give us rather more

fellow penitent

self the
solver.

to

Sozomen

relics

vi.

of the Congrega-

43, 46.

CLERICAL AND EPISCOPAL SENTENCES.

230

uses of Felicissimus, that Novatian was almost abandoned,

still

his sect with its episcopal successions endured

Christendom

far into the sixth century,

of the Decian persecution.

'

'

throughout

a stern Puritan relic

has been well said that

It

'

like

added strength to its triumphant

all
adversary, and only evoked more commandingly the growing
unsuccessful opposition

it

theory of Christian Unity.'

III.

The Legacy of Clerical Appeals under

the

The Third and Fourth

Law

of tJie Lapsed.

Councils.

The Spanish appeal against Rome.

From

this point

we may with advantage

carry our view

forward to certain illustrative cases which arose in the course

of the next two years, after the main work of reconciliation
for

We

such as returned was over.

made

appeals

For the

cases.

have notices of three

They

the See of Carthage.

to

they were

clergy, as

less

are clerical

tempted to

fall,

it harder to return.
It was easy for them to achieve
position
new
in
some
aggressive
sect and it was not the
a
wisdom of the Church to confer its functions on the timid

so found

We

or vacillating.
for

yet

cannot with confidence assert that terms

them were separately considered

we

find

it

Bishops

lapsed

at the

and

Clerks

could

never

Cyprian rests his argument

Orders \

Second Council,

immediately and generally accepted that

be restored

to

not on

in-

for this'^

junctions of the Council but on Scripture, drawing the rule

from the Levitical

to

Yet elsewhere' he says

himself

himself and

concluded
Council
1

and from

institutions,

all

this.

on
Ep.

the bishops

Not

Baptism,
55. II.

visions vouchsafed

that, in

common

for four years more, until the

was
2

with

of the world, Cornelius had

the
Ep.

65.

of

principle
3

second

degradation

Ep. 67.

6.

V.

HARVEST OF NEW LEGISLATION

III.

THIRD COUNCIL. 23

extended to any presbyters and deacons who had taken

part in a heresy or a schism*; and

presents a singular and

it

contradictory appearance of laxity that only Novatianists and

mark of orders to be so indelible that

bishops returning to them after lapse resumed their functions'.
Late in the summer of the next year one of the African
bishops, the same Fidus, who, as we shall learn, counted
Donatists held the

a.d. 253.
A.U.C.

under eight days old too impure

infants

for christening', re- 1006.

ported to the primate that a lapsed presbyter, Victor by name, ^ssar C^

had after an insufficient period of penance been admitted to Yj!''?^

communion by
words of
sixty-first

bishop

in

Therapius of Bulla*.

their colleague

this worthy,

who spoke

few

Callus

in his place of seniority as ^nus L.

Cyprian's last Council^ give an idea of pp^'f^"^

one whose fancy might outrun

*

and betrays to

heretics,'

'

baptism, what

is

discretion.

he then

said,

'

'

He who

concedes

the Church's (right of)

he but the Judas of Christ's Spouse

?
'

But

nus?] Maxi"^"^'

Therapius thought an unsound opinion within the Church

if

a worse betrayal of the Church than apostasy from her, the

uncharity of Fidus

is

contrast to the

in

of Cyprian.

spirit

Fidus evidently desired that a new excommunication should

overtake Victor.

At

bishops,

were
^

'^

good fortune the Third Council of sixty-six

his

who met Cyprian

Ep.

probably

72. 2.

Eccl.

Justellus, Paris 1614,

I.

p.

Afr.
98

27
II.

(C.

p. 41).

L'Aubespine, Observat. V. in Optat.

3
^

V. infra
Ep. 64.

R. S.
(S.V.),

reason

vol.

Baluze (copied by Routh,

III.

p.

Bulla

144),

and Morcelli

vidthout

sufficient

be a different place from

Bulla Regia.

It

was

in

Numidia Pro-

where the boundary

crosses the Bagradas, and over 50 miles
from Hippo Regius on the road to

consularis, near

Carthage
C.

/.

a.d. 253,

now

Z. VIII.

Hammam
i.

p.

(Plin.)

Bagradas (Procop. de Bell. Vand. i.

It cannot have been, as Momm25).

seems

sen

ch. viii. v. 2.

take
to

September

was a small old (Oros.) Free-Town

above the vast rich plain of the

It

Cann.

Cod.

in

offended than at the autocratic manner in which

less

157,

Darridji.
ii.

p.

934.

Bulleria,

to

since

attended the

suggest,

the

bishop

summons

same

from

as

each

of Huneric to

Carthage in a.d. 484. A sketch in

A. Graham's Tunisia, p. 188.

We

'

cannot attach weight to the

statement of the later MSS. of the Sententt.

"

Epp. that he was a confessor,

On

notes

the date of this Council see

2, 3, p.

224.

a.d. 253,

FOURTH COUNCIL.

EPISCOPAL CASES.

232
even the
ignored.

now lenient conditions of restoration had been

They would not withdraw the boon which a 'Priest

had granted, but a vote of censure was passed

upon Therapius (who may be supposed to have been present
of God'

in his place in Council*) for giving a gratuitous indulgence

which the Laity had neither requested nor sanctioned

The second

came from Assuras'

case

town, whose ruins

The Temple and

a populous

inland

widespread over height and ravine.

lie

the Christian Church, which are

still,

after

gates of the Antonines, the most marked objects there,

its

may

well have witnessed the incidents which brought on the

The

appeal.

diocese had already elected Epictetus to the

Chair vacated by the idolatrous sacrifice of Fortunatian*, when

this traitor bishop,

supported by a party of fellow-lapsed,

claimed the function and emoluments" as his

whose

was

characteristic mistake

a church vitiated to nullity

discharged by an unworthy

answer to an appeal to him from the disquieted

and counsels a

flock,

Cyprian,

right.

to consider every office of

view more than the broad ground of

minister, urges that

order, in

if

re-

resort

to

individual

canvassing,

if

necessary, in order to knit the church firmly together under

their authentic bishop.
A.D. 254.
1007.
Cffis.p""^
Licinius

Par the most important to us however of all cases of

appeal is one which did not come before Cyprian until
about September A.D. 254.
ciples

which

The form

importance

'satis

fiiit

may seem
objurgare

Therapium collegam nostrum... et

Ep. 64. i.

in-

Assuras: Senit. Epp. 68

Corp. Inscrr. Latt.
K%%\!s\\.z.v\

n.

'

passim ; now Zaw/i/r, but

Temple and arch

'

of the

Playfair's Travels, p. 208.

Ep. 64.
Ep.6i. Also, like Bulla, inNumidia
See N. Davis, Ruined
Proconsularis.
within Numid. and Carth. Ter-

ritories,-p. 69,

cursions, vol.

and Sir G. Temple's

II.

p. 266.

ab Assuras';

631 inhabitants
its

plain B'hairt Essers. Bruce's drawing

struxisse^

Cities

the prin-

lies in

reveals as already regulating the intercourse

of expression

warrant this:

to

it

Its

i5"jr-

Colonia Julia

man
*

is

in Col. R. L.

PameHus erroneously
as a Novatianist.

Ep. 65. 3

lucra.'

treats

this

Fell follows.

'stipes et oblationes et

V.

SPANISH APPEAL TO CYPRIAN AGAINST ROME.

III.

But, reserving for the present the Valerianus

of churches or dioceses.

development of these

/-.I

here relate only the

will

Lapse and the immediate action

a wild

It is

it.

we

principles,

striking circumstances of the

taken upon

233

of

Leon and Merida

Gallienus
p. f. Aug.

in

Spain had accepted

The
to their orthodoxy as pagans \
by name, repented and formally abdicated

testimonials

former,

Basilides

his see

when

He

the persecution lulled.

crime of Lapse, but

illness

how

in

pLidni^us

so to speak, of the old Egnatius

tale,

Border Life between Christianity and Paganism.

The Bishops

then confessed not only his

the superstitious terror of

he had blasphemed the God of

some

After this

his faith.

Layman.

confession he thankfully accepted the position of a

Martial of Merida had long ago enrolled himself in one of

those religious colleges which, besides their other celebrations,

performed the funeral

solemnities

such

rites

in

ritual of their

members with

all

cemeteries secured to them by law^

he interred children of

his

pagan

With

own.

The Chairs of these two men had been filled by other two
elected by their own churches and approved by the neighbouring prelates.

Basilides

afterwards recovering from his

Rome, and there he and, we must

infer. Martial also^ by some fraudulent means procured a
declaration from the new pope Stephen that he would hold
them still to be the lawful occupants of the two sees.

dejection paid a visit to

Against

this

sudden and monstrous utterance the Spanish

churches appeal to Cyprian.

and

under him at Carthage*, accept

thirty bishops, assembling

the appeal, reverse the

FOURTH COUNCIL

Roman

sentence^ and instruct the

There

churches to keep to their righteous course.

Roman

further reference to the

of seven

is

no

see in the matter.

See more

the affair of Martian of Aries in the

Ep. 67. See above, p. 82.

Renan, Les Apotres, ch. xviii. p.
354, gives some interesting details of
these colleges.
*

/. 67.

5.

IV. Concil. Carth. sub Cypr. (Sep-

tember?) a.d. 254.

Ep. 67, Synodica.

fully

on

this

chapter on Stephen,
'

Simply,

'our

p.

appeal and on

311.

colleague Stephen

was a long vyay off and ignorant of the

and of the truth.' Ep. 67. 5.

facts

a.d. 254,

FOURTH COUNCIL.

234

It is obviously

EPISCOPAL CASES.

of extreme interest and importance to

observe principles not created but unquestioningly acted upon

in this cause.

The

action taken

is

quite compatible with the

Rome as Principalis Ecclesia^

thought of

as a centre of unity,'
*

but irreconcilable with any view of that see as a centre of

legislation or jurisdiction, or

even as a centre of reference.

Meantime we may remember

that while the legislation

provided for the Lapsed was temporary, the principles which

brought into strong

first

it

may

And we

relief are for all time.

regard our possession of them as our inheritance

still

from the Decian persecution.

A less happy forecast attends the case of a 'contumelious'

Deacon and a Layman abetting him, which is referred to
Carthage by the Bishop Rogatian^ in all likelihood the
same who figures in the Councils, Bishop of Nova, deep in
Mauretania^

The tone
Cyprian
writes

of the letter indicates that he was

Let no

however not

man

for himself only but in the

leagues,' so that his systematic consultations

The

idea of authority

is

known

developed and

name

to

He

despise thy old age,' he says.

of col'

were at work.

fortified,

but

it is

the

same idea as in the fourth epistle, resting on the same precept

in Deuteronomy* of reverence and obedience to the High
Priest.
That means simply, that details had taken time to
work out, but that from the first Cyprian held that view which
he held

last of the identity

of internal relations in the two

and the Church.

might have been properly dealt
with by excommunications on the part of Rogatian himself

polities of Israel

The

case, says Cyprian,

alone.

This

^
'
'

is

the course which, with his

Seep. 192, and Appendix^ p. 537.

Ep. 3.
See Appendix on Cities, p. 575.

'

Deut.

bably

colleagues

xvii.

12,

this quotation

Pearson.

who were

It was pro13.
which determined

V.

EPISCOPAL CASES.

III.

present,'

he recommends

in the last resort,

on an appeal to good sense and

rely

235

but he would rather

feeling*.

and

It is well

But here we see excommunication, instead

sincerely urged.

of being kept as the discipline of

sin,

already looming as an

engine for managing the Church.

O. Ritschl pointed out (p. 239)
argument and allusion in Ep. 3,
as Pearson counted it, are not of an
early stamp ;
and I would further
^

that

observe

on the

close

blance between Ep.

59.

66. 3

3.

verbal
i,

resem-

and Epp.

and de Unit.

17,

18,

which connects

it

with the time

we

are discussing.
If

the

'colleagues present'

are

Council, and not rather the Occasional

Board,
cil,

for

it

was probably the Third Coun-

Rogatian attended the Second

and Fourth.

CHAPTER

VI.

EXPANSION OF HUMAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

I.

The Church

Within

I.

Even

in relation to Physical Suffering.

Berber Raid.

Council sate news arrived that many-

the

whilst

The

itself

Christian maidens, wives and children \ had been kidnapped

The frontier tribes, quieted

movement this year and were carry-

from Numidia by the Berbers.

last

by Severus, were

in

ing terror into the provinces.

and

Faultily^

back by

by

settlers

fatally these indigenes^

ages ago rolled

from Asia and Europe, were being now ruled

fortresses, military colonies, farmers

any attempt to

interest

Their raids were really waves

in their

tenure, absolute magistrates, without

or incorporate them.

holding by service-

steady return.
In the year 252 there was a concerted general advance.

A.D. 252.
Coss.

Mauretania

them.

felt

They broke

out of Aures* through

the grand chain of fortress settlements, harrying the domains

^

Ep.

62.

5.

Cyprian

appeals

to

and husbands as necessarily

sympathizing.
It was a raid on perIn c. 3, p. 699, 1. ^i, I demur
sons.

fathers

to

Hartel's reading

'

vinculi maritalis

The Rheims

MS.

Hartel has to set

^

is
it

not a good text,

aside constantly,

F. Lacroix in the

Revue Africaine,

vol. vii. p. 363.

*

There are and were traces of their

all North Africa.
Tissot,

amore' from the Rheims MS., which

name over

Baluze here sets aside for the better

Geogr. de la Prov. d'Afriqiie,

pudore vinculi maritalis' of

the editions which represent lost mss.
expression

"

"*

See Appendix on

i.

p. 394.

Cities, p. 575.

VI. 1.

THE CHURCH AS TO SUFFERINGS OF HER MEMBERS. 237

1.

of the strongest towns, Thubunae on the Salt Marsh, and the

From

came
right through the Province itself into the terebinth woods of
Tucca and to the great centre of traffic Assuras, little more

vast soldier-colony of Lambaesis.

the Sahara they

than a hundred miles from Carthage.

The

was thus

Christian population of at least eight sees

lacerated \

As memorials

of transactions so fatal ultimately to the

church of Africa and to

on

all

the civilization which depended

clearing the ground as they did

it,

remain

Saracen, there
scattered

notices,

Vandal and

for

for

explanation of each other only

in

few inscriptions, and the sixty-second

Cyprian which went with a ransom ^

epistle of

This must have been a serious time for the dominion

we know nothing

of Africa, though

direct

about

Cyprian but two or three unburied marbles^

In the fourth century children were

constantly redeemed from the Berbers

and baptized
Carth.

c.

V. Cone.

unidentified,

if

A.D. 398, Labbe

6,

{Brev. Cone. Hipp. A.D. 393,

c.

1455
39, but

11.

see also nn. on cc. 38, 39, Hefele,

d. C. B. VIII.

109),

H.

Cod. Caiin. Eeel.

Afr. 72, Justell. p. 198 (ed. 1614),

Labbe, 11. 1308. (?/ro hinc /^^. huic.
In A.D. 409

we mark them kidnapping

still

further north at Sitifis

Ep.

cxi. (cxxii.) 7.

An

itself,

Aug.

affecting inscription given in

Rev. Afr. vii.

p.

359 belongs to the

year A.D. 247 (Anno Provincire Mauretaniae 208) A p ccviii D M have se-

CVNDE PARENTIBVS TVIS DVLCISSIME

FLOS IVVENTVTIS AN V A BARBARIS
INTEREMPTVS MVCIA AMAk [the last
four

who
L

letters

from

has s after

(?),

C.

I.

Wilmanns' cast,
for v a small

D m, and

L. VIII.

ii.

9158].

forgery claiming to be of year 254 with

a curious story
p. xxxvii., 30.

is

given C.

I.

L. viii.

i.

Other inscriptions, be-

longing to the next 30 or 40 years,

relate

the

to

REBELLIS

us

tell

defeats

ii.

Not

how

FARAXEN

of

CVM SATELLITIBVS

C. I. L. VIII.

whom

it.

SVIS,

9047, the chieftain from

the Fraxinenses hod. Frcumeen

are said to be called, of the

GENTANEI rebelles
C. I. L. VIII.
p. 434),

ii.

quinque-

at Bougie,

Salda,

8924 {Rev. Afr.

and of Babari

at

iv.

Cherchel,

CcESarea.
ERASIS FVNDITVS BABA.RIS
TRANSTAGNENSIBVS C. I. L. VIII. ii.

9324 {^Rev. Afr.

No. 74).

iv. p. 222.

Mus. Alg.

The Quinquegentanei disappear soon

their overthrow by Maximian
(Eutrop. ix. 23). The Berbers between

after

Sitifis and Cirta are by Pliny v. 30 (4)

and Ptolemy iv. 3 (p. 11 1 b) called
Sabarbares, Za^ovp^ovpes, which is said
to contain the Numidian prefix Zal>

{Revile Africaine, vol. vii. p. 27, &c.),

but in either case with

v.

1.

Sababares,

one of the above

2a/3oi)j3oi;pes,

as

inscriptions.

In Ep.6'2. 3 Barbarorum,

in

&c. would correctly have a capital

*

Index,

Corp. Inscrr. Latt.

letter.
II.

p.

108 1 (published since the previous para-

EXPANSION OF

238

HUMAN FEELING AND

ENERGY.

a year or two later the Bavares under four united native

Numidia as

princes wasted

far

up as Milev.

There, and

again on the Mauretanian frontier, they were violently checked

by C. Macrinius Decianus, propraetor. He defeated at the

same time other great leagues or clans' of them, as the Quinquegentanei, who fell on Mauretania itself; and while he
claimed the credit of the capture and execution of Faraxen*,
almost a chieftain of romance,

'who look as
his

officer

thawed out of marble

if

Berber

like the present

statues of

chiefs,

Roman

would seem that the actual seizure of him

whole staff was the exploit of Gargilius Martialis, an

emperors','

and

it

who had

now commanded the

now Aiifnale,

served in Britain and

loyal Moorish cavalry.

Still further

west Auzia,

must have been in peril, for when, in A.D. 260, Gargilius himwas destroyed by a Berber ambush, Auzia commemorated
by a statue his former act of valour and vigilance.'
self

'

The redemption

of captives, like the portioning of orphans,

had long been among the Romans a favourite work of

liberality
most worthy of the gravity and greatness of the

'

senatorial order*.'

There was nothing

in the collection

graph and

its

note

were written), con-

siders that the victories of

the years

to
'

specifically Christian,

Decian belong

He

253 and 254.

was

Legatus duorum Augustorum Numi-

dise,'

of Valerian and Gallien, in

i.e.

A.D. 260, to which year the

itself

i.

2615

(Auzia), and

vastabant,^

(at

Lambesis),

'

ii.

C /.
9047

Mark
provinciam Numidiam

compare

the expressions

movement

belongs. See the inscriptions,

L. VIII.

ii.

9045.

''\-a.%\^\\%'&z.v2s\xm. decepto.^

Gen. Creuly shews that Babares

The Dux famosissimus

legends)

of the

Col. R. L. Playfair,
Footsteps

(p.

in

the

72), says that in the

this raid.
^
*

Col. R. L. Playfair, op.

Redimi e

solitum

fieri

servitute

790.

See

63;

cf. 16.

cit.

p. 70.

captos...vulgo

ab ordine nostro...H3ec
gravium hominum
est

atque magnorum.

il.

of Bruce
Aures moun-

tains over Lambesis is a high wooded

and secluded valley called Ti Farasain.
Its name, perhaps, may be a record of

nenses, Rev. ArcheoL i86i,p. 51.

458,

of

(full

Fraxinenses must be

Travels

(consuetudo)

I.

for

Faraxen himself.

included Quinquegentanei and Fraxialso Tissot

nothing novel

which was promptly made at Carthage

55.

Cic. de Off.

ii.

18.

VI. 1.

1.

THE CHURCH AS TO SUFFERINGS OF HER MEMBERS. 239

number and poverty

the victims, except the

But

tributors.

novelty was

this

which they had found

con-

were 'that the captives

irresistible

'were living shrines of deity; that Christ was

in

them and

was a probation not only

that such an event

they in Christ

'

of sufferers but also of sympathizers

of the

The motives

Christian.

that

all

looked for a

'Judgment in which sympathy would be the main subject of

If He will then say 'I was sick and ye visited me,'
enquiry.'
much more will the Redeemer say 'I was captive and ye
redeemed me.' How full Cyprian's mind was at this moment
'

of these topics

we

shall recognize as

we

proceed.

Nearly eight hundred^ pounds was subscribed by the

community, and by the sitting bishops; by these partly

The list of donors, sent
on behalf of their poor churches.
Numidia, was accompanied by the request that they

into

might be commemorated
prayers,

at

the

and

sacrifices

in

private

and with an assurance of further help should the

need, as was too likely, recur.

Of

Genuineness Geographical.

A beautiful incidental

proof of the genuineness of our documents

from Carthage to eight Numidian

Maximus, Proculus, Victor, Modianus, Nemesianus, Nampulus, Honoratus, but there is no mention of their

comes out
bishops,

sees.

The

here.

relief is sent

Januarius,

Now

in the list of the

Council of 256 four of these reappear as

named and two Provincial;

bishops of two Numidian sees which are

Januarius of Lambassis and Nemesianus of Thubunse, Victor of

Assuras and Honoratus of Tucca. These towns with Auzia give
the geographical line I have indicated, which is itself a sign of
accuracy.
What forger of another age and country could have

viz.

marked

for himself

upon

his

map

then have forborne to indicate

it,

a line of barbarian advance and

but in a wholly unconnected docu-

ment have attached to the sees which marked that line the names
of some of his fictitious bishops ? Behind this line toward Mt. Aures
1

/. 62.4 'sestertium centum millia

Gronov. lib. de sest. n. 18'

nummum.
Hartel.

The two xvth

Mss. of this

epistle

century extant

scarcely

justify

Hartel in
milia

reading

'sestertia

nummorum,' nor

quotations prove

it

to

do

centum
Baluze's

be possible.

HUMAN FEELING AND

EXPANSION OF

240
lie

ENERGY.

Thamugadi, Mascula, Theveste,

and others some of these no doubt
In another place I shall shew how the

several Cyprianic sees, such as

and beyond

it

Gemellas, Badias,

were the other four

sufferers.

order of the names in Councils (a matter of seniority) corresponds

with other indications.

The Church

2.

And now

in relation to HeatJien Suffering.

and compacting
some time engrossed

the formation

community have

for

The Plague.

of the Christian
us.

Meanwhile

changes have passed over the aspect which that community-

That community owed and owned

presented to the world.

a duty to
absorb

it

unconverted humanity

all

with

all

possible rapidity

not

only a duty to

but a duty also

into itself

towards the part not within any given time likely to be

That enquiry into

absorbed.

social morals

which most taxed

the philosophical power of paganism had been overtaken

a code, or the principle of a code, which exempted no

from active benevolence.

The

by

man

doctrine of Grace operating

upon and cooperating with the human will to reconstruct

embracement of eternal life and reward, the
earthly pattern of Christ and the passion of reproducing it,
above all the experienced and attested union of the individual
character, the

spirit

with

tian, so

in

Him

during the present existence, placed the Chris-

soon as he began to realize

this

new range of

Ideas,

an attitude of fresh and unexpected energy towards every

person and every contingency with which he came

in contact.

This realization had been to the practical comprehension

of the convert Cyprian an affair of perhaps a few weeks \

This realization was what he excelled

men.

Even

community.

in

impressing on other

the East appreciated this action of his on the

'

He

educated the whole moral tone, dissipated

'

undisciplined ignorance of doctrine, brought order to the lives

'

of

men ^'

Pont. Vit.

Greg. Naz.

Or.

iiralSevae

Kal

&Trav

says Gregory of Nazianzus.

We

have watched him

devalav iKddrjpe, Kal dvSpuv

3.

13.

...^0os

doyfidruv

dirai-

xxiv.

A"7ffe.

/3foi/j iK6<r-

VI.

I.

2.

THE CHURCH AND HEATHEN SUFFERING.

We

awhile as the Organizer.

the

same period
If

we can

went on

return to follow

him through

as the Master of Doctrine reduced to Life.

vividly place this

work before our eyes

one great city of the old world, we

in

24I

close to the fountain-head of the

cities that it burst out, as

it

was

movement.

cities

had

was

most

its

own

it

the

in

towns

in the busiest Galilean

that Christ Himself had preached

each of the great

It

as

shall stand

While

attractively.

Alexandria the

part,

more profound and speculative and Rome the more political,

Carthage, in some respects so like England, with its blended
races, its contracted home, world-wide intercourse, and ready
interest in theories
its

own

which had their birth elsewhere, attained

truest historical

eminence through Christianity, and

that eminence the most instructive of

The

on which

field

first

all for us.

opened out the Christian strength

heathen helplessness was a

in contrast to

terrible one.

In

The

the year 252 A.D. the Great Plague reached Carthage.

epoch was one of those periods of physical disturbance which,

rightly or not, have been noted in connection with plagues.

Famine, protracted drought, tornadoes and unexampled

The

storms^ prevailed.

pestilence

before from .Ethiopia" upon

specifically

character with
Christ.

analogous to

fifth

century before

these were different disorders,

Both were of the

The absence

the reign of Justinian^,

the

predecessor of the

its

Whether

distinguish.

in

differing

modern plague, but

same route and exhibiting a somewhat similar

strictly

travelling the

had descended two years

Egypt; a pestilence

from the third visitation

which was

hail-

class of

at Carthage of those

we cannot

malignant typhoid

fever.

pulmonary complications,

which Thucydides describes as one of the most distressing

symptoms,

may

be attributable to the dry atmosphere of

Ad Demetr.

2, 7, 10.

embellished his long account of this

Zonaras,

21. Cedrenus, p. 258A.

by many

xii.

Compare Thuc.

ii.

48

...i^

AW ion Las...

iireira dk Kal is AlyvirTov, k.t.X.

^

Procopius appears to
B.

me

lences.
vol.

to

I.

particulars from other pesti-

I?e Bell. Pers.

ii.

22 (Dind.

p. 249).

have

16

a.d. 252.

EXPANSION OF HUMAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

242

Tunisia, but neither does Cyprian mention the red and livid

which among

blistering eruption, nor yet the brain aflfection,

the Athenian sufferers had frequently resulted in the extinction of

memory.

Eutropius

If

from that pestilence

accurate,

is

it

not extinguishing like

in

also differed
it

other

all

was on the contrary attended by a multiplicity

Other symptoms, perhaps the most general, are
the diarrhoea, the ulcerated mouth and throat, the

disorders, but

of them^
identical

congested eyes, the internal fever and incessant sickness

the

loss to survivors of the feet or other extremities, the lame-

Both were preceded by

ness, blindness, or total deafness.

the intense nervous depression which induced the premoni-

symptom

tory

of threatening spectres".

This plague went on

for a

civilised world, returning

had desolated and

it

which

to cities in

stricken every housed

was worse than

term of twenty years ranging the

once and again to countries which

its first

In A.D. 261
assault,

and

seemed

it

its recoil

in four years

reduced the population by above one

have

to

on Alexandria

half*.

more

It fell

it

had

on the

armies of Valerian and delivered the East up to Sapor.

262

five

thousand persons died

Achaia, on a single day".

in

died of

it

while

it

in

Rome, and

course

was serving as

his

most

Sola pestilentia et morbis atque

Eutr.

Procop.

daifiSpuv

eorum principatus

vit.
I.e.

S. Greg.
p.

251

Thaum.
(pda-fiara

.iraleaOai t^ovro irpbs rod

iv-

Dionys. ap. Euseb.

vii.

22.

Conti-

nuatas per ordinem domos...Pont. Vit.

c. 9.
*

remark

claimantsfor corn bet ween the ages of 14

and 80 was

after the reign of Gallienus

between 40 and 70.

Gibbon hence
deduces the above fact, ch. x. ad fin.
That is if- I comprehend the
odious obscurity of Trebellius Pollio

rvx^t^Tos ivSp6s.
3

had run but half

affirms the

equal only to the former number of those

ix. 5.

Greg. Nyss.

12.

effective auxiliary

the wars and miseries which oppressed the race

iegritudinibus notus
fuit.

It

when Dionysius quotes and

that of all

same number

In 270 the emperor Claudius

against the Gothic hordes in Thrace.

its

the

In

So Orosius, vii. 21.

At Alexandria the whole sum of

Duo

Gibbon takes

it

during some time 5000 died

in

{Gallieni
that

Rome

daily.

5).

VI.

2.

I.

man

of

THE CHURCH AND HEATHEN SUFFERING.

243

the plague alone had outrun the darkest anticipa-

tions.

This was the horror and the misery which

an

like

fell

unnatural night on the Christians' dawning hopes of peace

and order.
In

our present year

it

winning golden opinions by their care

meanest victims ^

To

his son Volusian

were

for the interment of the

confess to any sanitary motive, such

we hope we may

as

young emperor

carried off the

and the emperor Gallus and

Hostilian^,

would have been impiety.

suspect,

Avowed

measures of relief were limited to edicts for universal

sacrifices

which exposed Christianity to fresh persecution from

populaces which furiously marked

and also to an unprecedented

of coins dedicated to

marked the
'

'

Aur. Victor, Epit.

c.

All Mss.

30.

originally

which occurs on no coin of him. Hints

seem latent under both names of his
brother, made emperor with him, and
with Decius,

simus,

i.

Herennius Etrus-

viz.

Herennia

25,

lays

this

Aur. Victor de

Medallions in Brit. Mtts., pp. 57, 60)

a brass medallion of Gallus and one of

in pestilentia

30 tenuissimi
'

campos,

we

of

it,

even

116 'tan-

tation of

quibus

Colossus

in

rate),

story of the invocation

is

tragic.

Geta's

murder

his

denarius

bearing

Apollo Salutaris

with other

struck

coins of similar allusion (see Steven-

Did. Rom.

son,

Then
254

1889, p. 67).

Gallus in this plague about a.d.

(so

other

Coins,

Eckhel) struck large brass and

metals

and

with

forms,

Apollini

same
if

AZi.

Pellerin's clever interpre-

Arna and Asisium

is

These

tutelage and the need

not

certain

erecting a

(Stevenson,

See H. Cohen (not quite accuMonnaies Jrappees sons C Empire

Romain, 1885, vol. V., pp. 238, 239,
p. 82).

Caracalla sick in mind and body after

ARN

legend

serpent,

refer to the

rantur aut corvi qui lacerant.'

The

Apollo

bear

in his right a laurel branch, in his left

nihil aliud est nisi cadavera quae lace-

which

Volusian,

death to the

in Petronius Satyric. c.

quam

'Antoniani,'

an aureus and a half-aureus of the type.

Also (Grueber and Poole, Roman

a
Cees. c.

In the

67).

radiate head standing on rocks holding

cujusque exsequias curarent.' Earlier

have

Salutari (Stevenson, p.
British Museum are two

Zo-

Etruscilla.

jealousy of Gallus.
2

These remedies

limits of antique self-devotion to populations sick

pema, an Etruscan name

lost

issue from the imperial mints

Healthful ApolloV

here read Hostilianus Perpetina or Per-

cus, son of

non-compliant attitude,

its

268.

Similar types are continued through

Di

the next reign with revivals of the

Majores and

(it

is

pearance of Diana
coins.

Many

are

said) the

first

ap-

(also a healer)

on

found in England.

Leicestersh. Archil. Soc.

Trans. XI.

P- 193-

16

i.

HUMAN FEELING AND

EXPANSION OF

244

That the greatest happiness of the greatest

unto death.

number

is

ENERGY.

by the devotion

best secured

of the individual to

his own, was not then a floating theory.

When

as a living principle.

nant chord

in

life

It

physical terror

'egoism' perfected

its

pervaded society

became the domimelody.

Instant

the desertion, the exposure of the dying, the barred

flights,

gates of the house-courts, the hasty flinging out of the dead,

street assassinations

and drugged

possets, the spoliation of

unprotected fortunes, the last corruption of the judicature,

^

marked the opportunity and the successes of Self let loose

upon society. Every natural, every acquired scruple broke
down*.

But the entrance of

self-sacrifice

upon the scene does

Neo-Caesarea,

indeed difference the plague in Carthage,

in

or Alexandria from the plague of Athens.

In each of these

cities the

Bishop of the Christians was a leading

The

citizen.

earliest-dated though but passing mention of this plague

The

is

Egyptian Deacons.

in connection with the deaths of several'

behaviour of Gregory in Pontus secured the faith of that

Nor had

region.

power

the wearing persistence of the misery any

half the town had

perished ^ there was

intrepidity

still

in

an

excess of tenderness,

be justified

except by the moral

the last offices almost

scarcely could

when

In Alexandria ten years later,

to abate zeal.

For

upon a population.

it

rendering

such as
effect

so subjected the

of

Church

away such crowds of faithful lives,

that the Christians owned that now at length was verified
the soubriquet with which by an ungenerous perversion that
to contagion, and swept

had long stigmatized them

Parisian-like populace

become

At

'the Offscouring' of

Pont.

Prsedandi

' I.e.

all.

Carthage, so soon as the usual street-scenes and house-

scenes began, Cyprian

Demetr.

they were

Vit.

ad Demetr.

dissimulatio

summoned
lo, ii.

nulla,

ad

11.

assuming that there were only

his

community, and

in a

seven according to Cone. Neocaes. a.d.

314, can. 15.
*

Euseb.

Page 242,

n. 4.

vii.

11.

Cf. 22.

VI.

THE CHURCH AND HEATHEN SUFFERING.

2.

I.

245

speech which his deacon wished the whole city could have

heard from the rostra, developed the duty and divineness of

prayer and labour on behalf of persecutors.

appealed to their Christian belief

God\

In this light he

in their veritable

His epigrammatic 'Respondere Natalibus'

Sonship to
a nobler

is

and no less defies rendering.

He then, with the facility which marked his arrangements,
forthwith proposed and carried a scheme for the systematic
care of the city.
With a few marked exceptions^ the whole
of Noblesse oblige

version

society, rich

and poor

alike, partly

from motives

like his

own,

partly under the spell of his personal influence', responded to

the appeal, undertook the parts he assigned them, raised an

abundant fund, and formed an adequate

and burial of

sufferers

and

staff for the

nursing

any discrimination

victims, without

of religious profession*.

Of

probably

this organization

We

before the heathen.

or nothing transpired

little

how

see to-day

the wide organiza-

much more the self-sacrifice, of the Church's work in

London can escape the philanthropic novelist and
even the religious sects of more prosperous quarters. The

tions,

obscure

slow, vast effect of those unsuspected forces on Carthage

cheer the sacrificers and organizers of to-day.

be recognised

likely to

that the

Or

this partly

if

emerged,

disgust with

natural

in that old tortured

new enthusiasm of humanity was

which

1
Pont.
Vit.
9 'Respondere
decet natalibus nostris.'

I infer that there

from

De

ecclesia

Op.

El.

still

nos

12

quosdam in

videmus...At quibus mirari non

citizens
*

regarded such stolid

est

ad omnes, non ad

solos domesticos fidei. Pontius, Vit. 10,

desires the

Saint

forgiveness of the Jewish

Tobias 'once, twice

servum

ble

refers to un-

Christianity.

...exuberantium operum largitate,

quently,'

which evidently

by

nothing could overcome the

oportet quod contemnant in tractatibus

'

and torturing city

fired

quod bonum

were exceptions

may

was not

It

for

piety,'

rating

which

his

and

fre-

'incompara-

collected

only the

answered appeals made by himself upon

remains of his own fellow-believers,

this subject.

lower than that of Cyprian.

Deo

Sub

tanto

doctore

...

placeret

et

patri, et judici Christo, et interim

sacerdoti.

Pont. Vit. 10.

'

Ful-

ness (he adds) belongs to the times of

Christ.'

HUMAN FEELING AND

EXPANSION OF

246

How

enemies of the emperor and the empire.

for the erect coldness with

which

ENERGY,
else

their sect looked

account

on

at the

propitiations and tears presented to Health, to Apollo, and

Queen of Heaven

to Caelestis

None however was

noxious as the Overseer of the Christians

'

'

knew

well that

The

title.

for the

so ob-

populace

publication of the sacrificial edict

had been once more a signal for the Circus to demand that
Cyprian should be fetched and matched with one of their

and he was officially proscribed by name and office \

terrible work was not over, and grave political complications had gathered round him, when five years later,
lions,

His

A,D. 257,

This, says his biographer, 'was

he was banished.

reward

his

'

for

withdrawing from living sight a horror

'

that of heir and for

empty

shell of

an exiled population.'

partiality, that effort to

been as energetic as

mode

Cyprian's

for

was novel.

it

Unconditional Altruism.

of organizing had this merit and this

ruling spell, that he took those

his full confidence.

Allow the utmost

grapple with a Plague-city must have

TJie Theory.

3.

like

'saving his country from becoming the

He

filled

who were
them with

to

be organized into

the ideas which

carried himself to the point of action.

'II

parle,

il

had

parle

was the witty description

of a novel diplomacy which converted a province into an
empire. It was in the highest sense of that description that
Cyprian educated his followers into the schemes of duty

beaucoup,

tout ce qu'il a dit'

fait

il

which rose before'him.

We may look
tine calls

it,

'

OF

on his

little treatise, his

Work and

'

Letter,' as

Augus-

Alms-Deeds,' as the expansion

of his noble motto Respondere Natalibns, as a lengthened

^

de

Ep. 66. 4 'Siquis

bonis

Csecili

Christianorum'

ment

tenet possidet

Episcopi

Cypriani

quoted from the docu-

referred to in

Ep.

59. 6

'

adplicito

et

adjuncto episcopatus

totiens ad

leonem

amphitheatro, ' &c.

sui

nomine,

petitus, in circo, in

VI.

I.

THE THEORY.

3.

echo perhaps of that

plague.

It

is

last

ALTRUISM.

247

speech of his on the approach of the

an unreserved statement of the Theory which

The

he carried through without reserve.

strokes which were

on the Christians turned the affluence of many

falling

into

Yet such strokes were partial in their effect, and

left many untouched.
So too the horrors of Pestilence do
not bring the same universal impoverishment as Famine; and
even Captivities and Confiscations had only their selected
victims.
There were patrimonies still; there were old hoards
poverty.

of bullion, which

misery

it

any

to build

thronging

the extrava-

all

the barrenness, the dulness, the darkness

of wealthy luxurious

own

to unlock to the

there were matronly jewelleries and

gances of fashion

his

was time

oppressed the mind\

life

It

was a time

freshly gained ideas into the social code,

and

splendid use of wealth gave him a right to utter

them.
Christ then had treated the sacrifice of wealth as a note of

enrolment

in

His supernatural society, as a grade

as a reality which

in perfection,

would accompany the soul into immortality ^

Christ had not merely overlooked

He had

personally pledged

incurred

into

gain,

and

mundane

considerations.

Himself to convert losses so

faithless gains into loss.

charged Himself with the anxieties of the

liberal

He had

in short for

He had identified Himself with Providence^

He had declared Himself to be the new power in
for the elevation of the masses
He had minutely
how in the close of the world's history He will

His followers
Socially

the world

described

look back

on

efforts

made

the

for

amelioration of their

conditions^

Domestic claims cannot

really

compete with the needs of

the poor; both the interests and the characters of Christian

families are best provided for

14.
'

De

Opere

et

Eleemosynis 11

0. et E.

practical demonstrations of

*
;

15; 23.

De

13

by

7, 8, 14.

De
De

0. et E. 9, 10.

O.

et

E.

16, 23.


EXPANSION OF HUMAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

248

real faith in

immortal recompense,

Once more the whole theory of

ing as

does on the Eucharist,

it

Without personal

selfish.

in daily providence, in

God ^

the fatherhood of

the Divine sacrifice.

is

Christian worship, center-

What an

before an altar receiving her

and

nullified for the rich

can be no union with

sacrifice there

irony to see a gorgeous lady

communion out

of the offerings

of the poor^
In a nearly contemporaneous letter' Cyprian represented

endurance by metaphors almost overbold, as

Christian

combat fought

gladiatorial
Caesar.
will

He now

bestow

his

the

in

supporting such combatants

man

of rank or ambition

audacity Satan himself

He

is

who

is

like

lavishes

With a Goethesque

a fortune to provide a worthy spectacle.

Christ.

The wealthy who

carries his figure farther.

means

the Munerarius*

for

crowns before Emperor and

introduced to confront the throned

points out the glorious shows which his servants

ruin themselves to exhibit with unfruitful unselfish splendour

honour.

his

in
'

Munerarii

.''

'Where,

Where your

he sneers, 'are your

Christ,'

who

capitalists,

will

do even

self-

'

remunerating works on such a scale upon your principles,

'

either through gratitude for

'

of your bright reward?'

your loving Passion, or

in

hope

But our account of the motives for generosity which Cyprian

expands before the Church, would not be complete without
his peculiar and less satisfactory development of the relation
of Almsgiving to Sin. Not only do prayer and fasting lack
substance and reality apart from such alms and work^ but

when past

sinfulness has been obliterated

by the blood of

Christ in Baptism, the effectiveness of that Baptism

longed and subsequent

'

'

De
De

frailties

is

pro-

continually abolished, through

and note the

0. et

E.

r6, 20.

Augustus, Quintil.

O.

E.

15.

near resemblances of language between

et

Ep. 58 plebi Thibari consistenti.'

Note the popular word invented by
'

De
'

0.

et

Dc

E.

and Ep.
E. 5.

21

0. et

viii. 3,

58. 8.

VI.

'

RESENTMENT.

II.

freshness of the state of mind in

by a constant flow of working and
There can be no better illustration than this

the maintenance in

which we

(in

own

our

all

its

leave the font

almsgiving\
teaching

249-

which a distinct propitiatory value

combined

action) of the

is

results, in the

assigned to

development

of doctrine, of resorting to the Jewish Apocrypha, relying on

When

a Version, and constructing a theory from a word^

thread

this

of

was presently

or at

erroneous,

after

woven

in

ambiguous, theory

least

with Tertullian's new forensic

language on satisfaction being made to God by penance',

a commencement of

On
of

much mediaeval

trouble was made.

the other hand for this very treatise the

Ephesus was

when they

grateful,

could

first

Council

with

quote,

other 'chapters' from the Fathers, against the confusions

of Nestorius*
to be the

And

clear-toned opening

its

'

The Sent Son

willed

Son of Man.'

Augustine with quite a burst of love brings up

eloquent truths as against the Pelagian thought that some

in this life are sinless.

'

So

its

men

didst thou teach, so didst thou

admonish, incomparable teacher and glorious witness V

II.

Resentment.

Such was the preparation which the Christians of Carthage

were receiving for their conflict with the misery of a heathen
^
*

De

0. et E. 1.
Such are most

of the idea

Sicut

extinguet ignem

mosyna
30),

at/ua

(i.e.

extiiiguet

Labbe,

distinctly the sources

Baptism)

(i.e.

gehenna)

sic elee-

peccatum (Sirach

and again Prov.

xvi.

'

iii.

Mise-

vol.

iv., p.

was read again

It

431.

67 (202), a.d.
at the second

Council A.D. 449, and again

at

Chalce-

don a.d. 451. /did. p. 1134. Vincent,

Lirin. Common, n. 30.
Qut of this short treatise Augustine

ricordia et veritate redimitur iniquitas

quotes part of its third chapter twice, viz.

(xv. 27 'per misericordiam et fidem pur-

in

gantur peccata'), which in the African

27,

version was

Eleemosynis et fide delicta

viii.

De

Pelagg.

purgantur.'
3

De

'

0.

Panitentia

et

6.

E.

2.

Contra

dttas epp. Pelagg. B. iv. c. x.

and Contra Julian. Pelag. B.

;

chap.

part of ch.

B.

iv.

xxii. in

i.

c.

in

11.

c.

Contra duas epp.

viii.

and part of

the same passage.


EXPANSION OF HUMAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

250

Meantime the rancour of its population which had

city.

laid

wars and drought and pestilence at the door of the tolerated

more emphatic voice than usual

Christians found a

the

in

After having

utterances of an aged magistrate, Demetrian.

in the character of an enquirer to Cywas now, with one foot in the grave, acting
on the tribunal the part not merely of a harsh enforcer of
the penal statutes, but of an ingenious inventor of tortures.

been freely admitted

prian's house, he

He

was open to the further suspicion of having himself put

the most exciting imputations against the accused into

cir-

culation \

'

'

'

The

by cruelty and injustice and the

desire of having it punished, which persons unconcerned
and in a higher degree those who were concerned would feel,
It is one of the common bonds by
is by no means malice.
'

indignation raised

'which society

held together... a

is

'by nature... which may

'

weapon put

into our

hands

be innocently employed. ...one of the

instalments of death which the author of our nature hath

'provided.... not only an innocent but a generous

movement

'of the mind.. ..a settled and deliberate passion implanted in

'

man
It

for the prevention

is

and remedy of wrong^'

thus that Butler characterizes Resentment.

that Cyprian exemplifies

been weighed

to

it,

as precisely as

if

his

It is

thus

words had

comply with the philosopher's subtle and

original distinction.

'We may
could

know

hate no man.'

'

Odisse non

Sub

ipso

exitu,

frequenter ad

ad Demetr. ii

me venires,

i ;

novas

pcenas, 12; quos tu forsitan concitasti,

1.

Confiscation,

the circus and

chains,

fire (cf.

4 'cremamur') were
12.

execution,

Tert.

all in

Christians at this time.

ment

ad Scap.

vogue against

Ad

Demetr.

Pearson exposes the older

that

nobis^!

He

no greater joy than that Demetrian should be

partaker of his own blessing, but

cum

licet

state-

Demetrian was proconsul.

'

he makes a way
power

His

Cyprian

may

and

his

for his

intimacy

with

suggest that he was one

of the Five nzixvQ primores associated

with

Roman

officers for Christian

in-

vestigations.
^

Bishop Butler, Sermon

Resentment.
'^

Ad Demetrian.

25.

viii.

On

VI.

RESENTMENT.

II.

So long

indignation.'

God'

Demetrian had bayed and raved at

'

would have been 'an

it

'rising

as

25

to beat

easier, lighter effort

waves back with shouts than to curb such fury by

it is time to speak when a double and triple

'accost,' but

injustice

is

perpetrated with every accompaniment of cruelty.

day confronted a persecutor \ Strange

spirit is more

Tertullian had in his

to

say, in this

one instance 'The Master's'

There are points of contact

gentle than the gentle prelate's.

shewing the appeal to Scapula to have been studied by the

author of the appeal

'

TO Demetrian.'

we have the
One Natural

In both

remonstrance against the suppression of the

Worship both point to the quietude of the prevailing Sect^;

to the power of their prayers in exorcisms and of their
But here the resemblance
suffering example in conversions.
ends. Tertullian's exordium is almost affectionate he has no
;

Doom

denunciations; no word of the Eternal

nor of the

new philosophy

of persecutors

He

of Divine Probation.

is

mainly

occupied with relating warnings that have befallen severe

governors, and blessings that have attended lenient judges

and

The aim

ratified Christian Prayers.

of Cyprian

is

quite

and much wider. Demetrian and he represented

and the new or advanced answers to

different

face to face the popular

the question, 'Whence

all

and

this political

all this

physical

misery

The Heathen

cry was, 'The progress of Christian opinion

refusing to the immortal gods the institutions which acknowledge and represent them, temple, pageant, art, drama,
'circus, arena, private homage, oath, vow, even incense and

'is

'

'blood;

all

that

we know

of sacred

is

them execrable; the

to

'same opinion denies to our human constitution

'

'

factions,

own

its

necessities.'

'Nature

is

its

own

satis-

chastising our

tolerance of the unnatural.*

The new

reply

is

very grave.

Ad Scapulatn.

Pars psene major cujusque

For Cyprian too nature and

ad Scap.

civitatis,

populus,

nimius et copiosus noster

ad Demetr.

17.

EXPANSION OF HUMAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

252

humanity were at present dark of aspect. But his explanaFirst, he

tion of the phenomena of suffering was threefold.
believed that on general grounds a decrepitude of universal
life,

corresponding to that of individual objects, must be

expected and

The

begun.

is

opinion of the old age of the

world, which Columella so long since had rejected S gained

ground with the decline of

fancied that

This was

it

accorded with their then scheme of prophecy.

more obvious,

hypothesis

Christians in particular

virtue.

economics, than

to trace

the silence of

in

the decay of enterprise, of pro-

duction, of art-skilP to the universal expulsion of free labour

by

and the

slave labour, the artificial appreciation of corn,

consolidation of real property in hands incredibly few.

The second answer regarded

in

regarding as divine

illustration

he points to the

Cyprian concurred with his antagonist

judgments
But

These

political convulsions.

and upon impiety.

impiety where

system of slavery

to

In

.''

the absolute conviction which

institution implied of the accuracy with

be rendered by one set of mortal

other^ and of

lives to the

'Was

chastisement due to disobedience.

the unlimited

that

which duty ought to

it

'

reasonable to suppose that the universal profligacy of disobe-

'

dience to acknowledged moral laws should receive no check

'

from the Master of

Man

.-'

or

De

Agricola ..nauta...inartibusperitia,

ad

re rustica, Praef.,

1.

ii.

was

Demetr.

Cyprian's

porum materia
ratio

Dernetr. 3.

Ad

This

8.

humane

nature.

At

the

wonderful that civic

nascendi, conditio

i.

argument
shews that the idea that slavery was
unchristian had not penetrated even
^

it

same

communis,

una moriendi, coranimarum

consimilis,

sequali jure et pari lege

mundum,

vel veniatur in istum

mundo postmodum
nisi tibi

strifes

recedatur,

de
tamen

vel

pro arbitrio tuo serviatur, nisi ad

voluntatis obsequium

pareatur,

impe-

time his indignation about the atrocities

riosus et nimius servitutis exactor,

shews what was coming, and he plainly

does not treat slavery as a natural law.

gellas, verberas, fame,

The passage

crucias.

'

is

worth quoting.

well

Ipse de servo tuo exigis servitutem, et

homo hominem parere

compellis, et

cum

sit

tibi

et oboedire

vobis eadem sors

ferro freqjienter

et

siti,

fla-

nuditate, et

carcere adfligis et

Et non agnoscis [miser] Domi-

num Deum

tuum, cum

dominatum.'

sic

ad Demetr.

exerceas ipse
8.

VI.

RESENTMENT.

II.

253

'and aristocratic savagery should beckon the Goth to the

'

frontier

That deaths should avenge an

>

aristocratic

and com-

mercial rapacity which inflicted worse famines than nature

'

That

pestilence should linger in cities where

its

warnings had

'only evoked fresh rebellions against morality V-*'

Here he introduces with force a fact of which Demetrian

had already heard something that suck scourges had been
unerringly foretold by Prophets as visitations upon suc/t sins,
and foretold with this remarkable supplement to their predictions, that reformation would be adopted oftly by the few and

scorned by the mass.

'And

yet,'

he finely exclaims, 'ye

are indignant at the indignation of God^'

He

Thirdly.
in a

retorts the causes of that divine indignation

more sounding

strain

'You and your courts are labour-

'ing for the eradication of the only rational

and

spiritual

'worship extant; labouring to conserve the adoration of inept

'figments and animal monsters.

you actually

Full of this zeal

But argue with us, conor only come and listen to your own

'invert the usages of law' against us.

'vince us

by reason

'demon deities confessing, screaming, flying* from our

'Then set the unmeaning meanness of your cringing
'tions against the open-browed,

prayers.
prostra-

manly, sensible devotions of our

Do you think it conceivable that brute force should

from our position to yours.-' Do you doubt our

'assemblies.

'move us

The

'sincerity?

'and the unseen

'in

your

certainty of our conviction as to this world

is

by our perfect acquiescence

our numbers are in the empire,

best evidenced

inflictions.

Vast as

'we have never turned on an oppressor.

The

last

persecution

'has indeed for our sake collapsed in the 'crash of empire'

'when treasure,

forces

and camp were

'but without our act or wish.

Ad Demetr.
Ad Demetr.

See above,

See

'

We

lost with Decius,

Once more our

xo.

regum

9.

doubt of the event.

11.

i,

p. 61.

p. ID, n. 3.

must read minis rerum not

Decii
cation.

(17),

conviction

is

but the touches leave no

The death

immediately suspended

of the
perse-

EXPANSION OF HUMAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

254

'evidenced in our acquiescence in the heavenly chastisements

'which

we

For think you that we claim,

worshippers, exemption.^ Surely no, on us, with

fully share with you.

'as spiritual

'our eternal trust, chastisements

To

fall light.

an aspect new-born with us into the world's thought, as a

'in

'probation, as a discipline of strength.

'men

we

He must

'Our prosperous days are not

'for

we

In the flesh

grieve and with you,

your worldly happiness.

inflict for

'who

in

There

in

is

But the present interruptions of

They

are forewarn-

the distance a divine day;

when we

from you, and never rejoin

pleased tormentor of to-day must then become

By

'the spectacle of the tormented*.

that fear, by the abun-

'dant time and occasion offered for your change, by

'dear hopes which, as

we know,

is

in brief

what

is

be contested on more equal terms ^

Ad Dem.
of

the

nitely differenced

of TertuUian

Gentle as the up-

24.

peroration

is,

and

ness of the sights which Cyprian

of,

'Qui hie nos

infi-

from the wild threat

{De Spectac), the

at

which the

Antiochus

fifth

Maccabee hurls

a comment which in
illud

turn fuit martyri,

quam magnum, quam

grande solacium, in cruciatibus suis non

tormenta propria cogitare, sed

tortoris

Eternal punishment and the eternal pre-

comment on the

Church 'Quale

long

knew

this

century would not be possible in the

catholic

will ere

suisuppliciapr3edicare,'aa'/"<7r^a/. 11.

oculorum brevis fructus^ rankles too

much here. So also candour cannot
threat

Roman

Already the former are

bitter-

spectavit...CrviAt\\\xxa

pass over Cyprian's

own behalf

a transparent consciousness

that the struggle between Christian and

shot

the

have called the 'Resentment' of

Throughout there

Cyprian.

all

centre on that change, the

'persecuted appeal to the persecutor in his

Such

our

world are Re-born, and signed with a certain

this

The

in

the wicked's sake.

They are to come. For

and we intercede unfalteringly

'sign in a certain blood, shall part

'you.

are but

here.

'that happiness are not only fulfilments.

'ings also.

we

dwell in one house with

you do; we bear willingly what God

fare as

'records said long since

'you

We

human.

liable to all things

'you;

come

us they

levamen-

servation necessary to

make

are stated in awful terms

cum

corporibus suis

'

it

possible

Servabuntur,

animae

infinitis

ad dolorem.' ad Demetr.
Romans under persecution might
reckoned on to discover this

cruciatibus
24.

be

doctrine,
^

Wg may

compare

this

with the

VI.

RESENTMENT.

II.

proud of

255

their numbers*; already there

out: already there

is

is

hope

speaking

in

a conviction that the masses are ready

to hear reason': a perception that persecution

is

the grandest

opportunity for the missioner'.

Jerome* has echoed a criticism of Lactantius that Cyprian

might have met the heathen magistrate more convincingly

upon general grounds than by Scripture

sary to differ from the prince of

where

critics

It is neces-

texts.

because

the texts,

(i)

used as arguments, are alleged, after description of the

tokens of Divine anger, only to shew that the visitations had

The argument

been predicted^
predict

them might be presumed

They

explanation of them.

upon

is

to have a

key to the right

did predict them as punishments

idolatry and oppression.

prophecies

They who could

this.

This kind of exhibition of

surely a legitimate allegation to produce before

is

an unbeliever.

(2) It is visibly

the sequel of arguments which

had been touched upon and but half developed

are not producible for every purpose.

a Demetrian, Cyprian,

The man's
argument

De

'God

meet

in the

always

Holy

to
to

'a prophet,'

Scriptures.'

acquaintance with the elements of Christian

Cyprian precisely

conviction of Tertullian

'

ground he takes,

in the

Rettberg, p. 266

f.,

taking occasion

by Jerome and conceiving

Corona.

Nimius

further an

populus

impolicy in addressing a magistrate in

Quos tamen sermonis nostri ad-

language so strong, concludes Demetrian to be a fictitious personage.

But

xiXci%c\\MX
*

saith,'

justifies

more passionate

to

observe, does not once quote

him any author of Scripture by name,

'another prophet

Having

(3)

knowledge as would have adhered

just such unfamiliar

in the

conver-

in

Cyprian shews himself^ aware that Scripture texts

sations.

et copiosus noster

(ad Demetr.

17).

mittere credo rationern (ad Denietr. i).

the trait of his visiting Cyprian profess-

Disceptatione vince, vince ra/w^ (13).

3 ...dum me christianum celebri loco

edly to enquire,

actually to declaim,

et

populo circumstante pronuntio et vos

advanced age, the peculiar mode

of citation and other slight fitnesses are

et

deos vestros clara

against this.

tione confundo...
*

Ep. 83

Divin.

(70)

et

publica prcedica-

ad Dernetr.
ad Magn.

Institutt. v. 4.

13.
;

Lactant.

his

Hoc

scias esse prcedicttim

Ipsum audi loquentem (ad D.

^

Ad Dernetr

3.

[adD.
6).

5)

2S6 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

while

it

further verifies

to

us the reality of the circum-

stances.

0/ the
The

style of this

Style of the

brochure

is

'

Demetn'an.'

elevated, pure

the expressions finely terse and epigrammatic.

*Deus nee

quaeritur nee timetur.'

inter ipsas togas possit.'

moulds a
siccitate
'in

line

Some

strong.

Veneunt

of

judicaturi.'

of a relapse into the early floridity

and seventh

chapters.

of Virgil into his prose

morientibus aestuans campus'

agro inter cultas

'

'Quasi, etsi hostis desit, esse pax

Somewhat

perceptible in the third

is

and

{Georg.

(20),

Twice Cyprian
'herbis

107)

i.

and (Georg.

i.

154)

lolium et avena dominetur'

et fertiles segetes

(23)-

III.

The

Interpretatio7i

of Sorrows.

De

Exercitia sunt nobis ista non funera.

Diflficulties

Mortalitate

which arose from within the community were

scarcely less perplexing.

It

work a new lapse of its own.

seemed

as

if

the Pestilence might

Numbers were dismayed

scourge of Christ's persecutors should light no

Others shewed the

His friends \
spirit,

first

so fatal afterward to Africa,

summoned

that the

heavily on

less

symptoms of the fanatic

and chafed when death

threatened to forestall their martyr-crown

to be

16.

to the tribunal shrank

''.

Others

from the

still

liable

cross.

To

preserve their faith by deluding the tyrant was not an extinct

temptation.

What was

the church of Carthage.?

It

was an

unpopular yet important section of a great city population,

overmastered by powerful ideas, unfamiliar as yet with their
manifold applications; dragged daily into contact with bitter
social hardships, then

suddenly made sharers

in

the world-

wide terror of the Plague, then accounted responsible

mysterious origin
1

De

for its

flung back thus on the old enigmas of

Mortalitate 8.

jy^ Mart. 17.

VI.

THE INTERPRETATION OF SORROWS.

III.

new enigmas

existence and not exempted from

257

in their faith,

such a body needed indeed that some broad and

view of

calamity should be opened before them.

this physical

The work

mercy had been organized, but

of

these cross currents of feeling required yet greater

To

delicacy.

Christian

to control
skill

and

beard a slanderous tormentor was perhaps a

duty, but a harder one was to maintain in a people so tried

the gentleness and tranquillity of

spirit,

the intelligence of

God which marked

devotion, the sense of unity with

the line

between the Church and polytheism. In quick succession came

The

out three more of Cyprian's finest Essays.

topics of the

pungent pamphlet *on Demetrian' are reviewed from the positive side in the

Then

encouraging address 'on the Mortality.'

we have the noble joyous treatise 'on

The later 'Exhortation to Confession,' a

the

Lord's Prayer.'

Scripture manual for

Martyrs, must be treated with these as his

last

teaching in

this region.
It was in answer to actual calls that the pen of Cyprian
was thus busy amid such distractions. Few of the bishops

could

The

make adequate answers

to the questionings of the times.

town of Thibaris entreated his preEdicts

of Gallus for sacrifice had reached
sence among them.
There and elsewhere
them. Torture had recommenced.
^

laity of the distant

Longe, Ep. 58.

geographers,

1885

when an

Unnamed by

i.

and not

identified

inscription

until

Genio Thi-

places

Byzacene because

in the

it

bishop votes

among

its

these provincials in

the Council of Carthage {Sentt. Epp.

BARIS AuGUSTO Sacrum R P Thib

D^ {RespJiblica Thibaritanorum Decrelo
[decurionum]) was found near where a

geographical order of voting there.

small tributary of the Medjerda leaves

twice in the Collation of Carthage A. D.

the hills on the south ofthe plain of Bulla

411;

and of the road

Ham&met. The

to Cirta,

at

Hemhir

of

its

basilica

standout. (Tissot,

pi. 18; vol. II. p.

It is just in

ruins

Zeugitana where Fell, p. 120,

by some accident places

it with Tabora

identifies

Csesariensis.

B.

367.)

it

in

p. 237,

he

Mauretania

Morcelli says Hardouin

37).

may mention

adds that

their bishop Victorian

C(7fzV.

i.

vol. ill., pp. 202

133 and 187.

and

Cyprianic codices

is

tanos zxiA Dhibari.

'

222.)

no

He

appears
(Labbe,

The name in

also read Thebari-

At Mohammedia,

9 miles from Tunis,

in Zeugitana, the name Thibbure

once Tabaria'

i.e.

that there is

(?),

has been read on a slab {Rev. Afric. v.

I.

p. 378).

17

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

258

congregations ceased to assemble, and the bishops to preach ^

Their own bishop Vincent four years

fanatical of all the speakers

holding heretics to be so

in

the

was the most

later

Council of that date,

much worse than

heathens as to need

not only Baptism, but a previous Exorcism,

if

they joined the

Church. At present the bishop is only alluded to as silenced.

The Lapsed were still unrestored, and no restoration but that

Harassed and unsup-

of martyrdom was yet recognised I

ported

many

Christians buried themselves in the solitudes

of the adjacent Tell,

many

escaped by

And

sea.

then

many

were haunted by the apprehension that a lonely death

exile

was no

The
A.D. 252,

March ?

in

true confessorship of Christ.

'urgency of

affairs' in

Carthage rendered a

from

visit

But he wrote to Thibaris an affectionate

LETTER*,
which contains in germ the scheme of
and reassuring
the essays which he next undertook, and some few thoughts
Cyprian hopeless.

which he does not repeat. Had his 'Mortality' and his

'Lord's Prayer' been already composed he would have sent

them these

Roman

as he sent the 'Unity'

Confessors.

his counsel

The

and the 'Lapsed' to the

multiplication of practical needs for

was ever the motive of Cyprian's

literary

work.

In words almost identical with those of his Second Synodical

Letter, which followed immediately, having told the Thibari-

tans of the warnings which

made him

feel that

at the beginning of sorrows, he reminded

they were but

them that stages

of history which have been predicted in Scripture ought

when

He sketched

reached to create no difficulty to Christians.

the preparation for a final judgment which

then while, as to Demetrian, he

an attempt
^

at retaliation

is

is

Pearson's date

for the epistle {Annal. Cypr. A.D. 252,

ix.).

The

tortures

and

flight

it

afforded.

And

endurance without

characteristic of the Christian

* Ep. 58. 8.
Ep. 58. 4.
Appropinqu ante jam, imoimminen-

te Galli persecutione,

insists that

had how-

out

and

for perhaps the first time the full doctrine of probation,

ever recommenced

(-/>.

58. 4),

life

and as yet

the lapsed had not been relieved by the

second council (/. 58.8).

the letter

March A.D.

252.

should date

By April

council would have been planned.

the

VI.

on

!!

THE INTERPRETATION OF SORROWS.

III.

earth*, still the

hope of eternal triumph

sistency heightened

is

259

with real incon-

by the meditation of eternal vengeance.

We have no right to slur this trait of the thought of the time,

but

if

we think a

truer lesson

might have been early

the succession of ages which have not learnt

on us what

learnt, yet

should impress

it

the hardest lesson which Christ set to man.

is

The Lapsed are invited to rearm, and regain their

The loneliest Death for Christ is witnessed by Him, and
any public martyrdom.

glorious as

We

loss.
is

as

have spoken before

of the fine image which in this letter he borrows from the

and dying before the Emperor and the

Caesar.
'A combat high and great guerdoned gloriously
That God should be our spectator
with a heavenly crown
'should open His eyes on men whom He has deigned to

gladiators fighting

'

'

make His

We

and enjoy the spectacle of our contending

sons,

give battle

we

fight in

wager of the

Nothing however

is

more eloquent than

closing application of the Christian

Take we

God

this

practical

armoury from S. Paul.

head the Helmet of

as a covering for our

also

'

salvation, to fence our ears against the

'

from the sight of the abhorred Images

'

the Seal of

victorious

deadly Edicts, our eyes

;

to fence our

brow that

God may be safely kept on it, our lips that the

tongue may acknowledge its Lord Christ. Arm we

sternly to repel

'

our right hand too with the spiritual Sword

'

the deathly sacrifices, that, unforgetful of the Eucharist,

'

as

it

From such

needs then grew the address* 'ON

Cyprian says

it is

Quibus occidere non licet, occidi

Ep. 58, 4.
^ Ep. 58. 8.
Did Cyprian know the
Carmina Sibyllina? See C. Alexandre,
^

necesse est.

Oracula Sibyllina (1869, pp. 52

3

Ep. 58.

The

ii.

X. 27).

54).

9.

'Epistle'

[Contra

and

it

may,

has received the Lord's Body, so also clasp Himself ^'

Mortality.'

it

our

His Angels spectators, Christ a spectator tooV

'spectator,

'

faith

as

Augustine

Epp. Pelagg.

He

cites

it

calls

iv. viii. 22

THE

intended to fortify the more

Contra Julian.

11. viii.

25, Op. imp/, c.

lulian. vi. xiv., Ep. 217. 22, and in de

Pmdestinatione Sanct.

xiv.

26 as librum

omnibus qui ecclesiasamant laudabiliter notum.

...multis ac paene
ticas literas

See Pearson (Annal. Cypr. A.D. 252,

on the references to it in Chron.

xvii.)

Euseb. and in Possidius.

in six places,

17

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

26o

timid minority of his flock

But

their misconceptions.
It

and he makes tender excuse

it

for

served a far wider purpose.

taught the teachers.

The new

leading thoughts in the Demetrian were

(i)

the

evidence which Prediction might afford to heathens that the

Christian interpretation

was

true,

and

(2)

the idea of Probation

To his own

by trouble, as characteristic of Christianity.

he presents the converse of these thoughts.

chastisement

fulfilled

people

Predictions of

are a pledge that promises of joy will

be accomplished. The idea of Probation, unrevealed to Plato,

unpreached by Cicero,

brought home now as the philosophy

is

Job, Tobias,

of suffering, the interpretation of sorrow.

ham* are the new masters of the

bereaved.
of

ruined, the oppressed, the

One stroke of Providence effects both

Love and the Censure of

Abra-

the Discipline

In the present calamity, the

Sin.

noisome repulsiveness of the plague deepens the

trial,

and

yet what pure

woman, what innocent boy would not shrink

from

than from the torturer's polluting

this

less

fingers'*.?

(3) Cruelty and hardness have been denounced already as the

main provocations of paganism. And now 'the service of the

the kindness of kinsfolk, pitifillness

to sick slaves,

the

among

the

'

sick,

self-devotedness of physicians,' these, says he, are

first

subjects 'which the dread and deadly-seeming pestilence

comes

to look into.'

The

ecclesiastical belief in a

world, the illustrations which

it

speedy dissolution of the

drew from prevailing famines

or pestilences, and the class of motives to virtue which

it

suggested are sometimes treated as retrogressions in philosophy, hindrances to the political efficiency of citizens, and
interferences with the
fact this belief

was

(as

But in
we have seen) carried into the Church
Hellenic sense of

'

Beauty.'

What the Church really conwas a new way of regarding that belief The interpretation which Cyprian and others proposed for universal

from the thought of the day.

tributed

physical disasters excluded probably

^

De Mort.

10, 11.

all
'

the conceptions with

De Mart.

15.

VI.

THE INTERPRETATION OF SORROWS.

III.

which contemporary
invested these
ofifers

crucial

intellects,

terrific

crises,

261

whether popular or cultivated,

and

to

us that interpretation

of whether the Church was advancing

tests

thought and sentiment, and elevating courage, or was parting

with a glorious view of nature.

Such

frightful

were traced to one or other of about

ills

five

general causes; to a dualism of conflicting deities, good and

malevolent; to a dualism of the beneficent

instinct

and matter
in

and of matter

spirit

with mechanic laws; to a necessity controlling deity

matter

alike; to fortuitous conditions

the personal displeasure of deity which

itself; to

own

and fixed sequences

by traditional rites and under

popular titles, although such names might not be strictly
This last was the more
identified with divine personalities.
willed

its

recognition

refined version of the popular creed

which

felt

the action of

beings vindicating a right to material offerings and to the

extermination of

The

atheists.

despair and apathy which these beliefs engendered in

the presence of universal suffering are commonplaces with the

Greek historian and

who touches

Roman

the subject

is

led

poet.

But the

first

by the Mortality

Christian

into a region

of sublimity and tenderness.

On him
care,

enforces (i) absolute confidence in a Paternal

it

which through

probation ^

visible correction \

through

resignation

to

through acknowledged
yet

uncomprehended

purposes ^ elevates and purifies and calms.

It enjoins

(2)

on him utmost

activity, organization, self-

devotion in the alleviation of suff"ering and of bereavement*.

These

effects

on Christian thought and practice are deduced

from distinctly Christian grounds.

These same grounds create in him (3) the conviction that

moral causes in society* have an effect on the conditions
1

De Mort.
De Mort.
De Mort.

15.
i, 9,

15.

11, 18.

De Mort.

16.

<*

De Mort.

15.

262 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING

AND ENERGY.

accorded to humanity, not only immediately by the recom-

pense earned by the individual's vice or

by

affecting

general

laws,

exterior

virtue,

exercise of the moral judgment of God.

in order a field for

human

external instrument for

disorder

is

it

but mediately

and physical, through

excellence to

Not only is a world

expand on and an

to utilise, but a world in physical

an instrument of correction, converting

selfish

and

abject thoughts to interior and to wider considerations^ vivi-

fying the hypothesis of an existence independent of physical

and exciting

decrepitudes'^,

in those

who

believe the divine

Fatherhood an almost emulous beneficence^ There are germs

Could

of further social advance in Cyprian's teaching.

have been demonstrated to him that pestilence

is

it

(irrespec-

tively of interposition) a direct result of the uncivilised squalor

which dogs the

replied

by an

feet of luxury,

he must have emphatically

application (not perhaps yet visible to him) of

the doctrine which

underlies

all

his teaching.

He

would

have said that luxury and squalor are both expressions of

hideous moral

errors.

'Enterprise, administration,

intercourse, skill in arts^' are to

humane

him the signs of an adWaste of the world's

vancing, progressive, youthful world.

resources, content in

of natural

sordidness, disregard

ties,

indifference to the meanest, the crushing of small industries,

the abolition of small holdings for the sake of grazing farms

and deer
world's

are to

forests',

life.

And

it is

him

so

many

crimes against the

a familiar thought to him that there

is

so exact an appropriateness in the observed consequences of

accumulating

evils,

that believers in Providence do not err in

calling these consequences 'decisions';/Wza^

3
*

De Mort.
De Mort.
De Mort.

2, 11

Ad Dent.

3.

ciorum (paraphrase of

4.

26.

26.
Cf. de Mort. 4, 24.

pauperem non vident

oculi superfiisi nigrore. deOp.etEl. 15.
SufTocationes impotentium commer^

Egentem

et

^judgments^.
Isai. Iviii. i).

de

Dominica Orat. 33. Continuantes saltibus saltus et de confinio pauperibus

exclusis infinita ac sine terminis rura
latius porrigentes.

Cf. de Laps,

r,

ad Donat.
ad Dem. i,

12.
7, 17.

VI.

THE INTERPRETATION OF SORROWS.

III.

Not the

respect only but the adherence of

was ere long compelled by the

and yet

failures of faith there

263

many

a heathen

attitude of the Christians ^

were

the

'in

Home

of Faith,'

and their bishop marked many incredulities against 'our

Master in believing^' Minds fresh from paganism took
unexpected turns. He meets them with brightness. 'You,
who because you are Christians expected immunity from this
*

'

visitation, will you, as Christians,

'

scirocco,

'

'

'

fret to

faith that

To
fill

may

think that plague

know that

to

claim exemption from the

from ophthalmia, from stranding

is

it

God

You who
'

cut you off from martyrdom,

not the martyr's blood but the martyr's

asks*.'

others death was dreadful

These then have yet

still.

their imagination with realities

accepted.

ships'.*

which they have coldly

'Nor are we now without

special helps.

col-

'

league of mine, a fellow bishop, lay at the point of death.

He

'

prayed

side,

'

noble, majestic, of lofty stature

young man stood at his

and bright countenance,

'

eye of flesh could have endured to look on him, save eyes

which were closing to

for a respite.

'his spirit,

and

At once

There was indignation

this world.

his voice shook, as

he said "Ye

What

Ye

'

was the voice of one who heeds not our momentary

'

but our lasting

'

dying

man

heard

Not

interest.

shall I

in

fear to suffer.

are unwilling to depart.

no

do unto you.?"

It

desires

for himself, but for us, the

that.'

To this tale Cyprian adds what we may well believe, how

many times he had himself, 'little and last' though he was,
heard the prompting to preach publicly the glorious verities
of deaths as

it

comes by the

'Let us realize what

'

and the eternal

15.

De Mort. 6.
De Mort. 8.

God.
the presence of Christ,

society, the increasing hosts of our friends, the

Gentiles coguntur ut credant.

Mart.

will of

we mean by

de

Nee enim sanguinem Deus nostrum

sed fidem

De

quaerit.

Mart.

de Mart. 17.

19, 20.

AND ENERGY.

264 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING

who

loved, the revered, the sainted

'

His voice

are there\'

preludes the most majestic of

swells to lyric fervour, and

For him the cheering certainties of exalted life are

odes*.
dashed by no pagan reminiscence, no anticipated mediaevalism.
He cannot mourn the departed though much he

He

misses them like distant voyagers'.

cannot brook even

the assumption of black garments as a memorial of those

who wear immortal

white.

Put the terror of death out of doors

Undyingness beyond itV
*

It

may

feelings

be

difficult to revive

dwell on the

the early freshness with which

and thoughts, now long grown usual, began to mingle

and quay in Carthage. But it

in the older talk along street

not hard to say whether the city and the world gained by

is

the change.

The 'Exhortation to Martyrdom,'

or rather 'to

Manual of Scripture

passages, con-

CONFESSORSHIP','

is

nected by brief remarks, and arranged under thirteen heads

for reflexion.
rian's

It

was compiled

De Mort. 26.
De Mort. 26.

it

apostolorum gloriosus chorus,

'Illic

illic

pro-

phetarum exsultantium numerus, illic

martyrum innumerabilis populus' is
something more than a coincidence with
the Ambrosian 'Te gloriosus apostolorum chorus, te prophetarum laudabilis
numerus, te candidatus martyrum lauThese are among those
clauses of the Te Deum which Dr
Swainson counts as 'closely connected
dat exercitus.'

the

is,

says the author,

Eucharistic

liturgy of Jerusalem

'

hymn

(ZJ/V/.

of

the

of Christian

here

'

No

dis-

'

garment, but

lies in

the triple parallelism of the

Antiqq.,
It is difficult to resist

the impression that the Cyprianic

with

Vale-

later, after

discoursingV Not a

course, but material for

years

Edict for persecution, at the request of a layman,

Fortunatus by name, and

five

But the resemblance

v.).

s.

and the use of such words as

numerus, which are not

clauses,

chorus and

points of the liturgy.

^

Non

gantes

non

amitti sed praemitti.-.ut navi-

solent,

De

'

The

eos debere,

desiderari

de Mort. 20.

plangi.

Mort. 24.
original title

was

Ad

Fortu-

natum simply.
*

tibi

...non

tam tractatum

misisse

meum

quam materiam

bus prsebuisse.

videar

tractanti-

ad Fortunatum,

3.

VI.

THE INTERPRETATION OF SORROWS.

III.

Wool and Purple

the

of

Lamb Himself

265

ready for the

weaving*.

purpose

Its

to assist himself

is

persons for their

Second Baptism

'

more precious

and others in preparing

the Baptism stronger in
honour

'

grace, loftier of effect,

'

wherein angels are the baptizers, at which

are joyful

in

the Baptism

God and His Christ

which
man
sins^' The very
no
Baptism, after

the

existence of a practical

little

book

like

answers the

this

question whether martyrdoms were very few and scattered.

The

cheerfulness of Cyprian's

own

spirit

appears in his infer-

ence that the very number of the sufferers shews that such

endurance cannot be

The
thought

over-difficult or too severe'.

place which the book has in the progress of Cyprian's

may

In his 'Unity of the Church' he

be recognised.

had accumulated every Scriptural

new

illustration,

The Seven Maccabees whose

one.

apt or otherwise,

In this book he developes rather laboriously

of that doctrine.

history he details

(as

Origen does on the same subject)* are not only patterns

to

individuals, but also

(Septenary) of

all

and the One,'

'

present an image of the Totality

the Churches, their

Mother being the

'

the Beginning and the Root,' that

the Catholic Unity, which was founded

Lord, and gave

all

is

First

to say

by the word of the

Churches birth^

Again, experience has now carried

flattery of Confessors

him beyond

which marked former years.

that

Among

other applications to the circumstances of the time are these

when a question arose whether the

youngest Maccabean brother should save his life by an act
of conformity, no suggestion was made that the merits of the
Six Martyrs could plead for him. Again (2) in warning his
he observes

(i)

that

people against a resort to Libelli, he shews that Eleazar

^

of

This metaphor

certain, I think, the conjecture

Ad Fortunat.
Ad Fortunat.

Grig.

'

Ad Fortuitat.

Ad

makes

Fortunat.

Scaliger

'Summus

3.

on Tert. de Monog.

7,

sacerdos patris et agnus de

suo vestiens.'

Codd. magnus.

4.
1 1

fin.

Exh. ad Mart.
11.

23.

AND ENERGY.

266 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING

declined to do what

all

the Libellatics had done

he says

(3)

martyrdom is in the spirit ready for martyrdom,

be consummated or no and the tract closes with
the observation that the crown which under persecution is
the true

whether

it

assigned to Martyr- warfare

is

in

time of Peace bestowed on

'

'

Conscientiousness.

But not even on

this

sensible moderation rests either

gives of what

the merit of this pamphlet or the indication

it

the everyday Cyprian really was like;

less

assumed grounds

the

still

Antichrist, the accomplished skill of the

mulated

(as

man\

conceived theses
of

all

secondary

may

Arch-enemy accu-

More broad and strong

are the well

and marvellous, considering the blankness

aids,

is

the

command

of Scripture.

That some degree of conformity

vulgar

own

its

grotesquely put) in his six-thousand-years

is

it

conflict with

on

nearness of the End, the Advent of

to the worship of the

be allowed to mingle with the higher light

is

notion admitted only in churches in which a genuine struggle

with the essence of polytheism

is

makes the very substance of the

Cyprian

not maintained.

martyr-spirit to be a perfect

sense of the heinousness of Idolatry under every species,

of the aggravated 'difficulty' which

own

its

genuineness
1

The

in all relations

quaint idea

is

caught from Ter-

ente cottidie ad iniquitatis ingenia.'

totaling of dates in

Hebrew

The

Scriptures

gives, according to Clinton,

4138 B.C.
But the LXX.
according to Cunninghame,

as a date for

5478

it,

B.C.

the

way

of

with Deity.

tullian.fl'^ F^/. F?r-^. I, 'diabolo...adjici-

makes

raises in

it

forgiveness as sin, and of the necessity for absolute

Adam.

lulius

Africanus

shortly

century Anianus also computed 5500,

and Panodorus S493.

rus,

who

400, also has

stitutus est

millia.^

Sulpicius Seve-

brings his history

down

to A.D.

'Mundus a Domino con-

abhinc

Chron.

i.

siivnos
2.

jam

The

pcsne sex

significance

of the 'six thousand years' lay in the

Rabbinic

belief,

which, until the time

before Cyprian's time had brought this

had long gone by, coloured and usually

which would make the date

be the
5757th year of the world; ' Sex millia
annorumjam psenecomplentur,' a^/br-

distressed the Christian mind, as to the

to 5500,

of the edict of Valerian to

tunat.

2.

In the beginning of the

fifth

week of millennia and the consummation

See Lactantius Z^zz/. /j^
and the citations in notes there.
And see Clinton F. R. v. 11. p. 220,

of

all things.

vii.

14

VI.

IV.

'

ON THE lord's PRAYER.'

The next most important themes

267

of this text-book are

that probationary aspect of suffering, which his

long realized
faith as the

mind had

the certainty of a supporting Providence, and

measure of the support

it

yields.

IV.
Intelligent Devotion.

*On the Lord's

Prayer.'

was not enough

It

to

arm

the confessor, to nerve the timid, to silence the calumniator.

Common

Cyprian saw no nearer or

needed building up.

life

better road to edification than to

universal Devotion.

The

fill

with intelligence the

recitation of the Prayer of Christ

might become mechanical even when times of trial call it

not unfrequently to the tongue. They who have seen abroad

empty

great naves

may

rosary

for

noble vespers and crowded for the

thence draw the nearest notion of what antient

'Battology' was with

its

lullaby of spiritual contentment\

The Essay ON the Lord's Prayer is written with

and with a visible delight. The freshness of his

precision

thoughts,

the sweetness of his words, the fulness and fitness of his use

of Scripture are a delicate fruit indeed to have been pro-

duced under the flaming heat of controversy, amid the whirl

of organization, in the atmosphere of a plague-stricken city^

There are points where the commentary very closely touches

both the historic facts and the spirit of which the facts were
a product.

We

see too

how

the

and Dr Salmon's articles Africanus

and Panodorus, in Diet. Christ. Biogr.
^

Matt.

Mgr. Freppel

comparing

On

de preference a

both enshrined

I'esprit

' ;

although some

of the Master's most famous and

stir-

ring words are found in that treatise,

vi. 7.

(p.

341) says well in

this with TertuUian's treatise

onction douce
une nature plus ouverte
aux impressions de la piete donnaient
au disciple un avantage sur le maitre,
the

little treatise

Prayer,... 'une

and few passages of spiritual poetry can

exceed his last two sections.
But

it is

curious to note

how he

not

et penetrante,

only omits the word 'noster' but,

dans un sujet ou

on
the plural character of the prayer which
means so much to Cyprian.

la cceur

doit parler

think,

forbears to dwell anywhere

268 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING

and foreshadowed some of the most

AND ENERGY.

beautiful phrases

of

familiar liturgy.

The

development from the words

special

Our Father'

of

the essential character of Unity and of the inexpiableness by

martyrdom of the stain of schism incline me to place this

Essay in date close to that 'On Unity/ which in almost the
same words states conclusions which only four years later
Cyprian expresses

in quite

other language\

In applying the petition for Bread to the Daily Eucharist

the author dwells on the danger of those from

withheld
is

'martyrdom' or confessorship

**;

is

it

is
it

These thoughts

also a temptation to arrogant assumption^

mark the very crisis of the

The recommendation

whom

a familiar thing;

time.

man

to 'every single

himself to surrender worldly wealth

'

prepare

to

comes with a

force from one who was parting with his

special

all*.

time too when the idea seems ever present to his

by which he nerved himself and the rest to meet the
Mortality' the inborn power of Christian sons to resemble
the Divine Father a sonship and a resemblance wrought
through Baptism. 'We ought to know that when we call
It is the

spirit

'

"

'

God

'

ought to be

'

Birth such

'

of

Sons of God' We that

What He made us by Second

our Father'

Father" we ought to

water

like

'

'

He would
and

live as if

have

Spirits'

us, as reborn, to

These belong to

continue

born

the period

of

Respondere Natalibiis.
1

Compare

de

etiamjz occisi in
fuerint,

tur ;

vo.zxmX'X

Unitate

\%\.1l

inexpiabilis

Titc

et

The same

'Tales

14

confessione

nominis

sanguine ablui-

gravis culpa dis-

11

but

...ut

doctrine

is

stated in

quis coram

hominibus Christum

Et tamen nee hoc baptisma

Dominica Oratione 24 nee si pro nomine occisus fuerit crimen dissensionis

prodest,

Quale de-

^
^

quod

potest ablui! quale

crimen

martyrio non potest expiariT

est

'

haeretico

quamvis Christum confessus

extra ecclesiam fuerit occisus, &c.

lictum est quod nee baptismo sanguinis

fraterncBpoierit Q\2idtrQ,Si.c

73.

confiteatur, ut sanguine suo baptizetur

cordia nee passione purgatur,' with de

'

jE/).

in very different phraseology.

De Domin.
De Domin.
De Domin.
De Domin.

Oral. 18.

Oral. 26.
Oral. 20.

Oral. 11, 12, 17, 23.

VI.

'ON THE lord's PRAYER.'

IV.

The Essay

of TertuUian on Prayer has been the model

which Cyprian worked, although

after

269

he

Saint Hilary, while

omits

Prayer in the course of the

comment on

to
fifth

manner.

in the freest

chapter of

the Lord's

S.

Matthew,

preferring to send his readers to Cyprian's Essay, does justice

Tertullian's 'most apt volume,' regretting that the

position of

author

its

should have prejudiced

'

unhappy

the later aberration of the

its

man

'

acceptance\

method and interpretations have been followed by

Its

And

Cyprian into a mysticism unusual to him.

indeed,

where TertuUian had only taught that we should, besides the

Morning and Evening Prayers, pray thrice daily as debtors

to The Three, Cyprian has a mystical expansion upon the
Three

perfect trinity of the

'a
intervals

Hours' with their three-hour

sacrament of the Trinity which was to be

vealed in the last days,' and this

which the Latin word

What

'

Trinity

effect Tertullian's

between

traceable

is

employed.

It is still

tuous loquacity

in

'

is

the earliest passage in

occurs in this sensed

book had taken

the difference of

the interval

in

the correctives

indeed necessary to check the

of persons praying aloud

'

re-

'

tumul-

when we assemble

with the brethren and celebrate the Divine Sacrifices with the
Priest of God,' but

several

superstitions

which Cyprian could not have

prevailed.

failed to

have disappeared,

rebuke had they

still

Such was the practice of washing the hands before

commemoration of Pilate's surrender of the

prayer' in strange

Lord

the putting off of the woollen cloak* at the

Hilar, in Matt. v.

By

Tertull. adv.

applied as a

name

sense approaches
(a.d.
it

in

256)

the

is

i.

Prax.

2, 3, it is

of Deity though the

it.

In the 7th council

Eucratius of Thense uses

distinctest

manner

phrase ^blasphemia Trinitatis^

Epp.

29.

not

where Theophilus of Antioch A.D.

180 {aJ Autolych.

ii.

c. 23) calls

gence of the sun and

first

moon an emblem

of the Trinity,

his

See Tert. ^^ Ora/. 11.

The

The earliest Greek use of T^mi

the

three days of creation before the emer-

Sentt.

in
;

same time;

paenula, 0aiv6Xjjs or ^e\6v7;s.

AND ENERGY.

2/0 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING

the sitting

down

Hermas^

after prayer in imitation of

Peace when

disuse of the Kiss of

The

from the Liturgy on Fast days.

the

and the abstaining

fasting,

by

disuse of veils

maidens had continued, as we have seen. It was also probably still a question whether it was correct to kneel on the
Sabbath, although Cyprian does not notice

we

If

it.

scarcely despair of our

It is characteristic

own working

their

own

consider

we need

these ritualistic questions of the Early Church,

solution.

of the tempers of the two authors that

Tertullian hailed the Confusion of the Nations as a phase

of the

Kingdom

Cyprian omits

to come.

his note on the second word of the Prayer

phrase

beautiful

common

to

all,'

To

'

prayer

us,

his

form of the prayer, here, with

S.

well-known

of the people,

is

who comments on

Tertullian

and, while

this,

is

and

is

Matthew's

S.

Luke, drops the word 'Our'

and does not even allude to it.

Although in reading Cyprian's treatise after his 'Master's'
a softened echo of strong words is audible, and the writing
out of his riddling epigrams
deliberate, there

is

The

sentence or phrase.

markedly the
which

it

in limpid sense

frequent and

is

little transcription, as in earlier days, of

Scriptural illustrations alone

work

originality of Cyprian's

must have been actually

difficult to

in

shew

a point in

avoid repetition.

Tertullian quotes about sixty places, and Cyprian seventy,

and of these

latter

by TertuUian's

only about seven seem to be suggested

use of

them^

Even

these are differently

rendered into the vernacular*.

^

Tertull. dc Oral. \6.

Herm. '\vo-

'

They

are these

Isai.i. i, ap. Tert.

me non

K6.\v\f/lS''^.poffev^a^JiAvovfJiov...KalKa^i

de Oral.

(ravTos.

noverunt; ap. de Dca. Orat. 10,

I.e.

judging by the marginal refer-

ences and doing the best one

may with

Ohler's indices, which for inaccuracy

almost

rival

Dr

Routh's.

Das Neue Testament

Roensch appears
ment.

However

Tertullian s

of

to bear out the state-

2,

filiosgenui et

generavi et exaltavi,
verunt.

Mi.

ne quem in

ipsi

illi

ag-

filios

autem me spre-

23. 9, ap. Tert. de Orat. 2

terris

quem haberaus

patrem -vocemus nisi

in caelis;

ap. de

Dca.

Orat. 9, ne \ocemus nobis patrem in

terra,

quod

est in caelis.

scilicet

Mt.

nobis unus pater qui

26. 41 (Ltu. 22. 46),

1;

VI.

IV.

ON THE lord's PRAYER.'

2/

Both give and comment upon the third petition as Thy

be done in heaven (the heavens) and in earth,' which
form also, Augustine says, was more in use, and to be found
'

will

in

finds in this clause

They

cal order.

as

Accordingly neither annotator

a majority of manuscripts \

symbols

for

any reference to either angelical or physi-

are obliged to understand heaven

and

spirit

within

flesh

and earth

or again

us,

for

heavenly and earthly-minded men.

Cyprian
splendid

phrase,

'

At Christ's
may make our prayer be

thus,
*

somewhat dilutes Tertullian's

We are heaven and earth.' He closes
bidding we pray
and we ask that we
and

expands

'

was done

'

God's

'

faith, that

'

be done also

in earth

that so they

who

to be heavenly

will

in

to the salvation of

heaven

we might belong

that

are

by

in

so God's will

^/. 18. 32, ap. Tert.

dominus debitumremisit; ap.

temptationem.

may

them, on their believing^

may

by being born of water and of the

mini; de Dca. Orat. 26, ne veniatis in

C>ra^. 7,

is

that as

through our

in us

is

their first birth earthy

ap. Tert. de Orat. 8, orate ne tempte-

fl'i?

that

to heaven

all,

begin

Spirit'

de Dca. Oral. 14, non descendi de cselo

ut faciam voluntatem

meam

sed volun-

tatem ejus qui misit me.

To

illustrate panis cottidianus Tert.

dc Dca. Orat. 23, dimissum sibi...omne

de Orat. 6 quotes yo.

debitum.

Dca. Orat. iS

6. 33,

35,

and de

nolite de crastino cogitare; ap. de Dca.

yo.6. 11. Abraham is

Tertullian's example of probation,' de

Orat. 19, nolite in crastinum cogitare.

Orat. 8;

For Zc. 22.42, ap.Tert. ^^6)ra^4,Pater,

16.

Mt.6.^^,a.p.TeTt.. deOrat.6,

transfer {irapeviyKai,

om.

el ^oiXei.)

'

po-

quod mea
voluntas, de Dca. Orat.

Job

is

Cyprian's, de Dca. Orat.

Aug. dedono ^ersev.

culumistud

(^iw. dTT* ^/xou), nisi

tier,

non sed tua

fiat

Reims, 1743 49,

that Cyprian has

I4puts together yl//.

potest, transeat a

26.

39 Pater, si fieri
iste, with Mc.

me calix

om. by Hartel) verum tamen

non quod ego volo sed quod tu vis ('AX\'
oi5 rf, il//. ttXV oi;x ws)Jo. \^l^s.^
14.

36

(ref.

Tert. de Orat. 28, veniet hora

cum

veri

adoratores adorabunt patrem in spiritu

et veritate;

ap. de Dca. Orat. 2

(ref.

om. by Hartel), horam venire quando

veri adoratores adorarent, &c.
6. 38, ap. Tert. de Orat. 4,

Jo.

non suam

sed patris facere se voluntatem; ap.

Bidl.

Sacr.

Hi. 6.

Lat.
v.

Antiq.

in., p. 33, says

'sicut' like all other

authorities except Tertullian.

is

P. Saba-

Vers.

But

a mistake due to the text of

printed Cyprians in his time.

great

MSS. have

caelo et in terra.'

'fiat

this

all

the

All the

voluntas tua in

dt Dca. Orat. 14.

2 See de Dca. Orat. c.

17 'In terra,
hoc est in illis credentibus.' Hartel,
under a misconception explained more
fully below {Note on Characteristics,
^c.), changes the unvarying reading

into 'credere nolentibus.'

2/2 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING

The

AND ENERGY.

clause 'Lead us not into temptation*

explained by

is

Tertullian as 'Suffer us not to be ledV and without a hint

of the genuine form Cyprian uses the Master's gloss as his

own

Apparently he was the

text of the prayer*.

not the last to do so

and

though

first,

illustrates his excessive love of

it

and observes 'and

them probably his revered S.
Ambrose; and he adds that he 'had nowhere found this in a
Greek Gospel,' but that it was in many Latin manuscripts of
Augustine notices

lucidity.

thus do some pray'

his reading,

among

Africa ^

From

words on 'Deliver us from

his

Evil*''

not clear

it is

A
whether he gives Evil a personal sense The Evil One.
Malo we comprise all adversities which the Enemy devises
'

'

'against us

world';

in this

'We

ask God's protection against

'Evil; that gained, we stand quiet and guarded against

all

works of Devil and World.'

But scarcely so if we take into account his previous words on
Here is shewn that the Foe
the clause about Temptation.

It looks rather the other way.

'

'

except

God

him

hath no power against

'

that so

'

toward God, seeing that the Evil Otie {Malo) hath no licence
^

Id

est

our

all

ne nos

Elsewhere only
Fug. in Persec. 2.
^ De Dca. Oral.

N.

us,

ab eo

Tert. de Oral.

Ne

nos inducas.

and H.

de

60.]

See Roensch,
His re-

Test. Tertullian's, p. 600.

(op. cit.) gives

it

thus as his text of the

Versio Antiqua of S. Matt.

the Colbert MS.

(r,

from

vi.

13 from

cent. xii., Paris,

Fonds

White, Nov.
cites

Arnobius,

leave,

may

this

de

206

I.

xi., xili.

form

latter

Deo

Trino,
11.

v.

377 a, 385 c, and S. Augusii. de Serm. Dom. in m. col.

col.
1.

212

a,

turn

Wordsworth
T.

233 d, S. Ambrose, de Sacram.,

vi.

tine,

A\xg. de dona persev.s'v. 12. Sabatier

J.

Sabatier

also
25.

give

Irish), centt. viii., ix., J.

c.

ferences are taken from Sabatier.

3

first

devotion and observance

patiaris induci

utique qui temptat.

8.

fear,

a,

who

treats

it

as an

em-

bodied explanation (videlicet exponentes)

and who himself constantly uses

J. Wordsworth, Old Lat. Bibl.

inferos.

describes^. 2 as

Za/.254)in the form 'ne passus nos fueris

induci,' and from the second S. Ger-

not really an Old Latin MS. but a vul-

Fonds Lat.

gate text interpolated or mixed, and c

main

(cent. ix. or \., g. 2,

13169) and the S. Gatien MS. (cent.

ne patiaris nos induci.'
ix., Paris) as
'

['Ne

patiaris nos induci,'

magh and

Book of Ar-

the Rush worth Gospels (also

Texts,

I.

p. xxx., xxxi.,

more distinctly an Old Latin MS.

[They here represent both Ambrose and
as

the older Africans?]

*

De Dca.

Orat. 27.

Cf. 25.

VI.

'ON THE lord's PRAYER.'

IV.

'in the matter of temptations, except

'from God. ..and power

stirred

power be given him

One (Malo)
25), and again

given to the Evil

is

'against us according to our sins

'"the Lord

2/3

up Satan"

(Is.

(i

xlii.

xi. 23,)

"an adversary,

'"Rezon," against Solomon himself'.'

The

fulness

and the value of

by the

practical account to

this

by

are well illustrated not only

which

century and three-quarters

metum were

to

it

Church thought
it,

but

was soon turned.

later'^

monks of AdruThree of them

the

affected with Pelagian leanings.

Saint Augustine and

visited

Essay

Hilary's estimate of

spent

As

Easter with him.

evidence of what catholic doctrine really was, he read them

this book,

and recommended the study of

which possessed a copy of

it

By

it,

invincible dart were transpierced heretics

come.'

who were yet

for to

the three points which catholic truth held fast against

Pelagius he found two distinctly laid

is

actual sin

committed by the

is

exposition, Augustine

be sought

to

persevere for those

The

down

in

it,

(i)

a free gift of the grace of God, and (2)

all holiness

are

Monastery,

to the

he says, 'as by some

'

Of

it

holiest of men.

shews, sets forth

how

That
That

For Cyprian's
of grace

gifts

them that have none, and power

for

who have

third point (3)

to

received them.

That

all

men

are originally sinful

he shews to have been catholic from Cyprian's Epistle to

Fidus.

The freedom

of that Epistle and of this Treatise from

technical language (even the expression original sin not oc-

curring in them) vouches for their early date.

No

could have extricated himself from terms in which

him clothed
and

their thoughts.

ease, could never

Augustine, with

fabricator

all

around

all his

fluency

have so expressed himself, and as his

conceptions hardened and narrowed in his years of contro^

De
B.

Dca. Orat. 25.

p^-^. 427.

Aug. Ep. ccxv.

18

274 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

versy* his

own language and

came too

rigid to allow their ideas to

that of his contemporaries be-

be expressed as once

they had been.

Yet whilst the phraseology

that controversy

is

familiar since

wholly wanting, nothing can exceed the

strength and depth and definiteness with which (as brought

out by Augustine's analysis) one truth breathes from every

line

that

new forms of
character, by which

truth tacitly so forgotten in ever

That
error

all

things which relate to

heaven, and

'

we

'

that to presume on (the strength of our) free-will

'

from

live rightly, are to

This

grace.'

importance of

is

be asked of our Father

No

thirteen times'* in his treatises against Pelagians

high

spirits,

diction

true

we

he

calls

The

Lastly.

method of

than to Augustine.^
tual conflict

in his

thought as well as of

its

are ourselves

At

least

we

As

to

its

substance

somewhat nearer

recognise

may

to Cyprian

how much

of spiri-

and misery might have been spared if only the

all good is of God the

early recognition had lasted on that

Father of

its

for the preacher as to the

doctrinal teaching.

we

Augus-

is

victoriosissimus Cyprianus.'

simplicity of

seems fraught with hints

not hope that

fall

than

less

work of him whom,

tine able to cite this one small

'

to

is

but a solitary instance however of the

and accurate exposition.

literal

in

lights,'

that 'all

holy

'proceed from Him,' that

all

desires,'

'

even

in their first stir,

works 'pleasant' to

Him

are

the grace of Christ and the infusion of His Spirit,

wrought by
that His presence and action are

essential to every existence

even which we can believe to be

real

and substantive

that

only that subsists which subsists by Him.

^

to

See Dr
Select

W.

Bright's Introduction

Anti-Pelagian

St Augustine.

Treatises

of

'

In the Benedictine Index (Venet.

1735) add these references: 486 d, 815,

826.

TABLE
SHOWING THE VERBAL DEBTS
TO

TERTULLIAN
IN

CYPRIAN'S TREATISE

DE DOMINICA ORATIONE.

182

276

TABLE SHEWING THE VERBAL DEBTS TO TERTULLIAN

TABLE

shewing

the verbal debts to

Tertullian

Tertullianus de Oratione.

XVII.

Deus autem non vocis sed cordis auditor est.

The rest of the chapter of Cyprian
ally,

,,

ne

strongly, but hardly verb-

resembles Tertullian.

quidem manibus sublimius elatis sed temperate ac probe

ne vultu quidem in audaciam erecto.

ipsis

elatis

\sed qu. levatis],

justificatior pharisseo
II.

'Dominus'

procacissimo discessit.

.prsecepit ne quern in terris

patrem vocemus

nisi

quern habemus

in caelis.

hoc

III.

est

quod

exprobratur

Israeli

(Es.

2)

i.

et oblitos patris

denotamus.

Ceterum
non quod deceat .. quasi si sit et alius de quo., nisi optemus
quando non sanctum et sanctificatum est per semet ipsum nomen dei cum
.

ceteros sanctificet ex semet ipso?... Id petimus ut sanctificetur in nobis

qui in

V.

regnat ?

IV.

sumus

illo

Veniat quoque Regnum TUUM...in

.

non quod
petimus

regni

aliquis
fieri

nobis

scilicet.

Nam deus

quando non

dominici repr3esentatio...optamus ..non diutius servire.

obsistat

quominus voluntas

voluntatem ejus.

dei

fiat

sed

omnibus
est Dei

in

Quae ut implere possimus, opus

voluntate.

,,

Dominus quoque cum substantia passionis infirmitatem carnis demonstrare

jam in sua came voluisset, Pater, inquit, transfer poculum istud et recor;

quod mea non sed tua fiat voluntas (Lc. xxii. 42).
Dei voluntas quam Dominus administravit praedicando, operando,

datus. Nisi
,,

est et ilia

sustinendo.

ex interpretatione figurata carnis et spiritus nos sumus caelum et terra

sensus petitionis ut in nobis
et in cselis.

VI.

Panem

Quid autem Deus

spiritaliter potius

quia vita Christus

quod

et

petendo

fiat

et

voluntas Dei in terris ut possit scilicet

vult

quam

intellegamus.

corpus ejus in

Christus enim panis noster est,

inquit, panis
est

corpus

panem quotidianum perpetuitatem postulamus

individuitatem a corpore ejus.

incedere nos &c.

Ego sum,
pane censetur
Hoc

vita panis.

fieri

vitse

meum.
in

.Turn

Itaque

Christo et

IN CYPRIAN'S TREATISE DE DOMINICA ORATIONE.

CyptHan's

in

De Dominica

Treatise

2^^

Oratione.

Cyprianus de Dominica Oratione.

4.

quia Deus non vocis sed cordis auditor

6.

non

adlevatis in caelum inpudenter oculis nee

,,

cum

sibi pharisaeus placeret sanctificari hie

9.

Dominus

manibus insolenter

erectis.

magis meruit.

ne vocemus nobis patrem in terra quod

prsecepit

pater qui est in

est.

scilicet

nobis unus

caelis.

10.

quae vox Judaeos etiam perstringit et percutit

l^.

quorum exprobrationem quia eum dereliquerunt.

non quod optemus Deo ut sanctificetur orationibus nostris, sed quod petamus
a Deo ut nomen ejus sanctificetur in nobis. Ceterum a quo Deus sanctifi.

eatur qui ipse sanctificat

sumus

sanctificati
13.

regnum etiam
regnat

14.

' .

nam Deo

quae ut

? ...

repnesentari

dei

44; Esai.

(Jo. viii.

i.

2).. in

Id petimus et rogamus ut qui in baptismo

eo quod esse coepimus perseveremus.

petimus ..'

nobis

ut qui in saeculo ante servivimus

quis obsistit quominus

obsistitur
,,

in

quod

nam Deus quando non

postmodum

regnemus.

sed quia nobis a diabolo

velit faciat?

quominus per omnia &c.

fiat in

nobis *opus est Dei voluntate,' id est ope ejus et protectione,

nemo suis viribus fortis est, sed &c.

Dominus infirmitatem hominis quem portabat ostendens ait, Pater, si
addidit dicens Veruntamen &c.
potest transeat a me calix iste, et
quia

,,

39 with Mc.

xxvi.
15.

fieri

(Mt.

xiv. 36).

voluntas autem Dei est

quam

Christus et

fecit et docuit,

then

follows

an

extremely beautiful passage, Cyprian's own.

16.

cum corpus
sumus'

oramus
fieri

17.

fiat

id est et

hoc precamur

quia haec

est

est ut

corpore

caelo

'terra

et

caelum

Dei voluntas

fiat'

voluntatem circa nos Dei

in caelo, id est in nobis, per

essemus e

ipsi

'ut

et spiritu,

et in cselo et in terra

voluntas Dei ut

petimus ... ut quomodo

Dei facta
18.

e terra et spiritum possideamus

et in utroque,

caelo, ita et in terra,

fidem nostram voluntas

hoc

est in illis eredentibus,

voluntas Dei.

quod potest

et spiritaliter et simplieiter intellegi,

et panis hie

omnium non

est

ejus contingimus panis est.

lamus ne qui
salutis

in

sed noster

nam

est. ..quia

Hunc autem panem

panis vitae Christus

Christus

est,

eorum qui corpus

dari nobis cottidie postu-

Christo sumus et eucharistiam ejus cottidie ad

cibum

accipimus .... abstenti et non communicantes ... a Christ! corpore

separemur.

2/8

VL

TABLE SHEWING THE VERBAL DEBTS TO TERTULLIAN

illius

hominis, qui provenientibus fiructibus ampliationem horreorum et longae

securitatis spatia cogitavit,

VII.

consequens
caremur.

VIII.

donetur exactio
. .

si illis

reputamur revera quasi

sicut

illi

servo dominus debitum remisit

Idem

servus

tortori delegatur.

ad plenitudinem tam expeditas orationis

adjecit

sula

IX.

ipsa nocte moritur.

Quid enim alimenta proderunt,

taurus ad victimam
nisi

is

observata dei liberalitate etiam clementiam ejus pre-

erat, ut

. . .

Ergo respondet

clau-

Quid minim?

Deus

compendiis pauculorum verborum quot attinguntur

solus docere potuit

quomodo

se vellet orari.

Ab

ipso igitur ordinata religio

orationis &c.
I.

XXV.

. .

Dei sermo Jesus Christus dominus noster nobis discipulis Novi Testament! novam orationis formam determinavit. [Cyprian drops the ambiguous phraseology about Christ being Dei Spiritus.]
.

observatio etiam horarum

sexta

quarumdam

nona quas sollemniores

quae diei interspatia signant tertia

in scripturis invenire est.

sanctus congregatis discipulis hora tertia

visionem communitatis omnis in

illo

infusus est.

vasculo expertus

Primus

spiritus

Petrus qua die

est,

sexta hora

orandi gratia ascenderat in superiora. .ut quod Danieli quoque legimus

observatum
exceptis

utique legitimis orationibus quae sine ulla admonitione debentur

ingressu lucis ac noctis.

IN CYPRIAN'S TREATISE
20.

saeculares copias cogitantem et se

..

DE DOMINICA ORATIONE.

exuberantium fructuum

largitate

279

jactantem

vivat

nocte moriturus.
22.

,,

post subsidium cibi petitur et venia delicti ut qui a

si

peccata donentur quae debita

qui servus ... in carcerem religatur [sic

27.

post ista

28.

omnia

Deo

consummatione orationis venit clausula universas petitiones

in

preces nostras collecta brevitate concludens

quid mirum

pascitur in

Dominus appellat.
H. sed qu. relegatur?].

23.

et

Deo

.si oratio talis est

precem nostram

salutari

quam Deus

docuit qui magisterio suo

sermone breviavit ?

Nam cum

omnem

Dei sermo Dominus

noster Jesus Christus omnibus venerit et colligens doctos pariter et indoctos

omni sexu atque aetati prrecepta salutis ediderit, prseceptorum suorum

grande compendium ut in disciplina cselesti discentium &c.
34.

in orationibus vero celebrandis

tertiam sextam

nonam

quae

invenimus observasse cum Daniele

horarum

spatia

jam pridem

horam

spiritaliter deter-

minantes adoratores Dei statutis et legitimis ad precem temporibus

viebant

hora

tertia

descendit Spiritus sanctus

tectum superius ascendens signo pariter

ut
35.

omnes ad gratiam

salutis admitteret

et

fecit

ser-

item Petrus hora sexta in

voce Dei monentis instructus

recedente item sole ac die cessante necessario rursus orandum

est.

est,

;
;

NOTE ON THE CHARACTERISTICS AND

280

On

and Genuineness of

the Characteristics

tlie

De

Dominica Oratione.
It has been contended that the treatise 'Of the Lord's Prayer' is later
than Cyprian, on grounds which I hope to extricate fairly from the discursive handling the question has received. The reply might be scarcely

worth making but

which come out by

for the interesting characteristics

the way.
It

has been alleged

That the treatise betrays an acquaintance with the commentary of

Chromatius of Aquileia who died about 406 A.D.
II.
That its language on 'Daily Bread' is more 'Sacramental' (i) than
that of Chromatius, (ii) than that of Gregory Nyssene or Chrysostom, who
probably represent the prevailing view of the fourth century, (iii) and
than is consistent with Augustine's doubt as to the sacramental force of
I.

the petition^.

That Venantius Fortunatus, Bishop of Poitiers in the sixth

uses TertuUian's treatise on the Lord's Prayer, does not
use that of Cyprian, which his predecessor Hilary had commended 2.
III.

century,

1.

who

On the first head,

will

accept for comparison the passages, printed

after this note, from Tertullian {de Orat.

c.

4),

Chromatius [Tractat.

4 in S. Matt. Ev.), and Cyprian {de Dca. Orat. 14 17), on the

words 'Fiat Voluntas Tua,' &c. The selection (however undesignedly)
xiv.

is

an unfavourable

test-passage.

this petition than elsewhere, since

Resemblances are likely to be fewer on

Chromatius is expounding the common

own
The comparison how-

reading 'As in heaven so in earth' while the Africans explain their

form 'Thy

will

be done in heaven and in earth.'

ever yields abundant evidence that Chromatius had studied Cyprian, not

Cyprian Chromatius. A question is put which, if accurately worked out,

would lead us right.
How could Chromatius, if he were making use of
Cyprian, have escaped introducing ideas that Cyprian had taken from
'

'

E. J. Shepherd's Fourth Letter to

Dr Maitland, 1853.
He further observes

tione

Ep.
that if his 'argu-

De

et

Gratia;

De dono perseverantice

215, which accompanied his

Gratia

et

Libero Arbitrio;

raents are cogent and conclusive,' Cy-

destinatione Sanctorum,

prian becomes 'an important witness

in

against

That

many

Augustinian writings.'

is true.

For example the

fol-

which books

and Ep. 217,

at least 14 passages

our treatise are quoted, woven

commented on

in

way

to the structure.

duos Epistolas Pelagianorum ; Contra

jfulianum Pelagianum ; De Correp-

Venant. Fortunat. Miscell.,

Hilar.

in,

of

and

often essential

lowing works of Augustine would be

forgeries in whole or in part
Contra

book

De Pne-

Comment, in Matth.

Exposit. Orationis Domini.

lib.

c.

v.

X. c.

i,

GENUINENESS OF THE DE DOMINICA ORATIONE.

How

'Tertullian?
'tullianistic?'

account for the elimination of so

The answer

is

that,

much

that

28
is

Ter-

condensed and prosaic as Chromatins

he does not 'escape.' Of the rich profusion of Tertullian's ideas

Chromatius reproduces few. But some few he has and each one of these
has adhering to it something which Cyprian had added. Again not one
'Tertullianistic idea' is reproduced in Chromatius which is not in Cyprian,
or without Cyprian's stamp on it.
It follows that Chromatius has been
acquainted with Tertullian's treatise through Cyprian's
at least, through
some treatise which has handled Tertullian on the same subject in the
same manner exactly as our De Dominica Oratione does.
To confine ourselves for proof to this one short and unfavourable
passage
1.
Tertullian is shewing how it is we can sensibly pray for God's
irresistible will to be done: 'Fiat Voluntas Tua...non quod aliquis obsistat
quominus Voluntas Dei fiat...sed in omnibus petimus fieri Voluntatem
Ejus.'
Cyprian generally tries to make Tertullian more elegant and more
clear.
There was an inartificial imperfectness in merely repeating^
instead of incidentally explaining, the words Voluntas Dei fiat, while
the rough in omnibus left the difficulty where it was.
For the difficulty lies exactly in apprehending how the Divine Will can fail to be
operative in all. Cyprian therefore has 'Nam Deo quis obsistit quominus
quod velit faciat?...sed quia nobis a diabolo obsistitur quominus per omnia
noster animus adque actus Deo obsequatur, oramus et petimus ut fiat in
nobis Voluntas Dei.'
Now Chromatius comes in takes Cyprian's quod velit faciatj and
whereas Cyprian, with in omnibus before him, had written per omnia in
nobis, Chromatius finds the per omnia unnecessary, drops it; retains
(Tertullian's and) Cyprian's obsistere and Cyprian's oramus, but gives
of all Tertullian's context not a syllable which is not in Cyprian. Says
Chromatius Non enitn quisquam est qui obsistere et contradicere Deo
possit, ne quod velit facial... %t^ ut in nobis voluntas Ejus fiat oramus.^
Anyone of the slightest skill in composition sees that Cyprian is the
middle term between Tertullian and Chromatius.
2.
Tertullian says God's Will is 'that we should walk after His
discipline.'
He says nothing about Faith or Believing. Cyprian introis,

'

duces
'

it

among many

credentibus,'

first

of which

other points,

fieri

presently.

in

fide,'

'per fidem,'

Chromatius makes

it the
Voluntas Dei est, ut toto corde ei credentes
praecipit impleamus,' and more. Any master of style would,

last

point in his definition

haec quae

more

'stabilitas

'

pronounce that a writer working /r3; Chromatius must have

made more distinct use of his credere and credulitas than the book we
ascribe to Cyprian has done.
It is absent in Tertullian, oblique in
I

think,

Cyprian, express in Chromatius.

it

must have been

3.

And

it is

so important that once stated

re-stated.

Tertullian has here the truly TertuUianesque expression

'

ex inter-

NOTE ON THE CHARACTERISTICS AND

282

sumus caelum et terra.' There

he leaves it, downflung for readers to think about. What did he mean by
nosf Each individual, compounded of flesh and spirit? or the world of
Cyprian explains the
carnally minded and spiritually minded men ?
petition on the first hypothesis, to mean 'That God's will may be done in
our body and in our spirit.' He then gives the other alternative (potest
pretatione figurata carnis et spiritus nos

et sic intelligi), viz. that 'quomodo in caelo, id est in nobis, per fidem
nostram Voluntas Dei facta est,...ita et in terra, hoc est in illis credentibus, fiat Voluntas Dei,' gliding thus into an explanation of the other
meaning. 'That they whom just before he describes as qui adhuc terra
sunt et necdum ccelestes, &c. may begin esse calestes ex aqua et spiritu nati.'
Now both these mystical interpretations have arisen from the Africans'
form. To pray that God's Will might be done in heaven implied to
them that Heaven was a region where it was not yet done to perfection.
Hence it could not to them (as we saw) mean the Heavenly Hosts, but
rather the highest part of man, his regenerate spirit, or else the converted
This interpretation could not have arisen where the
part of the world.
caelum being then the region where
reading sicut in caelo prevailed
it is done exemplarily in contrast to earth.
How does Chromatius proceed ? He has the true reading and he has
Cyprian's comment. To him Cyprian's first alternative is out of the question.
No man could apply it to the true reading. No man could pray 'that God's
will may be done in his flesh as it is in his spirit.'
He is obliged to omit
this.
But the second alternative of Cyprian will fit well enough. Therefore to his own sensible explanation as to the Angels he adds 'Vel certe...
'ut sicut in caelo, id est in Sanctis et ccelestibus hominibus, Dei Voluntas
'impletur ita quoque in terra^ id est in his qui necdum credideru7it,' Sec.
Here again it is impossible to doubt that Cyprian is the middle term,
and that it is owing to no one but him that Chromatius has dropped the
first and true idea of what Tertullian meant by making ^heaven and
earth a figurative equivalent for 'us,' and taken a less harsh suggestion of
what it could mean.
Tertullian gives his mystic rendering of 'caelum et terra' second of
Cyprian moves it to last. There Chrohis five points on this petition.
matius has it also, and expunges the poetry which Cyprian had left in.
The reader has no doubt noticed a singular variant in the last
4.
Where Cyprian has in illis credentibus (undoubtedly the true
clause.
reading our three manuscripts of this treatise which are of the first order
have no negative), Chromatius has in his qui necdum crediderunt. It is
something singular that just this passage should have been lighted on,
for did a shadow of doubt linger as to which was the original writer, the
evidence that Chromatius has here marked an obscurity in what was
before him and avoided it by a turn of expression, would suffice to dispel
Clearly the two passages are not independent. Whichever is original,
it.
the other is a copy.
'

'

'

'

'

'

'

GENUINENESS OF THE DE DOMINICA ORATIONE.

283

Now, no one could have misapprehended the Chromatian prayer

may be done in his qui necdum crediderunt^ No one

that 'God's will

would have reproduced it in the Cyprianic form '/ illis credentibus.'

But the Cyprianic form might cause hesitation *Ut quomodo in caelo,
id est in nobis per fidem nostram, Voluntas Dei facta est, ut essemus e
caelo, ita et in terra, hoc est in illis credentibus, fiat Voluntas Dei.' It was

'

'

how Cyprian's participle might be misunderstood how it

might not be perceived that by in illis credentibus Cyprian meant in
them (as opposed to in nobis), upon their believing, being converted or
beginning to believe,' and since at present they are not believers, simply
Chromatius accordingly puts it into
to express that one point first.
natural to see

'

'

'

unmistakeable form qui necdum crediderunt.' Augustine similarly has

explained by paraphrase the expression of Cyprian, which would have
been needless if a negative had been there. Of course be/ore believing,
when men become heavenly,' they are non-believers accordingly he has
*

^ita et in eis

Quid ergo

qui non credunt et ob hoc adhuc terra sunt.

'oramus pro nolentibus credere nisi ut Deus in illis operetur et veiled'

H. Grave was actually misled as to the participial use and inserted nondutn,
f. Morel non, as if 'in illis credentibus' did or could mean 'in those
believing,'

and Hartel has given us the startling conjecture in illis

which comes indeed from Augustine, but not from
'

cred^ri? w^'/entibus'

the sentence which paraphrases Cyprian.

Cyprian uses participles familiarly in this appositional condensed

in the same phrase has 'cajlestes ex aqua et spiritu nati.'
There is no indication that Augustine or Chromatius missed the Latin,
like the editors but since no one would have altered the clear Chromatian
way, and

into the difficult Cyprianic,

it is

certain that Chromatius either applied to

the Cyprianic the same remedy which other creditable

men

hit

upon, or

anyone thinks necdum or i/entibus genuine) that he had before him

an older text than we have a trace of, in which case Augustine, his contemporary, had it too. In either case our De Dominica Oratione is older
than Chromatius and was before his eyes as he wrote I
II.
We now come to the second objection to the genuineness of
Cyprian on the Lord's Prayer The strength of the Eucharistic lan-

(if

guage.

This

(i)

De

is

admitted to be quite in consonance with the 'other

Pradest. Sand. viii. 15.

must not drag my readers through

a refutation of
difficulties.

when he

Mr Shepherd's secondary

Can he be

himself serious

asks us to account for Chro-

matius not having reproduced two particular passages of TertuUian ?

However

they are two which Cyprian

has transferred from their context to

new heads

{de Oral. 3

and

5,

which are

to be found in de Dca. Oral. 17

and 19).
There are scores of Tertullian's ideas in
Cyprian for which Chromatius finds
no room. The point is, Chromatius
knows no Tertullian except what has
been restamped by Cyprian.

NOTE ON THE CHARACTERISTICS AND

284

writings' attributed to Cyprian

If

Chromatius were

at that stage of

and with
(which

less strong

'that of the suspicious Firmilian.'

not so evident) this would not

is

thought be conclusive as to mere earliness of date.

our Bread of Life.' 'Our daily Communion is a daily

'
We pray that we may not through the coming in
{intercedente) of any grievous sin be separated from the Body of Christ'
a corpora Chrtsti separemur. Such is the Cyprianic gloss on Tertullian's
forceful word in asking daily bread we claim continuance in Christ and
undividedness from His Body' indivtduitatem a corpore ejus.
Now
Chromatius repeats Cyprian almost word for word, substituting interveniente for intercedente, a word of double meaning, and peccato, as more
general, for graviore delicto. Augustine surely echoes the same gloss
when he has ''Sic vivamus ne ab illo altari separemur.' Here as before
'Christ

is

Reception of Him,'

'

Cyprian's place in the chain

(ii)

To

is

distinct^

pass to the 'conjecture from the commentaries of Gregory of

Nyssa and Chrysostom, that

church the petition was

in the Oriental

considered as originally intended by our Lord to express only what

it

primarily means, and that such was the prevailing interpretation in the
fourth century,' which probably was the case in the West also.'
The truth is that the fathers of the Antioch school had nothing but the
realistic explanation to ofifer, because they accepted Origen's erroneous
'

meaning 'Bread

derivation of fniovaios as

for

our Substance,' but rejected,

as their wont was, his spiritualised mystic view of

Substance
Essence of Our Being. The Bread prayed for necessarily was
only the Nurture of our Material Substance^.

The Western

'

'

as the

to

them

current of interpretation steadily kept to the rightly

never from Tertullian (our earliest

an Eucharistic reference here. Jerome's
rendering 'supersubstantial' was long before it partially displaced 'daily,'
derived rendering
witness)

but

it

onward

'

It also

Daily.'

failed to see

was Eucharistic

Thus then while

still.

the Eastern view

was

realistic in the fourth century'

only under a reaction from a mysticism far exceeding that of the West,
the view in this treatise occupies the very position which Cyprian should
occupy in the universally Eucharistic interpretation of the West.
(iii) Augustine's view would be stated accurately thus.
In his treatise
Of the Sermon on the IVIount he will not limit the petition to either
'

'

earthly subsistence or to the Eucharistic gift

his reasons for not con-

do not receive It 'daily,' and

that Occidentals use the prayer many times a day after reception.
Nevertheless he allows this as one of the three senses which we may
combine; that which he prefers being God's Spiritual Word. Yet in
fining

it

to the latter being that Orientals

Chromatius' words are

ne aliquo

interveniente peccato a corpore

separemur.

Tract, xiv.

5.

Domini

Dr

Lightfoot on

iiriovaios,

App. to

of New Testatnent,
p. 209 &c. (2nd Ed. 1872).
FresA

Revision

GENUINENESS OF THE DE DOMINICA ORATIONE.

285

three different sermons* he gives the prominence to the Eucharistic

'The

sense.

*so
tine,

Faithful

know what

then the Eucharist

more

it is

that they receive in the Eucharist'

our Daily Bread.'

is

and yet more mystical,

analytical

is

The handling
distinctly in

of Auguslater

mood

than the simply moral tone of Cyprian.

On this head it is added* that * It

is natural to suppose that the

Sacramental Interpretation [of Daily Bread], when first introduced,
would follow, not precede, the Primary Meaning
and when it is found to
precede it, that the stream of time had rolled further down
i.e. as the
'Primary Meaning' precedes the 'Sacramental Interpretation' in Chromatius and follows after it in the Cyprianic treatise, therefore the latter is
*

later

work.

This assumption would

TertuUian's authorship of his

gives first the

Spiritual

calls the 'Carnal' sense

De

make Chromatius

Oratiotte

'

early indeed, for

not disputed, and Tertullian

is

and the Sacramental sense and then what he

which

is

Mr

Shepherd's 'Primar>- Meaning.'

Why so late an author as Venantius Fortunatus (whose references

III.

would prove nothing as

to date)

does not,

in his unfinished treatise

Lord's Prayer, refer to Cyprian's expressly,

enquire.

And

He was

not

bound

to use the

same

on the

cannot say, nor need

we

materials as his predecessor.

no argument for its genuineno argument against it. But I

think Venantius is not untinged with Cyprian. On such a subject coincidences are natural, but some resemblances here seem to be more than
coincidences.
It must be remembered that Venantius' object is different.
if

Hilary's reference to the treatise

ness, surely the silence of Venantius

He

writes very compressedly, but

is

is

more

theologically.

For instance, he

says in speaking of the word Father, 'we be not sons in the mode of the
' Person
of our Lord Jesus Christ, because He was born of His Own
Substance,... yet through grace of the Only Begotten we have attained to
'

be made Adoptive.' So again when Cyprian says the Jews are not Sons^,
Venantius says 'the Arian, the Jew, the Photinian, the Manichee, the
Sabellian, and other plagues'; and when speaking of the Will of God,
goes at length into the question of the erroneousness of the Human
Will.'
Compare however what both say as to the petition 'Hallowed be
Thy name being a prayer for Perseverance. Or compare the words of
de Dca. Orat. 13 on 'Thy Kingdom come,' Potest... ipse Chrtstiis esse
regnu7n Dei quern venire cottidie cupimus, cujus advenius SiC. quia in illo
'

'

'

regnaturi su7mis, with Ven. Fortunatus (col. 317 A, Migne, Patr. Lat. v, 88)
Adveniat regnum iiaan, hoc est Christus Domimis nobis adveniat quern
quotidie sanctorum chorus veneranter expectat, in cujus promissione se
confidunt justi regnare.

Deo

Or on 'fiat Voluntas Tua,'^^ Dca. Orat. 14 Nam

quod velit faciatf sed quia nobis a diabolo

quis obsistit quotninus

obsistitur.. O'pus est

Aug. Serm.

Dei voluntate,

id est

"

56, 57, 58.

3

De

ope ejus

et protectione,

Shepherd's Fourth Letter,

Dca. Orat.

13.

quia

p. 37.

NOTE ON DE DOMINICA ORATION E.

286
nemo

suis viribus fortis est sed

Dei indulgentia

et misericordia tutus est,

317 A and col. 318) Non id fit quia aliquis potuit resistere
ejus voluntati ut nonfaceret aliquando quod voluit omnipotens...sed ut in
nobis impleatur ejus voluntas ut operetur, qtioniam, adversaria resistenie,

with Fortun.

(col.

nos voluntatem ejus implere non possumus

Or

again, observe

how

in

nisi patrocinio ejus

commenting on ccelum

et terra

sides the usual interpretation, the further one that the flesh

muniamur.

we

have, be-

may do

the

works of the Spirit, and the expression ' nos videmur facti esse ccelestes
purely Cyprianic and introduced with a softening
per baptismum'

In these passages the order of the thoughts is Cyprian's, the

peculiarities are Cyprian's, and the TertuUianesque handling of the third
phrase.

petition

was

in

is

recast after Cyprian.

There can be

little

doubt that Fortunatus

his aim and his touch

some shape acquainted with Cyprian, though

are different
I

may

observe further that Ambrose^ in his commentary on S. Luke

first four verses of chapter xi., omitting the Lord's

passes in silence the

This would seem to be inexplicable except for the

some standard treatise. Whether there was such a treatise
appears from Hilary's Commentary on Matt. v. i, 'De orationis sacramento necessitate nos commentandi Cyprianus vir sanctae memoriae

Prayer altogether.

existence of

'

liberarit.'

It is easy with a careless sponge to stain a Numidian Marble. It may

take a month's work to extract that stain. And when it is done a fanciful
retina may see the blur still. In the history of scholarship I know nothing

(more honest and nothing) more wanton, than the sharp guesses and
insinuations which, without real devotedness in research, without delicacy
of perception, only with an imitative ring of criticism, have been syringed
over some of the noblest essays of a great author.
^

Ambros. Exposit. Evang.

sec.

Luc,

lib. vii. 87.

::

COMPARISON ELUCIDATING THE DATES.

Comparison elucidating
[

The

asterisks, obeli, &'c. call attention to the

Secundum hanc

I.]

for-

subjungimus: Fiat votua

luntas

in

in

et

cselis

non quod aliquis obsisquominus voluntas Dei

tat,

facere

successura voluntatis

suae oremus, sed

petimus

quod

xiv. 4.

possimus

nam Deo

vult.

non

ut

et

Deus
nos

vult, sed ut

omnibus quominus quod

in

Chromatius, Tractal.,

17.

Ftat voluntas tua in

caelo et in terra,
facial

Addimus quoque

I.]

dicimus

terra,

fiat, et ei

more detached similarities 0/ fihrase.1

Oratione, cc. 14

c. 4.

mam

the dates.

Cyprianus, de Dominica

Tertullianus, de Oratione,

287

Dehinc

I.]

par quoque et hie in-

terra,

ratio

telligentiae

quod Deus enim quisquam

quis obsistit
faciat?

velit

ait: Fiat vo-

luntas tua sicut in caelo et in

tere et contradicere

ne quod

non

est.

est qui obsis-

Deo possit,
cum vo-

velit faciat

voluntatem ejus; sed quia nobis a diabolo ob- luntate ejus et in caelo et in
sistitur quominus per omnia terra cuncta consistant sed, ut

fieri

noster animus adque actus

Deo

obsequatur, oramus et petimus

ut

nobis voluntas

ejus

fiat,

oramus.

nobis voluntas Dei

fiat in

quae ut

in

fiat in

nobis* 'opus est

Dei voluntate,'

id est

ope ejus

et protectione, quia

nemo

viribus fortis est sed

Dei indul-

suis

gentia et misericordia tutus est.

= C.

Ex

5.]

et

Cyp.
2 = T. 5.] Denique et Dominust infirmitatem hominis Chrom.]

et

quem

interpreta-

enim figurata cam is

spiritus nos sumus caelum
tione

portabat ostendens

= Tert.

Not

5.

in

ait

quanquam, etsi simplici- pater, si fieri potest, transeat

ter intellegendum est, idem a me calix iste, et exemplum
tamen est sensus petitionis, ut discipulis suis distribuens, ut
in nobis fiat voluntas Dei in non voluntatem suam sed Dei
terra,

terris, ut possit scilicet fieri et in

faciant, addidit dicens

verum-

quid autem Deus vult

tamen non quod ego volo sed

quam incedere nos secundum quod tu vis. et alio loco dicit J:
suam disciplinam**? petimus non descend! de caelo ut faciam
caelis.

ergo substantiam et facultatem

voluntatis

suae

subministret

voluntatem

tem

meam

sed volunta-

ejus qui misit me...

nobis, uttt salvi simus et in

caelis et in terris,

quia

summa

est voluntatis ejus salus

eorum

quos adoptavit.
3.]

tas

Est

et ilia

Dei volun-

quam Dominus

travit praedicando,

sustinendo.

Si

adminis-

operando,

enim

ipse

pronuntiavitj non suam, sed

3.]

est

Voluntas autem Dei

quam

docuit.
tione,

Christus et fecit et

humilitas in conversastabilitas

factis justitia, in

in

fide,

in

operibus mi-

moribus

3.]

haec

quae

pleamus.

sericordia, in

sine dubio, quae

faciebat, ea

na **, injuriam facere non nosse vestra

et

discipli-

factam posse tolerare...

de

Voluntas Dei

voluntatem,

facere

corde
fieri

ei

credentes

prcecipit

im-

qua voluntate

Dei Apostolus testatur dicens:

se

patris

Voluntas autem Dei

est, ut toto

ut

est sanctificatio

abstineatis

vos

i:

COMPARISON ELUCIDATING THE DATES.

288

Cyprianus, lU Dca. Oral.,

Tertullianus, de Oral.,

cc. 14

c. 4.

Chromatius, Tractat.,
xiv. 4.

17.

erat voluntas patris, ad quae

nunc

nos

exem-

ad

velut

plaria provocamur, ut et prseexhibere ... in

quasstione
dicemus et operemur et sustineamus ad mortem usque, fiduciam qua congredimur, in
quae ut implere possimus* opus morte patientiam qua coronamur: ...hocestpraeceptumDei
est Dei voluntate.
voluntatem
facere, hoc
est

camalibus

concupiscentiis

Th.

de quo

iv. 3).

Domi-

et

nus in Evangelio locutus est

Hac est volitntas patris

dxctns:

mei qui misit me ut omnis qui

videt Filium et credit in eo
habeat vitam ceternam Qo. vi.
40).

patris implere.

Item dicentes,

4.]

fiat

vo-

Fieri

4.]

autem petimus

luntas tua, vel eo nobis bene

voluntatem Dei in

optamus, quod

terra...

in

mali

nihil

Dei voluntate, etiam

pro meritis

si

sit

quid

cuj usque secus in-

jam hoc

nam cum corpus e

'terra

ipsi

caelo

terra

possideamus

spiritum

et

caelo et in

et

caelum

gelis fideliter custoditur in caelis ita

sufferentiam nosmetipsos prae-

corpore et spiritu, ut Dei vo-

ac

monemus.

luntas

oramus.

camem

inter

est

et spiritum con-

= T.

et

raicos diligere et pro his quo-

Potest

-2.]

et

sic

5.]

quoniam mandat tua

monet Dominus etiam

ini-

religiosa
^

semper

quae volun-

rite possit

im-

intermissione' divi-

auxilium pos-

est.

Vel certe Fiat voluntas

sicut in caelo et in terra;

ut sicut in caelo, id est in sancet

tis

caelestibus

hominibus,

que qui nos persecuntur orare. Dei voluntas impletur; ita

recorda- (cf. Tert. 3.) petamus et pro quoque in terra, id est in his

Pater, inquit, trans-

poculum istud, et
quod mea non, sed tua

tus, nisi

voluntas,

ipse erat volun-

tas et potestas patris, et

ad demonstrationem
tiae

pleri, sine

nae dignationis

monstrare jam in sua carne

fiat

nobis

tas ut in

tulandum

sionis infirmitatem carnis de-

fer

in terra,

precamur...

intellegi...ut

devotione

immo continuis orationibus hoc

5 = C. 2.] Dominus t quoque cum sub instantiam pas-

voluisset

quoque a nobis

fideli

enim servetur

luctatio...et idcirco cottidianis

hoc oramus, id est

Dei voluntas ab an-

ut sicuti

sumus,' et in utroque, id est et

fiat

dicimus

ergo

et in terra:

dicto ad

rogatur.

Cum

4.]

Fiat voluntas tua sicut in caelo

illis

tamen ut

sufferen-

debitas voluntati se patris

qui adhuc terra sunt et nee- qui

dum

caelestes

esse

et circa illos voluntas

fiat... ut

salute faciamus ut

quomodo

crediderunt, per

tas

fiat

volun-

oramus.

in

per fidem

nostram voluntas Dei facta

{Reiffersckeid.)

necdum

credulitatem fidei et veritatis

Dei cognitionem, ut Dei

precem pro omnium tt

caelo, id est in nobis,

tradidit.

cceperunt

est

ut essemus e caelo, ita et in

terra,

hoc

est in illis credenti-

bus, fiat voluntas Dei, ut qui

adhuc sunt prima

nativitate

terreni incipiant esse cselestes

ex aqua et spiritu nati.

(Hartel-.)
1-1

Three

lines

omitted

absque

sensu,

apparently by a printer's slip at first in

Grynaeus, Monum. P. Ortkodoxographa, v.
II.

p.

2 14,

1569;

La

Eigne,

Max.

Bibl. Vet.

Pair. V. V. p. 987, Lugd. 1677; and Galland.

B. V.P. vol. VIII. p. 348,Venet. 1772; but

given in

first

Basle Edition 1528, in Braida,

Utini, 1816, q.v.

^

and Migne.

Hartel's text, except in his infelicitous

conjecture credere nolentibus for credentibus,

see p. 271, n. 2.

VI.

RITUAL.

V.

THE

289

The Mixed Cup.

I.

last question

CUP.

Ritual

V.

The

MIXED

which comes within the present cycle

of Cyprian's activity was that of Ritual.

He

has worked out the application of the

principles to the treatment of Suffering

of the passions of Resentment and Sorrow

Communion

with the Father.

clearness

necessities

for

principles

had

and

it

the

rest,

in

Probably

not

wishes to transfer Ep.

145, n.

(p.
6}^

i)

to a date as

since the

late as the last persecution,

round some

which the new

dwarf

to

intelligent

later,

little

for

a time

been introduced some time before

chronologi-

'last'

Christian

one blot on Cyprian's glory.

to leave the

though Rettberg

cally,

also

in

embodied themselves.

tacitly

A material change had

^

Ritual

assumed such proportions as

and

and to

Time brought
the

new

to the purification

(here including of course the Ministry,)

in

contradistinction

to

the

wine,

as

representing the Divinity of the Lord.

The

truth

is

that the letter bears

no

expression 'cum mediocritatem nostram

note of date except that the semper...

semper humili

teneamus implies some time,

et

verecunda moderatione

teneamus' Ep. 63.

postulates time for

the exhibition of such qualities.

Ritschl,

berg,)

and

that ch.

'ad

17

ab

evangelica...servetur

et

and humility more

characteristic of the

Christus et docuit et

fecit

beginnings of an

episcopate.

nothing in

mittedly late

And

this.

letter,

Ep.

There
an

in

ad-

Cyprian

66. 3,

ing state.

The

doctrine of the sacra-

ments and of the priesthood has been

very fully thought out.

Jesus

which also

the confessors in almost the last letter

of

all

declare to be

'omnibus

true;

hominibus...inobsequiohumilior...''/.
77.

of

'

ecclesiam,' as

in ecclesia constitutam,'

have seen that

Cyprian

is

this is

merely

c.

13

'ecclesia'

speaks in obedience to distinct vision

'

no definition.

interpreting

B.

'plebs'

or

sacerdos vice Christi vere fungitur

qui id quod Christus fecit imitatur &c.,

plebem

to

the

water in the mixed chalice to signify

the

ille

but we

him

put Ep. 63 early, because of its supposed

definition

Si Christus

Dominus et Deus noster ipse est

summus sacerdos Dei patris&c....utique

(14) si sacerdotes Dei et Christi sumus

non invenio quem magis sequi quam
Deum et Christum debeamus (18). He

Ritschl's theories drive

I.

quod

tur' implies a well-established position.

que norunt

diligunt';

eo

non receda-

Persecution seems to be in a simmer-

makes the same claim, 'humilitatem

meam et fratres omnes et gentiles quoet

collegas

nostros litteras dirigamus ut ubique lex

pp.241, 242, thinks the claim to modesty

is

(as Rett-

and command.

On

the

whole Pear-

son's opinion of the place of the Epistle

is

not ill-founded.

'populus,'

19

AND ENERGY.

290 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING

by a number of

bishops,

and among them perhaps a bishop

the

of Carthage \ into the Eucharistic offering

There

water instead of wine.

adoption of

no trace ' of

is in this

religious

antipathy to wine, such as had been taught ninety years

Not

before by Tatian.

to say that there

cation of such teaching hitherto

we

many

Christian wives of heathen husbands,

dependents, and

incurred unworthy suspicions from having the scent

others

of wine about them at an early hour^

evasion had suffered them to

When
same

communicate

was found

scarcity of wine

compassionate

in water.

have occasioned the

to

Regensburg, Saint Wolfgang wept so

irregularity at

The

profusely that his recovery was despaired of^

ment

Ep.6^. i'...quidam...nonhocfaciunt.

14 inpr3eteritum...antenos...' 17 'siquis

non hoc obserword (qttidarn)mn%i

de antecessoribus nostris
vavitettenuit.' This

. .

be the ground of Pearson's statement that

the custom originated with some bishop
'

of Carthage,'

But

if

of the

we

Ann. Cypr.

A.D. 253,

consider the very

letter,

and

its

official

address to the senior

not, I think, so certain.

indicates
2

some

Leydecker de Statu
as

quotes,

compare M.

Eccles. v. de cultu.
if it

point, the 'appendix'

c.

illustrated the

52 of Tertul-

lian's Prascriptio Hcereticoruni

appendix
can.
'

The

is

which

a separate work, not Afri-

Hydro-parastatse, Aquarii, or

Water-offerers

'

were

in the 4th century

a branch of Tatianists, or Encratites

see

H. L. Mansel,

pp.

p. 410.

II.

in water,

136,

Tille-

7.

Not one of those

unmistakeable marks occurs in Cyprian's account.

^

Ep. 63.

17, 18 simplicitati, simpli-

citer.
*

Suspicions not unjustified,

were many of those who

says) held

eating,

'

(as

if

there

Novatian

un-Christian to drink after

it

Videas ergo

adhuc jejunos

et

jam

tales

novo genere

ebrios,'

and pos-

the Eucharist, as he

speaks

This curious pasuncertain whether (i) they

of their 'osculum.'

sage leaves

it

drank overmuch wine at fasting communions, or took stimulants before them,

or (2) whether Novatian himself inclined to the use of water in
nion, or (3) whether this

commu-

was simply a

foolish defence of actual vice.

Nova-

tian, de Cibis jfitd. c. vi.

an

Apocrypha-collecting, ascetic, Judaic,

Docetic School

V.

sibly at

F.Miinter, Primord.

Eccles. Africans, p. 127;

MUnter

The mood

particular person.

As supposed by

Gnostic Heresies,

mont,

iii.

form

bishop of the province, the inference

is

state-

that the Norwegians in the fifteenth century received

permission from Innocent the Eighth to celebrate

indi-

social timidity of a simple people ^

mere

clearly learn, the

no other

is

Africa, the present was,

in

c.

Acta S.
24,

ap.

Eccles. Pit.

Wolfgangi Ratisponensis
de Ant.

Edm. Martene,
I. iii.

Art.

vii.

32.

VI.

RITUAL.

V.

on account of the

THE

liability

MIXED CUP.

29I

of their wine to sourness,

not

is

only denied but quite improbable \

Cyprian

impelled to issue an

felt

official letter

to Caecilius

of Biltha, not as an offender, but as senior bishop of the

Proconsular Province.
attendants in

Caecilius

Cyprian's

was one of the most regular

He had formerly been

Councils,

employed in the suppression of grosser irregularities '

and his speech, crossed perhaps with aged virulence, is the
;

first

unhappy

of the

In the letter
ness,

verdicts of the great Council

now

must be admitted, of the

it

the looseness

of the logic,

insinuating beauty of

and

clusions

its

to this effect

is

style ^ the soundness

its

its

con-

own

and

to the

to the faithful representation

apparent that Cyprian

It is further

act.

Supper

contemporaries would have regarded the admixture

his

water as being not indeed equally essential with the

of

presence of Wine, yet in

its

place essential for the fulfilment

of those four necessary conditions.

I

of

in the Chalice is essential to the evangelical

to the symbolic sense of the Last

of the Lord's

and

The substance however

value in evidence*.

fulfilment of antient types

and

Biblical interpretations

equalled only by the quiet

is

That Wine
tradition

on Baptism.

addressed to him by Cyprian the wild-

have mingled

for

Wine which

'Drink ye the

you' he quotes from the Book of Proverbs^

and then proceeds 'Wisdom declares her Wine to be mingled;

Baluze

cept

it

477)

(p.

appears

to

ac-

on authority of Raphael Vola-

terranus,

7, p.

1.

Jewel states

it

159, though even Bp.

hesitatingly

Controv. w. Harding, vol.

on the same.

I.

pp. 137, 222

expressions indicate a
cution,

in office.

DomMaran(

rightly thinks
I

time of perse-

and that Cyprian had been long

F/A

C)//r. xxxiii.)

them not cogent.

cannot agree with him that

it is

But
to

be

Park. Soc. See Baronius, Annul. Eccles.

placed after the controversy on Baptism

A.D. 1490,

had broken out. Cyprian's whole soul

was then so charged with that subject
that he could not have gone so near

c. xxii.

p. 47.

Aug. de Doctrina Christiana, B. IV.

quotes it as a model of the
'submissum dicendi genus.'
3

xxi.

c.

Ep.

assigning

63.
it

Pearson's

reasons

to a.d. 253 are that

for

without allusion to

Maran
"

it

far plainer

extricates.

Prov.

ix. 5.

some

19

than

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

292

foreannounces, that

is,

with prophetic voice the Lord's

Cup

mingled of Water and Wine, that it may appear that in

the Lord's Passion that which had been foretold was done
Again 'the Lord taught us by the pattern of His instructions that the chalice was mingled by conjunction of Wine
'and Water*'; and again 'we find that what He ordered is
not observed by us, unless we too do the same things which
the Lord did, and similarly mingling the cup, depart not

*.'

'

'

from His Divine instructions ^'

'

fairly

Still

such passages cannot

be cited as exhibiting a direct decision of Cyprian's

Water absolutely must be used as well as Wine, because

the immixture of Water was not the exact question before
him and incidental judgments ought not to be alleged in
that

controversy as

if

they were direct.

clause of the last cited section.

This
'

incidents of S. Matt. xxvi. 28, 29)

'

chalice which the

'

which

'

is

He

not offered
It

if

offered,

Hence

it

clear

from another

In respect of which

we

find

and that

'

(the

was a mixed
was the wine

it
it

'

appears that Christ's blood

there be no wine in the chalice.'

alone ccamot be

true that he plainly says 'wine

is

offered,'

Lord

called blood.

is

and again

'

the cup of the Lord

is

not water alone

nor wine alone,' but he gives his reason for this assertion,
so that the assertion will not be valued (except as distinct

evidence of practice) by those to

whom

commend

that the water signifies the

itself.

This reason

is

the reason does not

People (according to the interpretation of the Apocalyptic

Seer that the waters are peoples*) while the wine
blood of Christ Himself with
in inseparable

Ep.

63.

His People^ are blended

union and conjunction.

5.

Ep. 9.
3 Ep. 63. 10.
* Apoc. xvii. 15.
' Ep. 63.
This account is a13.
dopted by the Council of Tribur a.d.
895, can. xix. and that of Florence
2

Whom

signifies the

A.D. 1439, Decret.ad

Mansi,

vol.

Armenos (Labbe,

xviii., Venet.

1773,

<^o^-

H'z, vol. x.xxi. 1798, col. 1056), but

is

it

combined by them with the reason

attributed to Alexander Bp. of

a.d. 109 {Ep.

Labbe, Mansi,

i. 4,

vol.

Rome

spurious of course,
i.

Florent.

1759,

VI.

RITUAL.

V.

The same union

is

THE

MIXED

expressed

CUP.

293

Bread

in the

no consistency could be given but by the use of

many

638,

9),

namely the miraculous

out-

The

from the side of Christ.

flow

Council of Trent adopts the interpre-

meaning the people,

tation of the -water

drops the

but judiciously
Saint Alexander.
'

appeal to

(Session 22, ch. 7.)

In most liturgies, when the water

is

mixed with the wine some reference is

made to the blood and water which
flowed from the Lord's side.'... 'The
same reason is given generally by the
liturgies' Cheetham, who specifies Roman, Mozarabic and Ambrosian as in:

stances.

This statement

may

cause important mistakes that

so easily
it is

well

"

'

He

bolism.

passages

bends that way, apply

own

either, as our

Sarum Benedictio Fontis (Maskell,

Mon. Rit. I. p. 19) which comes from the

the

Gelasian Sacramentary.

Rom.

Vet.

t.

I.

thrice applies

of

survival

two which have

it.

of

to

antient

other

the

The Liturgy

Constantinople pointedly avoids

it

recites

the text

(Jo.

xix.

it,

34,

of

The prayer

at

the mingling in the

from

and

humanity

Vespers

collect

itself,

the congrega-

but does this

beautiful

Muratori

Gelasian Sacramentary.
'

disti et mirabilius reformasti

35)

mus ut ejus ejfficiamur in divina consortes

into 'per hujus aquae et vini

The ^thiopic

ejus divinitatis esse.'

its

Cana, and though 'the

Blood shed on Golgotha' is named the

illustration is

is not. The Gregorian and Gelaand the Nestorian (Adseus and

Maris) do not actually name Water,
though the mixture was made, nor do
five minor ones given in Renaudot's

qui nostrae humanitatis

Christus

tion

of them, I think,

is

126

163

two

177; but in none

there any allusion to

parallel

must surely have pre-

The

mysterium

any time after the presentabegun by placing the elements

on the irpoOeffLS or credence, or at any
is

rate after their removal from

it

for the

oblation.
3
^ Ep. 63
ut quemadmodum grana
1
multa in unum collecta et conmolita et
.

'

. . .

conmixta panem unum

faciunt, sic in

Christo qui est panis cjelestis

the ESusion.

The

tuus.'

Whichever symbolism be accepted

suitable to

pp.

dignatus est

the act itself of w?^//rt^ seems not to be

Water

170,

fieri

Filius

Missal alters the great words italicised

sian

others do, pp.

da qusesu-

for

ture of the chalice follows after this.

second volume,

(pp.

497 Deus qui humanse subdignitatem et mirabiliter condi-

cit.) I. col.

stantive

Mattins

of the Nativity in the

particeps

it;

de

Missal carries the symbolism to

where the Priest, in the little play

which goes on at the Prothesis, stabs
the Host 'with the Lance'; the mixpointedly avoids

9, 16,

Pudic. 22.

by dressing up the

as

baptisms

Water and Blood, de Bapt.

The

Lyons) may be added

Tertullian

to the distinct

it

tion to

(perhaps

Muratori, Lit.

cc. 569, 570.

a higher region

antient one of Lyons, the Carthusian

it

which he
to Baptism

Rite does, followring

the mixture, have no allusion to this text.

Syriac Liturgy of S. James, the

among

does not however,

innumerable

the

among them

direct

itself to Cyprian's
memoriosa
and so can scarcely have approved itself to him as being true sym-

mens

Roman

Roman, which

Heaven

sented

to observe that ten principal liturgies,

the

The
who only

water.

grains represent the multitudinous partakers

receive their unity in the one Loaf, the Bread of

coll.

which

itself to

unum

sciamus esse corpus cui conjunctus

sit

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

294

Nevertheless, though Cyprian has not given even in these

words a declaration on the subject, yet since he lays down* that

'the Lord's sacrifice
'

'

not celebrated with legitimate conse-

is

and

cration except pur oblation

His

and as legitimate consecration' is assumed to consist

what ourLorddid.preserving the tradition, representing

Passion,'

in doing

sacrifice correspond with

'

the Passion, or following

we

points in symbol,

its

are compelled

to conclude that, although he allowed that the blood of Christ

was received through communion

in the wine, yet

he would

not have held that the consecration of wine without water was

would have included that

'legitimate,' but

long-standing

in

any church, under the category of

Tradition followed in place of Divine

Other

of

corollaries

immediately

practice,

Human

Example I

not unimportant character are

from this Letter-Treatise.

inferrible

however

munion of the Congregation

is

The Com-

The absence of

essential.

the

Congregation prevents the Commemorative Mixed Chalice

may

which

be offered

in the

Family

after the

Evening Meal

from being anything of a true Dominicum.

Again, the Morning Hour
Resurrection' (which

is

duly be celebrated

Christ

numerus

noster

adunatus.'

et

image, which was as his lovers

favourite

Dean

the

This

know

so

and constant an image with

is the most antient sym-

Stanley,

holism

we have.

See the beautiful

is

the only hour at which the

power of the Eucharist) can

Himself had offered in the
use of S. Martin's at Tours.

'If

by

mistake the priest has consecrated un-

mixed wine, or water without wine.

the wine

is

held to be sacrament, but

not the water.'

It

seems natural that

Eucharistic prayer in the Teaching of

the Monophysite church of Armenia

the xii. Apostles^

c.

tovto

(Martene) should consecrate wine only,

eirdvu tQv

but their antiently alleged reason was a

ovtw aw-

rCiv ireparuv

passage of Chrysostom Horn. 82 {83) in

Mt. 26, c. 2. For this usage they were

Cf.

reproved {with a proper explanation of

9, 'ilffnep rjv

[? t6] K\d(T/jLa diecTKopiria-fiii'oi'

6pi<t>v

Kal avvax^iv iy^vero

ax9rir(j} ffov
TTJs

yiji

elt

i}

eKKXijaia
T7]v

Constt. Apost.

7ra'w Twi* dp^wi/

^

Ep.

Ep. 63.

C7]v

vii.

c.

^v,

dvb

^acriXelav.

26 which omits

and has

efy

aproj for

^J*.

Chrysostom) in the 32nd canon of

the Quini - Sextine Council A.D. 692,

but keep

63. 10.
14.

their

Baluze, p. 477, cites

an instructive rubric from an antient

Ep.

it still.

63. 16.

VI.

RITUAL.

V.

Evening solely

in

THE

order to

AGE OF BAPTISM.

mark

295

the close of the old order

and to merge the Passover Ritual into

ours.

Thus in the Celebration of the Eucharist no less than

in the Theory of Orders points arise in which no modern
community can be strictly said to be at one with the
Cyprianic Church.

The Age of Baptism.

2.

The Ritual
into the field,

A.D. 253 or late in the

safe to hold

now coming

of another Sacrament was also

though not yet

in all its import.

summer of

that year^

September

In

was considered

it

The

the Bishops' meeting omitted at Easter.

a.d. 253.
joog.*

^^^- ^^P*
Vibius

tumult of military faction and perhaps the succession ofoallus

Valerian,

whose household
was

so leavened

it

with

Sixty-six bishops

space.

record

is

described as a

'

Church of God V

anusT^'^^"

breathing-

pjl?^^^^

Christianity, gave

met

in Carthage.

11.

of two of their deliberations

their letter to Fidus a Bishop.

to petition that an

this

He

rValeriis

had found

preserved
it

in his heart

excommunication prematurely removed

He

from a repentant presbyter might be renewed ^

found

it

mind

of the Bishops, Cyprian replies,

not a

man

also

canon might be passed

in his heart to request that a

prohibiting the baptism of infants under eight days old.

'

was

'

far other

'

The

than his

to

no child of man.'

Fidus shrank

from bestowing the Kiss of Peace on so young a babe, as

were yet unclean.

God

kiss

if it

Cyprian replies that the fresh handiwork

claims only deeper reverence

His own creative hands.

birth

agreed with him'; they 'judged that God's pity

and grace could be denied

of

in ug?] Maxi-

begins existence.

It is

To God

in

it

we

discern,

we

only to our sight that

the soul has lived before.

Judaic forms of uncleanness were but types, and are for ever
1

The

p. 224.

date of Ep. 64

is

discussed

Dion. Al. ap. Eus.

'

Sup.

p. 231.

vii.

10.

"""^'

296 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

Perhaps

at an end.

Day

Eighth

this

had been assigned

itself

to circumcision in order to give to a carnal rite

New Week. The

the

weeping of the

first

babe sounded to the heathen

'

These

beautiful

it

misery

was a prayer and an appeal.

helped

thoughts

Christian

in

new-born

helpless

like a foreboding of the

of living, to the Christian ear

reasoning to shatter

'

some touch of

Day, the First of

spiritual association with the Resurrection

straightforward

the

the petty pleas of

spirits

Fidus, with whatever of Judaizing lay behind them.

With

his

in

letter

this

Gaudentius' day, a hundred

hand\

at

Carthage upon S.

and sixty years

later,

in

the

Basilica where lay Perpetua and Felicitas^ Augustine defended against Pelagius the principles of Infant Baptism.

And we may remember

how

in a yet earlier essay

there

can be nothing broader and freer than Cyprian's recognition

that Christian Baptism

truly a re-assertion of our

is

"

Childhood and Sonship to God.

" force

of baptism

come

A /I who

and patritnony of God,

to the gift

" there,

" are
"

human

by the hallowing

by the healthful laver's grace, put off the old man,'

remade by the Holy Spirit, and in a second nativity are
'

cleansed from the old infectious plague spots'."

^

Aug. de

Gestis Pelagii

See also contra

it.

xi.

Epistolas Pelagg.

2.5.

lib.

IV. c. viii. 23.

2

Majoram ? Majorini ? MaThe MSs. of Victor Vitensis A^w/".

Basilica

jor.

Persecut.

i.

(Vindobon.
xii.),

have Majorum, except

sec. xi.)

and

(Berolin. sec.

but Petschenig has thought

fit

to

prefer in this place the reading of these

Majorevt.
The titles of Aug.
Sermm. 34 Ad Majores ax\d 165 and 294
support Majorum, but 2 58 has Majorem.
It is impossible not to remember the
two,

recently explored great Basilica of Car-

thage close outside the walls, with

nine

aisles, its large bapti tery

its

and vast

semicircular narthex and tidobate 'martyrium.'

' De Habitu Virgg. 23 'Omnes quidem qui ad divinum munus et patrimonium baptismi sanctificatione per-

hominem

veniunt

illic

veterem

gratia

exponunt et innovati

lavacri

salutaris

Spiritu

Sancto a sordibus contagionis

antiques iterata

ComY>3.rt z\%o

nativitate

De Habitu

purgantur.'

Virgg. 2 scien'^

quod templa Dei sint membra nostra

ab omni fsece contagionis antiqucz lates

vacri vitalis sanctificatione purgata.'

I

must with most editions and seven of

Baluze's codices, in spite of S,

W,

and Hartel, maintain patrimonium,

which Goldhorn restores and Baluze
(p. 533) allows.

trium'

is

'Divinum munus

et pa-

not Cyprianic order or sense,

'

RITUAL.

VI. V.

THE

AGE OF BAPTISM.

29/

Objection to Council III on account of its Antipelagianism,

'

It has been ironically observed that the question of Fidus 'gives

Cyprian the opportunity of making a thoroughly antipelagian discourse' a wild statement and misleading to those incapable of

following

it

The

up.

alleged grounds,

first

letter

that

has been treated as spurious on the

resembles the later Canon cx of the
its language shews it to be later than

it

African Code, and secondly that

the Pelagian controversy^.

Now, that cxth canon is against those who object to Infant

Baptism, or hold it to be a sort of dramatic fiction, on the ground
that there

is

no original

sin^.

either for or against the doctrine of

But Fidus has not a word

He approved

Baptism only, for certain small

And the answer
was eight days old.
observes that besides the irrelevance and unkindness of his ideas, the
innocent child was at least as worthy of acceptance as a sin-laden
Original Sin.

reasons, not

man

till

of Infant

the infant

a not very antipelagian doctrine.

Then, as to the language it is impossible that it can have been

penned after the Pelagian controversy. There is not one technical
term in it 3. So far as verbal likeness goes the Cyprianic fathers
might have almost seemed rather against the Augustinian thought.
;

They

This defines original sin to be ^both another's and our own.'

say 'The sins remitted to the infant are the sins of others, not his
own.' Thus nothing can be more different than the purview of the

language itself; and while no forger

have helped using recognised terms, we
have in the language of Cyprian just the clear but un technical style
which marks the catholic doctrine in an age prior to a controversy*,
but which cannot perhaps for ages afterward be recurred to as
adequate and used accordingly.

canon and the

epistle except the

after the controversy could

Shepherd, pp. 31,

32,

and

p.

11,

letter 2.
2

eK

irpoyoviK^

a/iaprla

TTjy apxO'i-oyovlas.

Eccles. Afric.
2

No

6irep

^\Kvaav

Justel. Cod.

Cann.

'Originale Peccatum,' 'Pecca-

'Contagium

Contagium mortis antiques

* Precisely the same treatment of the

same doctrines with the same freedom

from technicality

exists in the

tie

Op. et

Eleem. and de Mortalit. ap. Aug. Contra

10.

turn originis' or

birth,

is

ii.

Epp. Pelagg.

Peccati.

seethe

the true

effect

but wi'^'^jfa/ consequence of our

first

list

1.

I v.

c. viii.

21,

and

of ancient authors to the same

quoted by Routh, R. S.

pp. 148, 9.

vol. III.

'

CHAPTER

VII.

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

End

The

We

of CORNELIUS.

have anticipated by three months

change which had occurred at Rome.

banished to Centumcellae

suddenly^

which has been

so fateful for his line.

But

been to isolate him.

his

at

Carthage a great

Cornelius had been

that
The

Civita

first

Vecchia

intention had

apprehension was the signal for

a crowd of the Lapsed'^ to revoke and expiate their Denial.

They

thus justified Cyprian's policy of penance with hope of

They were hurried away with him as were

who had lately escaped to him from

restitution'.

also

Confessors

the

the

Their numbers were such as to im-

influence of Novatian.

and perhaps the government, with

the idea that, if they had been so minded, they might
It was a conhave made something at least of a stand.
Such an exile
fessorship of the whole church of Rome^'
then was a happy reunion of extreme factions, and breathing
press at least themselves,

'

Repentinapersecutio...saecularis po-

testas subito proruperit,

^. 60. 2

'quasi

Ep. 6i.

3.

Cf.

minus paratoset minus

Quot

teration

to pulsus,

p.

On

123.

illic

Lapsi gloriosa confessione

sunt restituti... nee

jam

stare

ad criminis

is

intended, such as C)^rian describes,

^

Ipso dolore psenitentiae

facti

veniam sed ad passionis coronam, Ep.

Confessorem populum, ibid. i.
60. 2.

proelium fortiores, Ep. 60.

CoTapare the LiderianCata^ogT^e,'... con-

milites...nec repugnare contra

fessores qui se separaverunt a

Comelio

cum Maximo presbytero, qui cum Moyse

fuit,

the

contrary a banishment on a large scale

cautos.
*

donnicionem accepit.' There is

no ground for accepting Lipsius' algloria

ad ecclesiam sunt

hoc Centumcellis

reversi.

expulsi.

Ibi

Post

cum

Adversarius

nantes,

cum

...

ad

2.

intellexit

...

Christi

impug-

occidere innocentibus nee

Ep. 60. 2. Ecclesia

omnis Romana confessa, .^. 60. i.
nocentera

liceat,

THE END OF CORNELIUS.

VII.

I.

this

consolation

Cornelius died

'

299

with glory

June

in

'

A.D.

253'.

The Antipope was

to be in danger.

too inconspicuous to the Magistracy

In Cyprian's eyes his immunity otherwise

unexplained ought to have been to him evidence of his

Divine rejection. Quid ad hcec Novatianusf The outburst
was the open seal of heaven's favour and hell's hostility to the
true priest and people, and was clearly designed for this very
end'.

Cornelius has been ranked as a martyr by the church of

Rome

since the middle of the fourth century,

and

ment is first found in Jerome^

same day though not in the same

his festival

The

kept with Cyprian's on the 14th of September.

state-

that 'they suffered on the

year.'

In the contemporary sense of the word a Martyr he was,

Cyprian

as dying in exile*.

who

(who was not

a martyr either in our sense of the word) as

That the month of his decease must

is shewn above (chap.
II. p. 127 note).
Pearson (who is however misled by the traditional A/^^w^^r
of his legendary martyrdom) argues
justly that the events and changes which
^

have been June

occurred after

May

15, 252,

his death could not have

into

the June of 252

and before

been crowded
viz.

the

ordi-

Abraham, a.d. 253

jection and fresh attempt, with

all

the

This

p. 210).

rate

catalogues which,

seat

years 3

'

Pearson
accuses the

however

vi.

46.)

Deme-

According

to the Chronicle of Eusebius this

the

consulship

Gallienus

I.,

of

Valerian

was
and

or in the year 2272 after

III.

Cypr.

Roman

66.

252,

xiii.)

Breviary of placing

under Decius.
reads

Volusiano

Gallo

At present
Volusiano

though

incorrect

is

He

sular

H. E.

{Anna/.

it

which
Pearson's own.

the death of Fabius of Antioch, and

(Eus.

Viris

consulibus

faulty

trian.

De

et

andria mentions in a letter to Cornelius

the consecration of his successor

giving to his

months and 10 days,

Rexit ecclesiam sub Gallo

duobus annis.'

Rome,

Again Dionysius of Alex-

cit.

bring the year of his death to 253 A.D.

his death

of death.

(Lipsius, op.

Jerome makes the strange statement

letters which passed between Cyprian

and Cornelius, the latter in security at

the former in daily expectation

a strictly independent

is

testimony in support of the most accu-

nation of Fortunatus, his voyage, re-

in

him speaks of
him and Lucius

in writing to

'glorious witness,' afterward speaks of

his

(Lipsius,
list

Ep.

op.

cit.

relied

p.

on the

209)

con-

of the Liberian Catalogue,

60. 3.

Ep.

61. 3 'tota cordis

luce perspicimus, &c.'

^

j)g yifj^

Sup.

///. ^c.

p. 91.

66, 67.

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

300

'planted together in glorious martyrdom,' and again styles

him a Blessed

Martyr*.

However, these terms are familiar enough to us as used of

living prisoners or exiles, and by no early authority is he said
His name is not on the Liberian
to have been put to death.
nor

martyr-roll,

yet

the

in

Deposition of

accords with the more modest antient record

He

amid the ashes

and with

house*,

so

name

his

There with

among

laid near to the older bishops but not

rested

'

His remains were carried to Rome,

glory he took sleep^'

and were

All

Bishops.

must seem

it

of

them'.

his patrician

cut in Latin, and

not like his

predecessors in Greek.

whom

Salonina, the wife of Gallienus,

immediately associated with himself,

^ .)>/.

R.

S.

Sotterranea

Sup. p. 124.

I.

Rossi,

ranea, torn.

I.

All

him and

before

This In Pace

p.

is

274

Roma

ff.,

those

for

coins of hers bear

common

types.

Other
But

observable that though her husband

Gallienus was
'

2.

fifty

elsewhere absolutely

limited to Christian memorials.

it is

Sotter-

tav. iv.,

Consecrations

and of
there
nina.

is

much
'

of

given to coinage
his

predecessors

his family except of Valerian,

no pagan apotheosis of SaloWitte, who first commented

De

down

later

like their liturgy.

to

Eutychian are

Corp. Inscrr. Latt. viil.

Of

"^

363.

October was

Greek
notices

Brownlow,

and
pp. 352

this*

might without over-

years

p. 180.

i.

Northcote

See

Roma
^

68. 5; 61.3; 67. 6; 69. 3.

init.;

Rossi,

this.
*

60

Mommsen, op. cit. p. 636.

The old Salzburg traveller

in

We

both a Cornelia and a Christian ^

his father Valerian

many

the

i.

2482.

Cornelia

of

coins

Salonina some remarkable types have

on the obverse her throned, sceptred
figure, holding in her right hand an olive

avgvsta

branch, and with the legend

IN PACE.

on

and assumed

this type

it

to

than Salonina's death, doubted

finding

it

be later

this after

two large hoards of coins

in

issued apparently not later than a.d.

265,

Did.

Christ.

Antiq.

'Money';

Stevenson, Diet. Rom. Coins,

The doubt

is,

p.

711.

suppose, because of the

incident of the Empress's danger in a.d.

268 at the Siege of Milan. C. W. King
'

'

'

VII.

THE END OF CORNELIUS.

I.

3OI

boldness perhaps conjecture that such a princess was not

unconcerned

the locality or the adornment of his repose.

in

This chamber
prepared for him

Way, hard by

is

said in a later story to have been

own

a crypt on her

in

estate,

by the lady Lucina

the cemetery of Callistus,

called afterwards the Blessed,

who was

also incorrectly said

to have aided Cornelius himself in laying the

in the

Vatican and of

delicately done,

and

Presbyter

S.

Confessor

'

is

Peter

S.

But

it

was

to his side in death the

Maximus whom

brought back to the Catholic Church

of Cornelius

body of

Paul on the Ostian Way.

whoever brought

first

on the Appian

Cornelius

The

in life\

with us to this day,'

had

sepulchre

rich in architectural

still

appointments and shewing trace of some grand sarcophagus

to which his bones

had been transferred from a simpler but

not unnotable grave.

We may
last illness

add that

a staircase for

does not see

in the fourth

Damasus

century

opened the old chapel more to the

why she

pilgrims'"'.

Lombard

Injured by

should be supposed

them

'

light

invaders

trientes Saloninianos

to have been then alive {Early Christ-

perhaps of

ian Numismatics, p. 47) but I think he

cannot have noticed that incident; for

son (Treb. Poll. Claud. 17).

1 Sup. page 161.
Rossi,

Zonaras vi'ould be worse than he

terr. torn.

is if

he

siege.

mean to connect it with that

But on the other hand it seems

me

not impossible that Pipara, his

did not

to

German princess,

BatriXKrcra of this camp-story.

whether

rate,

At any

in life or death, Salonina's

a Christian legend, without pressing

the

MS.

on some of the exergues

to

mean Memoruz Sancta.

monumenta

Hoc

Claudius,

among

t.

i.

p. 314.

vides

tumulumque

opus

segroti

Damasi

prsestantia

melior,

populisque

fecit,

Esset

ut

accessus

paratum
Auxilium Sancti,

Quern non
propitiate

found in the Cornelian

sacratum.

text.

to

Sot-

Lucina,

que fugatis
Cornell

Corde

ables

is

Rossi, R. S.

Other indications of a Christian influence on this

incomprehensible emperor occur in the
Gallienus once sent a mass of valu-

Roma

Aspice descensu exstructo tenebris-

'quamperditedilexit,'

and in honour of whom he and his court

wore their hair yellow (Treb. PoUio, Gallieni duo c. 21), may have been the

is

trecentos

p. 291, tav. xix. 5.

a rare surname,
gens.

it

Empress, perhaps of his

his

i.

in his

and began

et valeas

si

fundere

puro
preces,

Damasus melior consur-

gere posset
lucis

amor

tenuit

mage

cura

laboris.

This recovery, from several fragments

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

302

lq ^

Milt.

1,1

mi?iP%'nr^Jt}'

Mf

VII.

THE END OF CORNELIUS.

I.

303

was restored by Leo III. in the ninth century, and then the
commanding figures of the brotherly Cornelius and

tall

Cyprian were painted on

It is

been of undying
return

its

walls \

impossible not to be led a

to

inferences

the facts of

aside

little

many

interest to so

death and burial.

Cornelius'

Civita Vecchia his death-day

When

had

for a

his friend

at

time no very marked

a festival was sought for

Martyr he was conjoined with

The

Dying quietly

from them are clear enough.

commemoration.

by what has
But to

generations.

him

as a

and brother Cyprian

whose day had been long observed

at Rome.
For so, without
any mention of Cornelius, Cyprian's actual death-day appears
in the Kalendar of A.D. 354.
'

Fourteenth of September, commemoration of Cyprian,

Africa.

It is

kept at

and from Damasus'

Rome

familiar

tags,

in the

of

cemetery of Calistus^'

bratur to be a corruption of Corneli.

the original inscription placed over the

To' such lengths will determined

tomb

even

Damasus' restoration is one of

De Rossi's most ingenious and perfect
triumphs.
R. S. I. p. 289 291.
at

Rossi, R. S.

A.D. 354 'xviii. Kl.

PRIANI Africa

t.

I.

now

suggestion

proceed.
is

The

critics

unfortunate

borrowed apparently from

Muratori, Lit.

Rom.

Vet.

I,

col. 39, n. c.

(See Appendix on S. Cyprian's Day,

tav. vi.

Octob. Cy-

Rom^ celebratur

p. 610.)

The

Felician Catalogue says Cornelius

Rossi

was beheaded at the Temple of Mars,

and gives the story of Lucina, of which

wishes to insert Corneli in Calisti be-

the untruth will appear in the history of

IN Calisti.'

With
fore the

extraordinary

name

violence

of Cyprian, and

Momm-

sen [Abkand. d.k. S.Ges.d. Wissensch.

II.

p. 633,

note

I,

iiber

den Chrono-

graph vom Jah. 354) would take

cele-

Xystus.

This catalogue

is

accordingly

obliged to omit the older words 'Ibi

cum

gloria

dormicionem

accepit.'

sius, op. cii. pp. 125, 275.

Lip-

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

304

II.

The Sitting of LUCIUS.

The whole chronology with

by

liturgical connection

perplexities

unravelled

is

its

with the fourteenth of September, and

certain replacement, in

its

its

disengagement of the decease of Cornelius from

this

June

A.D. 253.

may

few days

perhaps be assumed to have elapsed before the twenty-fifth of

that

same month, on or near

which

to

Lucius

his successor

months and ten days\

He was immediately banished^ though without deprivation of property or rights', and directly afterwards recalled or
allowed to return with him came home apparently the great
mass of exiles. Whether this was some experiment in the

came

to the Chair for a brief eight

working of

and leniency, or whether

terror

was a

it

result of

we cannot
we have
Gallienus, who at

the divided sentiments of the imperial households

Valerian became severely anti-Christian, but

tell.

just seen that Salonina, the wife of his son

succeeded with him to the honours of Consul,

this juncture,

Imperator, Csesar and Augustus, was probably a Christian

and of the same great house as the

in his rescript of toleration

last

Bishop; and Gallienus

published when he began to reign

alone in A.D. 261*, speaks of having already long ago

made

concessions to the Christians.

Cyprian's solitary letter to Lucius

^Nogroundforstatingthathehadbeen

^Ep. 61) indicating only one other, and

also previously banished with Cornelius,

and anticipating marbesides, would mark

But
the pontificate as probably short.
Lipsius has shewn independently that
the 'iii years' which the Liberian
chronologist prefixes to his viii months
and X days' is a mere blunder, and
this lately written

tyrdom

for

him

'

that Eusebius

H. E.

oXots ovTos 6ktu...

V. p. 210.

annos

iii

The

menses

is

vii.

2 a"?<^' ^' "'^5'

right.

Lipsius, op.

Felician Cat. has 'sedit

iii

dies

iii.'

Relegationem...relegatus

i),

{Ep.. 6i.

used unquestionably with precision

by the Old
*

Euseb. A^.^.

286,7.

was

Legist.

Clinton, Fasti Romani, vol.

to

be universal

kept out of

13

vii.

I.

'The

pp.

relief

they are not to be

their places of

Tdiruy tiv dprjcrKevai/Mwv)

worship
they

(dir6

may

ex-

hibitastheirwarrantthisformofrescript:

no one

is

to molest

Kara rd i^bv

them

/oat

rovro Sirep

dCivarai. v<p' vfiCiv avoiirXri-

VII.

'

THE SITTING OF

II.

LUCIUS.

Certainly the persecution was

with Lucius'
tells

not supposed to be over

Cyprian had visions of coming

recall.

him that he may and ought

to expect to be

evil

and

immolated

in Rome.
The Church was
unaware of the reason of the change; and long after-

before the eyes of the brethren

itself

305

wards referred
at the

it

moment,

episcopate

simply to the 'will of

referred

it

just as Cyprian,

God

investing his

Confessorship.

He

pictures his

return as a scene of such joy that

near return

GodV

to the favour of

once with

at

'

was a

it

foretaste of Christ's

and Lucius the likeness of His forerunner.

'^j

More than

this

not to be known of his character.

is

Cyprian seems to write to him as to a manly kind of person,

but it would be pressing his phrases too far to be sure
that they describe the person rather than the protective

An

early ritual tradition ascribes to

that the

bishop of

Rome

him the

'

should be accompanied

office.

precept
in

every

place by two presbyters and three deacons^; a tradition which

perhaps echoes some facts of his

But what

exile.

most important

is

right treatment

is

that, in his

view as to the

of the Lapsed and their restoration

after

penance to peace and communion, he was at one with

predecessor Cornelius,

with Cyprian

and

that

that he

is

his

firmly against Novatian and

had issued documents upon that

subject*.

On
Fabian
podffdai

in the

r)5ri

irpo

C.

avyKex.(^p-nTai.'

cemetery of
iroWov

W.

Callistus.

ifioO

vir'

Early

King,

Chr. Niimis. p. 47, interprets /card t6

k^hv 'according to what was right'

do not see the point of that,

and would suggest that the clause
may mean 'what you may perform

but

accordance with this leave,

in

conceded practically long

^

March he was laid beside

The day is given us in

the 5th of the following

Catal. Liber.

Hie exul

have

postea

Hie

in exilio

Cyprian seems to be rhetorically

betrayed into this unfit image simply

from having used the word adventus

Ep. 61. 4.
Hie precepit ut duo prisbi et in
diaconi in omni loco cum epo non
twice.
'

Catal. Felic.

Litteris suis signaverunt,

Ep.

nutu dei incolumis ad eeelesiam reversus

B.

5,

^"- ^'"P-

postea natudi incolomis.

desererent.

since.'
fuit et

Catal. Felic:

est.

Mar.

A.D. 254.
A.U.C.
fuit 1007.

20

68. 5.

THE ROMAN

3o6
Cses. P.
Licinius

the entombment-list not of martyrs but of bishops'.

sepulchral slab with Greek characters, and

Valerianus original
Pius Felix

Aug,
Imp.

II.

Cses.

P. Licinius
Egnatius
Gallienus
Pius Felix

CHAIR.

martyrdom, adds simply the most

of

His
no mention

interesting of

examples of the vulgar termination, common

in

the

Greek, Jewish,

or Graecizing-Latin Inscriptions during the third century, but

almost extinct before the end of the fourth*.

Aug.

The

incidents of the last few pages,

criticism

for

fretful,

to

elicit

and

difficult,

and almost

combine with so

to

seem trivial to those who perceive

through them, how firm and subtle were 'the new threads
which were now being drawn through all society, securing
the allegiance of imperial antient houses, drawing to the
centre of influence men who had not even a family

much

certainty, will not

1 III NoN. Mar. Luci in Calisto.

Mommsen, op. cit. p. 631. Ill NON.
Mar. cons. ss. Catal. Liber. Lipsius,
The Liberian list is
op. cit. p. 267.

not only wrong in carrying this date

into the 3rd consulship of Valerian

2nd of Gallienus
it

puts

down also

over four years

(a.d. 2 5 5)

under

and

whom

the death of Stephanus

later,

but irreconcilable

own

date of 3 years 8 months

10 days which it counts firom Callus II.

with

its

Volusian
2

We

I.

(a.d. 251).

have

AITOPIC

a.d.

AYPHAIC

From

Rome TA

C,

KACTPIKIC, ACTEPIC, NOYA\ E N Z. Ritschl by such examples

I

it

not to have

modem

corruption,

as Cizcilis, Clodis shews

been

wholly

and thinks
stances
461,

it

archaic.

and

The

latest in-

TAPACIC A.D,
OYPANIC vith or viith.

we have

are

cent.

Rossi, R. S. vol.

From

Felician Catalogue, Lipsius, p.

275, quotes

263,

temp. Anton. P.

the Jewish cemetery at

CORNILIS.

11.

pp. 66,

8,

VIL

STEPHANUS.

III.

307

name, knitting together classes that had been apart since

Roman

how

new moral magistracy grappled

how possible it was to
out of such an association, and then how men would
law began

with the sins which underlay crimes

fall

give

all

things

restored to

health,

wealth, connection, honours

to

be

it.

III.

Stephanus.
The Church

not idetttified with or represented by Rome.

Rome

Cyprian's relations with

a great change.

It

takes effort to view with candid and clear

them

vision, so as to see

soon afterwards underwent

meaning, such facts and

in their first

expressions as controversies have since coloured and shaded.

Yet the

truth

is

that

what was confused and beclouded while

nothing but amity existed was

The

made

Roman See was

dignity of the

distinct

by

variances.

in Cyprian's eyes that of

an inherited precedency and presidency, and not due merely

to the fact that,

Rome was
But

its

if

Carthage was the second city of the world,

mistress

even

that

its

more moderate claims

supremacy are a doctrine unknown

as

we have

divines

seen,

have

by the

introduced

to Cyprian

to
is

spiritual

evidenced,

definite alterations which

into

Roman

language and maintain

his

there^
Exemplifications of his real theory are
corrections of the successor of Lucius.

Long

'

writ large

'

in his

before the bitter-

ness of theological difference arose between them, in dealing

we had to look onward, and we

saw how the church of Africa received appeals against two

with moral cases of Lapse,

Milman and others

much weight

assign rather too

to this.

See pp. 195, 196 above.

Cf.

Ep. 59.

14.

See a very

profligate blazon of that

theory as a historic fact in Freppel, pp.

128
130 and 218 20.

20

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

308
ecclesiastical

them*.

Roman

Bishop and reversed

him admonished of his duty

judgments of the

Presently

we

shall find

toward a Novatianist and desired to transmit an account of

his discharge of

temned

The

to Carthage*.

it

arrogance,

his

while

Modern Rome outdoes

Baptism.

Christian world con-

confirmed his practice in

it

his pretensions

and

freely

uses the Rebaptism he rightly condemned.

might

It

at first sight

seem

as

if

common

only one

link

could hold together alliances so inconsistent with each other,

who

alliances with Lapsed, with Novatianists,

stood equally

aloof from Lapsed and from Heretics, and with the Heretics

themselves,

seem as

if

policy in

its

consistent opposition to Cyprian.

It

might

nothing but uniform contravention of Cyprian's

three branches could evolve such variety.

Ste-

phen might wish to abolish out of Rome the influence to

which his predecessor had yielded Cyprian's Petrine unity,
;

he might say, was but

unity threatened the

theoretical, his

Roman

Cyprian into opposition to

unity.

his

See and

Episcopal

practical

But

if

he could force

Traditions, that

its

Petrine theory of his would serve to put Cyprian

wrong, and leave him on

his

own shewing no

in

the

better than a

Novatianist'.

But mortal opponency surely never ran so wild a length.

At any rate, of this low subtlety there is no appearance on
the part of Stephen. Indeed at Rome, where Cornelius was

much more

so

of a presence than Cyprian, the effect to

the eye of the Church would be that of an onslaught upon

Cornelius and his councils rather than on Cyprian.

it

had

virtually been Cornelius

tanism.

When

who modified

Stephen restored peccant bishops he was

following Callistus

when he condemned Rebaptism he was

appealing to tradition older than Callistus^

*

Pp. 233, 234 above.

Ep.

So

68.

Ritschl.

Besides

Cyprian's puri-

Ep. 67.

Hippolytus,

ix. 12, cf. 7.

In

adv.

all

the letters

omnes

Hcereses,

VII.

STEPHANUS.

III.

309

and about him Cyprian never writes as

to

making

capital out of his

theory*.

He

pal unity

is

He

own

if

Petrine unity

Stephen were
he repeats the

shews no consciousness that his view of episco-

disputed or

is

be disputed by Stephen.

likely to

strongly states' his conviction of the truth and antiquity

of the African discipline, but acknowledges in

bishops the right and the responsibility of differing.

in other

Thus

there

is

no trace of that diplomacy with which Stephen

ingeniously credited by moderns

is

obstinacy of which he

The

Stephen as

is

nor yet of the mere

accused by his contemporary'.

business of history

not to be reviving blots which

is

have faded from the world's mind, but to mark and trace
life

which was ever true and

Our material

is

sufficient to indicate that

Stephen had no leaning towards rules which

and Cyprian had

laid

down

(which so often corresponds

a policy) was that of a

only with those

who wished

even

if it

from the

first

his predecessors

for themselves.

to,

man

all

truth which ever lives.

all

His temper

does not interpret,

averse to strictness, and severe

to see

him

so.

His policy

may

be characterized as roughly anti-Novatianist or anti-puritan,

in

Cyprian himself there was, as we have seen, an under-

tint of

Puritanism not invisible to Stephen, whose ruling that

and

a lapsed or a perjured bishop might, without over severe

resume

conditions,

his see, or

even a Novatianist retain

were strong anti-Novatianist examples of tolerance.

fact he may be rather said to have inaugurated, or
to

have been an early type of the regular

Roman

Episcopate
penitents

tism to

ready

ready

in

in

But

in

at least

policy of

comprehension on easy terms saving as to the one

of submission

his,

article

Spain to restore semi-pagans to the

Gaul

to

uphold the harshest repeller of

ready anywhere to receive Marcionites without Bap-

Communion. And although the

issue of his long severe

Baptismal controversy with Cyprian has been determined by

the Church catholic in Stephen's sense
^

Ep.

73. 7.

Ep.

72.

I.

although the practice

*

Ep.

75. 2, 6, 17.

THE ROMAN

3IO

CHAIR.

he maintained has been accepted as true wisdom and true

theory has been rejected as

although Cyprian's

charity;

well-nigh unchristian, yet few moral triumphs have equalled

the ascendency of the vanquished Carthaginian.

solely

upon the

nobility of tone, the

magnanimous

It

arose

gentleness,

the postponement of self to the Church, in which he con-

The

ducted his unhappy cause.

him

entertained for

never broken veneration

an answer to the calumny that theolo-

is

gians cannot forgive an opponent, or spare the

memory

of

was the victorious Stephen who did not

While Cyprian and
recover the shock of that conflict.
Cornelius are companion saints in Kalendar and Collect
beside the altar of the Catacomb' and in the mosaic heaven

the defeated.

It

of the Basilica', Stephen rested for centuries in the unpraised

Not

silence into which Pontius* dismisses him.

ninth century a catacomb yielded

unnamed martyr

inscription over an

Rome

until in the

a marble chair with an

pope, did the church of

How

assign saintship to Stephanus' disengaged name.

he has

both

lost

and legend again

chair

will

be narrated

hereafter.

Jeremy Taylor

sets

an uncharitable

seal to the

popular

church view of his 'uncharitableness. Stephen was accounted

a zealous and furious person V

that his portrait

is

made up

Still

we need not

forget

of traits etched in scraps by

the pen of an adversary, and that he was not solitary (as

Florentius evinces)

See Rossi as above, pp. 302, 3.

As at Ravenna in S. Martinus in
Caelo Aureo (afterwards S. Apollinare

Rom.

Vet.

torn.

I.

col.

404

mentary,
II.

c.

t.

p.

office for

Gregorian

49;

11.

629,

c.

Sacra-

119; Gothic Missal,

an

entirely

dififerent

Cornelius and Cyprian, but

together.

On

the

variations

of

the day here and in other rituals, see

Appendix,

p. 610.

Gelasian Sacramentary, c. 668; Gelasian

Kalendar,

still

power which

the

Leonian Sacramentary, Muratori,

Liturg.

t.

to

Dionysius the Great makes

Cyprian was now

^

aversion

his

in

wielding*.

Nuovo);
* Without mentioning
Stephen he
markedly proceeds lam de Xysto bono
'

et pacifico sacerdote.'
"

Of Heresy

Pont. Vit.

22, Liberty

sying, vol. v. p. 396 (ed.

*

Ep.

6()

c. 14.

of Prophe-

Eden, 1853).

Florentio Puppiano.

VII.

STEPHANUS.

III.

311

thankful mention of his liberality to the churches of Syria

and Arabia*; and

two centuries a

to Vincent of Lerins* there floated across

modesty as well as

tradition of

zeal,

of faith

as well as dignity'.
It

was about the twelfth of May,

him was not

letter to

of direction,

spirit

much

in

extant

first

a tone of equality as in the

He

not of dictation.

had existed with Cornelius.

as

Cyprian's

anticipates no

but plainly expects to be on the same terms with

differences,

him

so

if

when Stephen May

A.D. 254*,

succeeded to the Chair of Lucius.

His language

peremptory, but with a peremptoriness which

rather

is

feels

may

it

reckon on compliance.
In the next letter Cyprian has already given Stephen up.

He makes

a faint apology for him on the ground of his

unacquaintedness with the facts and truth

'

makes allowance

down

for his

'

inattention

and give directions

principles

V and

'

of the case,

proceeds to lay

in absolute reversal of

Stephen's.

we have

Elsewhere

Lapse of two Bishops

We

them.
that

reserved

given the outline of the heathenish

Spain and of the action taken about

in

till

now

reveal themselves

We

dioceses.

must enter a

T/ze

I.

of churches or

little

more

into detail.

Spanish Appeal.

be recollected that Stephen on the personal ap-

It will

plication

a consideration of the principles

that intercourse

in

men

of Basilides gave judgment that such

H. E.

Eus.

Vine. Lirin. Commonit.

'

Tillemont, vol. iv., p. 32, quotes

bishop, a true

vii. 5.

Augustine de unico Bapt.

I.

6.

member

Lipsius, op.

'

Ritschl's

than 67

cit.

as he

of a true

line.

p. 214.

view that Ep. 68

There

is

earlier

Stephen's 'administration' to have been

no mistaking
the change of tone towards Stephen
from an affectionate confidence to a

'sans reproche'; 'gessisse episcopatum

self-restrained coldness.

c.

Petil. 14 as

averring that the Donatists confessed

illibatum.'

This

they admitted

may

him

only

to

mean

that

be a genuine

is

just.

was exasperated,
'

P. 233 above.

is

Afterwards

it

^^'^'

12,

THE ROMAN

312

CHAIR.

and Martial should on recantation be restored to their sees'.

The church of Leon with Astorga thereupon appointed its
presbyter Felix, and the church of Merida

its

deacon* ^lius,

to compose an instant appeal to the great church of Carthage.

Merida sent by the same bearer an epistle from Felix of

Saragossa. Whether this Felix was the bishop of that place,

some representative layman, does not appear, but the hisArragon have debated the question with interest'.
Sabinus, who had been unanimously elected to succeed Basilides and confirmed by the neighbouring bishops, and Felix,

or

torians of

who had replaced Martial,

The reply of Carthage
of Cyprian.

It closes

name

written in the

carried the three Letters.

to the churches

with his

is

own nominal

the composition

salutation.

of seven and thirty prelates

It is

who

as-

Carthage in the autumn of A.D. 254*. It puncexempts Stephen from further blame than that of
negligence in accepting Basilides' mere assurance of repentance, and ratifying his episcopal tenure, when even to absolve

sembled

in

tiliously

him would have been a strong measure. It assumes that if he

had investigated he would have decided as they Cyprian's
Fourth Council decided, namely that the two men had for

It is

not expressed that Martial ap-

proached Stephen,
5)

is

\>\xtfallacia

{Ep.^l.

and these

attributed to him,

re-

gouvernement

spirituel

d'une chretiente

eloignee de la Mere-glise.'
true reading

is 1.6.-^Krov

But the

didKovov k.t.X.

of names

spectable Spaniards are treated as both

the letter

on one platform.
- The Spanish deacons bore an im-

and even in this age the phrase

sense would have been rbv dTr6

portant part

in the administration of

is

here giving a

See Baluze's

Si quis diacenus plebem sine episcopo vel

The

presbytero,
I.

^c.

Neander,

op. cit., vol.

Diaconal pre-

324, et sup. p. 114.

sumptions are restrained A.D. 314 at

Aries,

Cann.

t.

Pastes pisc.

p. 40, cites

I.

the Letter of Vienne and

177, Eus.

H. E.

not. in loc.

Council of 254 A.D. must have

been held towards autumn. Easter day

was on

the 23rd April, Stephanus

ordained about

May

12.

was

Before the

Council was held Basilides had already

15, 18.

The Abbe Duchesne,

de tAnc. Gaule,

in that
Bi^vvrjs

StaKovov.

See Concil. Elib. Can. 77

churches.

list

V.

from

Lyons a.d.

'le (sic) diacre

de Vienne, Thv SiaKovov airb 'Bih'vtji' as

an early sample *d'un diacre charge du

Rome, seen Stephen, and been

him of the propriety of his
resuming his see; the Churches of Leon

been

at

assured by

and Astorga had received the decision

and appealed to Cyprian against it.

VII.III.

THE SPANISH APPEAL.

I.

313

ever surceased from the episcopate.

To Stephen

Council submits no representation of

its

himself the

They make

opinion.

not the most distant allusion to any inherent prerogative of

his office as

Bishop of Rome*.

would reconsider

There

no request that he

is

judgment, or recognise

his

They

theirs.

simply reverse his verdict and regard their reversal as

Their long

epistle, estimating the

the decision of the Bishop of

many

Rome

mistaken, and therefore to be set

no

final.

points at issue, treats

as simply

and gravely

There are then

aside.

than four accounts upon which this Synodical Epistle

less

of A.D. 254 on the affair of Basilides and Martial

is

im-

portant as a witness to the relations subsisting within the

congregations and between the congregations of the Church.

It

And

creates none.

does not imply, but distinctly states

it

these relations.
Its

I.

main purport

is

the distinct accepting and absolute

deciding of an appeal from the church of one nation to

another

in reversal

The

of Rome'"*.

that of Scripture.

is
'

'

'

of an ecclesiastical decision by the Bishop

sole rule to be recognised in the

'

judgment

There can be no acceptance of person,

no dispensation can be granted by any human indulgence,

in matters where divine prescription interposes a veto and
appoints a law^'
II.

It assigns to the

Laity the right, and

duty, of withdrawing from the

or 'sinful' bishop.

313,

Italian

the

of the

factions

a. D.

of the

Church, appeal to be heard by

Bishops

of

Gaul.

insists

on their

of a 'sacrilegious'

'The Laity mainly have the power

The Donatist Congregations

in fear

communion

They were

only allowed three, fifteen others

C,

/V(?jfrj)>//i?
all

Rand

in

the corrector of L:

these are of cent, ix

(Q cent, viii
had prascriptio until
choice seems perverse,

ix?); all editions

Hartel,

and

his

used elsewhere by Cypand /(srjfre)>/w beyond its common

use for a fair copy or for a cheque re-

lates rather to the /^rOTJ of

finally

being Italians.

Optat.

i,

23.

Ep. 67. I and 6.

Ep. 67. 2 intercedit...prcescriptio.
Mark the hand of the Civilian in all the
We have to choose between
terms.
Perscriptio Q and the original L, and

Prcescriptio

is

rian,

than to

its

a document

authority, which

required by tribuit legem.

is

what

is

'

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

314

worthy Bishops or

'either choosing
ones.'

of being untouched

unworthy

in rejecting

The Laity must not flatter themselves with the idea

by the contagion of his offence if they
They must
communicate with a Bishop that is a sinner.'

'

'sever themselves from a sinful prelate*.'

It

III.

marks (beside other things) the presence and

testimony of Laity as required,

or,

as

it

is

here expressed, as

a thing of divine tradition and apostolic observance,' in the

'

appointment of a Bishop,
*

that he may be chosen

in the pre-

'

Commons under the

sence of the

eyes of

all,

and be approved

worthy and meet by public judgment and testimony.'

In the presence of the Commons which fully knows the life
of each, and has discerned everyone's line of action through

'as
*

'

himV

intercourse with

IV.

It

marks the sense that there resided no power

a Christian congregation which could assign episcopal

in

authority over

itself,

or

commit

the

celebration of sacra-

mental acts to any nominee lacking the note of regular

apostolic

The custom

Orders.

is

kept for

'

the

nearest

Bishops of the province to meet and the Bishop to be chosen

not by, but

'

in the

presence of the Commons.'

'

Upon

the

'judgment of the Bishops the Episcopate was conferred on

'him, and the hand laid upon him'.'

The Gaulish Appeal.

2.

The

majestic

Romanesque

portal of the Cathedral of Aries

ranks the noble image of her Founder and Patron

Trophimus

the Ephesian with the protomartyr and the apostles.

at

least

the ninth century onwards

Ep. 67.

3.

From

was unquestioned

it

Erasmus,

nation in order to the virtue of the

ministration, and herein we see the

treats the passage as referring to sins

growth of Cyprian's one characteristic

which were

confusion,

pp.

151,

tions.

2,

Routh, R. S.

correctly, after

Ecclesiastical disqualifica-

down

freedom

defect is essential at ordi-

'

It also lays

from moral

vol. III.

thsX

Ep. 67.
Ep. 67.

4, 5.
5.

VII.

THE GAULISH APPEAL.

2.

III.

315

history that he had been installed there by S. Paul on his

way

to Spain, after consecration to the Bishopric

by

S.

Peter

Rome^

at

In the middle of the

fifth

century fewer particulars had

The position of Constantinople made it conthe West to begin to rank Metropolitans not by

been extant
venient in

the political importance of their province, but by the sup-

posed antiquity of

its

conversion.

when Zosimus

Still

in

417 declared the scandalous Patroclus to be the Metro-

A.D.

of the Provinces of Vienne, Narbonensis Prima

and Narbonensis Secunda, he only affirmed without naming
a date that Rome had sent out Trophimus as Chief Bishop,

politan

and that from

the

rills

Gaul received

'his fountain all Provinces of

of the

faith*.'

The Bishops

of this Province in an appeal to Leo, A.D. 450,

framed on Zosimus' words,

claim no more than that

still

it

was known at
sent by 'the Blessed Peter the apostle'; but that is the then
usual phrase for the See of Rome^
So far, all that stands

Rome, and generally, that Trophimus had been

before us from the

fifth

century

is

a local tradition of a

Roman

Missionary Bishop as Founder.

But again there were old

diptychs of the church of Aries

in

only the second name on the

^ Stephano V, Papse tributa Epistola
ad Selvam, &c. Labbe, xi. 550. Ado,

^t. VI. 59.

Summus antistes

'

ad Epp.

Zosimus,

it

Gallia:.

may be

&c.'

The

ZoAxm Ep.
successors of

observed, Boniface,

and Leo the Great, did not

feel the necessity, and admitted the
old rank of Vienne.
Symmachus once
Celestine,

more

rehabilitated Aries.

Gregor)' the

Great speaks of Aries as the channel

of all Gallic Christianity. See Greg.
Magn. Epp. v. 53, note c; ed. Bened.
<p.

ii.

c.

of Bishops

781, Ven. 1744).

[The Abbe Duchesne shews

thus, even

ties of

the 3rd century between Aries and

Rome

were decayed

drawn

to Milan.

counteraction to

transient,

and that
was
Zosimus' act was in
in the 4th,

in practical affairs

this.

of Aries in cent.

and not

vi.

The
was

effective.

'Vicariate'

isolated

and

Duchesne,

Easies piscopatix de tAncienne Gaule,

1894,
^

I.

p. 86.]

Quesnel, note on Leon. Magn. Ep.

LXV. 'Preces
mont, Note

But has 'ab

same sense? See Tillesur S. Denys de Paris,

missae, &c.'

apostolis' the
i,

vol. iv. p. 707.

that the

and

Transalpine Gaul

Chron.

V.

list

which Trophimus was

'

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

3l6

those diptychs were not accurate,

if

appears that there

it

had been a time when the name of Trophimus was not impressed on the mind of the church of Aries as

In Gregory of Tours', A.D.

intermediate view of the

ordained Bishops at

573

594,

Seven

story.

Rome

Founder \
we come on an
its

were

Presbyters

Decius and

in the consulship of

Gratus, and sent to the great sees of Gaul, to Tours, Nar-

Toulouse,

bonne,

into

Paris,

Auvergne, to Limoges, and

The

among them Trophimus

to Aries,

and Gratus corresponds

to the year A.D. 250, in

consulship of Decius

which year

Fabian was martyred on the 20th of January, and the see

was vacant all the rest of the year. Gregory might have
been sure that Fabian had as little to do with Trophimus

and Aries as
But

S. Peter

in fact a letter

and

S.

Paul had'.

from Cyprian to Stephen*

years after. It

began

is

in A.D.

earlier

and

for action,

know

for

some

than the Baptismal Controversy which

But

255, Stephen's second year^

the passage of earlier

us

lets

who the real Bishop of Aries was at that time and

letters,

such that

a period of waiting for answers

cannot have been written

it

well on in his second year.

implies

it

Again Cyprian remarks

in

until

it

that

many brethren had died at Aries without being restored to

'communion (by their puritan bishop), in these past yeat's^.'
Such a phrase can scarcely mean much less than three years.
'

Novatianism began only

in

June

Mabillon ap. Tillemont,

Hist. Franc.

Pearson shewed that Sulpicius Se-

I.

iv. p. 703.

A.D. 251.

the Valentinians, and the

Xystus.

28.

Accordingly

of Aries,

However

there

we may be

this

martyrdom of
was no bishop

sure,

before the

verus and the Passion of Satuminus lend

death of Irenseus about 203 A.D., and

no countenance to these statements.

Annal. Cypr. A.D. 254, viii., ix, Tille-

the see was otherwise occupied in a.d.

mont endeavours

treats as against his

coming from Rome

would rather

favour of

to save the credit of

Gregory as a historian of the reign of

Decius by suggesting that Trophimus
might have come on a mission to Provence then, and been consecrated years
after.
But he has also placed under
Decius the

rise

of Novatian, the

rise

of

The Greek name which Pearson

250.

tell in

Ep.

Lipsius, op.

cit.

p. 213

Annal. Cypr. a.d. 254,

* Ep. 68. 3 '...annis
ibus.

it.

68.
ff.

Pearson,

vi.

istis

superior-

VII.

THE GAULISH APPEAL.

2.

III.

name was

Novatianist bishop, whose

governed the church of Aries from 25

317

Marcian, must have

at latest to 254.

Marcian not only exercised the harshest puritan discipline

most sorrowing penitents

in the perpetual exclusion of the

even

in their last hours,

communion

but he openly renounced

with the other bishops and took the extremest Novatianist

tone that the whole Church, by readmitting the Lapsed, un-

churched

itself\

The

condemnation of Novatian,

general

his doctrine and adherents ^ did not affect the position or the

conduct of Marcian,

until

Faustinus, bishop of Lyons, laid

the facts before Cyprian, and together with his fellow bishops

Stephen took

represented the case to Stephen.

in silence.

it

His broad anti-Novatianist tone would not allow him to be

hard even on a Novatianist, and Cyprian attributed

this

laisser passer policy to carelessness.

Faustinus complained of Stephen in a second

Cyprian.

And

letter

to

Cyprian took upon himself to address Stephen

strong terms as to his duty.

in

So much has been and

still

is

made

to turn on the very

phrases of this letter that in fairness the debated sentences

must be reproduced.

We
who
'

to

be the doer or doers

Roman

the

'

are to observe ivhat Cyprian

to

It

is,'

is

it

recommends

to be

especially to note

done

what part

urged to take, and on what grounds.

says Cyprian,

remedy

'

our duty to consider

this affair

thinking on God's clemency as

we

do,

and
and

'holding the balance of the Church's government, and so

toward

exercising

'

Divine healing to the Lapsed.'

^

severity

...collegio nostro insultarc.a

com-

municatione nostra se segregaverit...de

majestate ac dignitate ecclesiae judicare.

Ep. 68.

2.

necdumvideatur^ nobis abEp. 68. a, finding himself

not even yet excommunicated by us,
Marcian says, ' Stephen and Cyprian
2

...(^aoA

stentus, &c.,

sinners

as

not to refuse the

do not and cannot excommunicate me,

I withdraw from them.'
His master
Novatian on the other hand was excommunicated at once, prayed to be
admitted, and was told that the only
terms were submission.
This is the
connection of Ep. 68. 2.

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

3l8

He

therefore urges Stephen to write

'

a very

'

to

to advise

is

full letter

What he recommends him

the Gallic bishops.

'that they^ the bishops, 'should no longer allow Marcian to

trample upon our (Episcopal) College.'

As an example

of what they might do, and

in

consistency

ought to do, he quotes the refusal of the assembled African

bishops to hold

communion with Novatian

after his spurious

celebration of Divine worship and assumption, of office in

The

separation from Cornelius.

parallel

is

distinct

African bishops excommunicated Novatian, so

let

as the

the Gallic

bishops excommunicate Marcian.

By
So

excommunication the see would be

his

Cyprian proceeds,

far is clear.

Let

at

letters

once vacant.

be dispatched

'

from you into the Province and to the Laity who stand

'

ful at Aries,

'

another

'

which

'

esteemed,

faith-

whereby/, Marcian having been excommunicated,

may be appointed

for to-day,

may

in his

room, and the flock of Christ,

broken up by him and wounded,

is

lightly

Does Cyprian mean

excom-

be gathered together.'

that by virtue of the letter itself Marcian would be

municated, and his successor appointed

.''

or were the receivers

of the letter intended to perform those acts

The wording

alone might admit the former alternative as easily as the

second (though not more easily) in

of the new
Latinity

is

bishop.

of the substitution
In respect of the excommunication the

against the idea that the letter would effect

But we observe that

the Laity.

to

respect

The

first

this

second

letter

letter

is

which Cyprian recommended

Stephen to write was to the Bishops^, urging them to

This
the

by
^

is

to

filling

be to the Laity

quibus abstento Marciano

Ep, 68. 3.
The abstention would have been already
alius in loco ^]\x% substituatur.

by the bishops, according to the

tenor of the first letters: and with this
effected

action.

because to the Laity' belonged

of the see, voided upon Marcian's excommunication,

Nomination by Laity was,

their election of a successor.

...litterse

it.

to be addressed

the construction of this phrase agrees,

^

...plenissimaslitterasadcoepiscopos

Ep. 68. 2.
plebem Arelate consistentem
Ep. 68. 3.

nostros in Gallia constitutos.

^

...ad

litterae.

VII.

THE GAULISH APPEAL.

III.

we have

319

already seen, the rule of the Cyprianic age, and

needful for a true appointment'^

Stephen

not requested

is

^Cyprian

any part

to take

beyond the writing of letters in tke same sense in which he

had himself presumably answered Faustinus, namely by
counselling the Bishops of the Province and the Laity of
the City to perform their several duties

in

respect of the

Novatianist prelate^

He

proceeds,

'

It is for this

end, dearest brother, that the

'

Body

'

of mutual concord and bond of unity, that

'

'

'

of the Bishops

great and large, knit fast with glue

is

should any of
our college attempt the forming of a heresy, the rending and
wasting of Christ's flock, the rest may come to the rescue, and
like serviceable
Supra pp. 35

Dr J.

ff.,

compassionate shepherds gather the Lord's

sage

'

According

to this, each bishop,

a successor of the apostles,

sponsible for the whole

multitude
of the

is

is

re-

yet since their

bound together

One Chief Head,

in the unity

mode of

the

affording help in extraordinary cases

clearly ascribed

to

The One.

is

If the

"cement of mutual concord"

is

not

strong enough for the maintenance of

that
all,

to

bond of unity which is to encircle

then comes The One, according

his

answerableness for the whole

The

very point of Cyprian's remarks

that the united Episcopate

Some good
pose.

of 'heretics

is

'strong

enough.'
that,

who

for

doing so?' and

adds

'

unless perchance that handful of

thority

of

the

tablished to be

was not necessary

own

Pontiff his

to

perversion

it

explain to the
Surely,

authority.'

it

that

the authority was in the Bishops,

if it

was

necessary to

tell

in himself.

In

the

teeth

of

letter

which

recognises that the bishops will excom-

and

took its beginning,^ p. 479.

the

whom or what manner

Dr Peters intended his readers

Africa es-

him

still less

Du

dare not

in

Can

less.'

be found?' Dr Peters replies 'that

Pamelius,

bishops

do more? And if amazed one asks

'Where is all that about The One to

municate

the

arguing that

after

desperate ruined things counts the au-

Chair of Peter, and the

Head- Church from which priestly unity
to

And

at their audacity,

there was no real end to be answered,

elsewhere, as Cyprian told us, he sets

sail

dared' so to do

'what purpose could they have

asks

But Dr Peters continues, 'So

authority,

Cyprian marvelling

was

throughout.'

is

him 'who set sail.'

one would supIn point of fact it was a group

to understand by

135.

Peters, Theological Professor at

Luxemburg {Cyprian von Karthago,

R^ensburg, 1877), writes, p. 478, this
shameless comment on this same pasas

so,

the

Baronius collect from

Roman

laity

re-appoint,

Perron (ap. Baluze), and

this

passage

'

that

bishop had power even thus

undertake to say

to excommunicate, nay to deprive (any)

of person

bishops, and to substitute fresh ones.'

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

320

'sheep into the flock \'

hensible language,

Would

not this be strange, incompre-

Cyprian had held that the remedy, and

if

the application of the remedy, throughout the world lay in an

over-arching supreme pontificate of

Rome

Unity

oneness

is

of a number, and so Cyprian invariably writes.

after picturing the state of Marcian's people

Cyprian next,

with two fine images sketched from his

scenery,

own

familiar African

from the half-ruined coasting-harbour,

occupied

caravanserai

by brigands

proceeds

'dearest brother, must take to ourselves our

and from the

thus.

own

'

We,

brethren,

^escaped from the rocks of Marcian, and making for the

We

'

Church's harbour of safety.

'

hostelry as the gospel speaks

With

'care of them.'

must provide them such an

where the Host may take

of,

the person of the

Pope

view

in

full

before him, and directly addressing him, he describes the

remedy
office,

many, not of one,

as being in the hands of

not

'

thine.'

'

For,'

denunciation of the heedless shepherds,

shepherds, yet

'

we have but one flock

who held that on

the language of one

shepherd, as well as one flock

'We

'

to

we

are

many

Is

feed.'

earth there

is

this

one

have to maintain the honour of our predecessors

ought to be much dearer to you,

it,

albeit

.''

^Cornelius and Lucius,... whose memory,

'

in 'our'

he continues, after citing Ezekiel's

and successor.

much

as

we

revere

their representative

Full of God's spirit, planted in the glory of

'martyrdom, they decided

for

Restoration (of penitents)...

'And this is what all of us altogether everywhere decided,...

among us in whom was one spirit there could be no

'for
'

diversity of sentiment.

'

we

'

of the
'

And

so, it is plain

that one

whom

see entertain different sentiments does not hold the truth

Holy

Spirit as the rest do.

Intimate to us distinctly who

is

put into Marcian's place

we may know to whom we must commend

and
to whom we must write.'
brethren,
our
at Aries, that

Ep.

68.

sacerdotum.

3
.

.ut

. .

...copiosum corpus est

.subveniant

cseteri.'

Vicarius,

Ep.

68. 5.

VII.

THE GAULISH APPEAL,

2.

III.

32I

So ends the letter a letter as independent as it is deferential.

Not such as an Archbishop of the Roman obedience
could by any possibility address to his Pope. That there
:

was such a thing as a patriarchal Primacy that the Bishop

of Carthage acknowledged the one chair in the West which
;

apostles

had planted

to be to other sees a

Roman

the

'The

Province,' all this

*

it

a duty of that see

remembrancer of duty and purity

had naturally close

see

say with Pearson,

he

that he counted

is true.

that

relations with the sees of

It is

not perfectly exact to

Cyprian asks nothing of Stephen which

not ready to discharge himself,' without the addition

is

that he held

it

Stephen's duty to

move

Cyprian, even

first.

in his ill-repressed indignation at Stephen's indifference, gives

him

name

a place and

entering

now

truth, pure worship,

and paramount Scripture

the validity of rights and tenure of any see

was not

Of

But

before his brethren.

without

into the infinitely graver questions of uncorrupt

as essential to

such

dominion either secular or

historically a

primacy
spiritual.

control in things of faith, of jurisdiction to be exercised

administratively, executively, or legislatively in another see,

of sole or immediate supremacy without appeal, this letter

presents no least trace.

And

now,

lest it

should be imagined that Romish claims

any countenance

are such as find

in the concessions of

partiality or in the analysis of truth-seeking,

we may

contemplate Professor Dr Peters's summary of

im-

finally

this Letter.

'Cyprian here concedes and ascribes to the Successor

'of Peter "the ordinary and immediate Jurisdiction" over
'foreign Dioceses;

Mgr. Freppel

and consequently over the whole Church\'

and he does.
alone could outdo this

Cyprian...' sees in the

'

Roman

pontiff the guardian

defender of the canofis for the universal Church

'whose

jurisdiction, far
^

B.

Dr

J. Peters,

and the

the bishop

from expiring on the confines of a

Cyprian von Karthago,

p. 479.

21

THE ROMAN CHAIR.

322

"

province or a country, extends to the entire universe.'

'

he writes to him,

plenitude of your authority

" the

address

*to the bishops of Gaul and to the people of Aries

'

plenissimas

'deposed and

virtue

in

litteras,

another elected

in

in order to affirm

'proceeded

'

his

how

place."

jurisdiction,'

ask any

the primacy of

more highly

the pope.? For the deposition of a bishop

'of jurisdiction one could point toV

the gravest act

is

terms as 'ordinary and immediate

are such
'

be

should Cyprian have

'

Not only

letters,

which Marcian may

of

honest man,' cries Mgr. Freppel,

'

Use,"

defender of canons for the universal Church,'

ridiculous in their anachronism

not only

the phrase

is

'

use

the plenitude of your authority' an invention of Freppel's

own, which he prints as a citation, and comments on as

original but the whole language of both authors is in the
;

The

teeth of the text.

text assigns the function of

excom-

munication, involving deposition, to one authority, the duty

of substitution to another, and

Stephen,
his place,

who

is

plenam

as other than faithful exponents of the

Roman doctrine. The Bull Unam

sanctum

concludes

with

Subesse

Romano

Pontifici

definimus [diffinimus]

de

esse

viii.

pars

2,

salutis.'

necessitate

Ann.

Corp. Juris Canon.

berg,

dicimus

pronunciamus

et

Baronius Annal. Eccles.

Bonifac. Pap.

words
omni hu-

the

declaramus

creaturse

col.

Extravag. Comm.

1.

torn. xiv. p. 34,

8, iv.,A.D.

Richter

1246

1881).

(ed.

I. tit. viii.

1302

Fried-

et

c. i

'de

majoritate et obedientia.'

The Vatican

decree 'ZJ^wacro/ZoM^

primatus Romani

Pontijicis' rvinsih.\xs:

Si quis itaque dixerit

ficem

habere

non autem
supremam potestatem juris-

inspectionis vel directionis,

Freppel, p. 367.

omnino

became

upon the Bishops and Laity of Provence.

These writers cannot be regarded

manse

neither of these offices to

simply urged to press their duty, as

Romanum

tantummodo

Ponti-

officium

et

non
mores

dictionis in universam Ecclesiam,

solum

in rebus

[morem

P.],

disciplinam

qua ad fidem

sed etiam
et

et

in iis quae

ad

regimen Ecclesias per

totum orbem difiusas pertinent aut eum

habere tantum potiores partes, non vero
;

totam

plenitudinem

potestatis

hujus

supremse

aut hanc ejus potestatem non

immediatam sive in
omnes ac singulas ecclesias, sive in
omnes et singulos pastores et fideles
anathema sit.' Constitutio Dogmatica
prima De Ecclesia Christi, cap. III.
esse ordinariara et

(V. Pelletier, Dkrets

et

Canons, Paris

1871, p. 150; Collectio Lacensis, 1890,

vol. VII., p. 485).

INTERCALARY.
PRESBYTERS AS MEMBERS OF THE ADMINISTRATION.

Some

enquiry was promised^ into the part borne by

the Clerus of antient

of Presbyters,

in the

the Ordo, the Consessus or Bench

cities,

administration of church business.

It

would have been almost meaningless to map this out before

becoming familiar with the kind of transactions amongst
which their office was to be used. But some principles
of its exercise can now be readily drawn out. The later
correspondence of Cyprian passes into other
the indications

we seek cease

lines,

so that

before the great controversy

with Stephen begins.

The

first

'taking notice

epistle presents

of

violation of a

in

Body

a certain

a Christian's will at Furni

forma or

at

Carthage

will,

which,

rule passed, with a prescribed

by a previous Council of bishops, appointed a cleric

a legal function. This Body is not a Council, and does not

penalty,
to

either

make

a rule or affix a sanction, but acts as a Court in

deciding that ipso facto the penalty has been incurred and

must take

effect^

This Body then exerts

which had a bishop of

^

P. 21.

...cum

its

in

own, authority over the clergy, and

The

'

cognovissemus,

Ep.

another town of the province,

i.

I,

the law term for magisterial enquiry.

ruling

is

Hdeo...non

dormitione eius apud vos

&c.

Ep.

quod pro

est
fiat

oblatio,'

i. 2.

21

INTERCALARY

324

PRESBYTERS

AS

SO virtually over the laity, through the carrying out of the

by the clergy. Its members are the Bishop of

some bishops who were in Carthage at the time
and attended the meeting, and 'our compresbyters who were

sentence

Carthage,

There

assessors to us\'

an ambiguity as to whether 'our

is

compresbyters' were the Consessus of the

who came

others

but to a certain

persons,

certain

or included

with their bishops.

not then a corporate body;

It is

city,

nucleus and main part of

it is

not limited to

is

it

The

class or classes.

the Consessus, the Presbytery

of Carthage, with the Bishop for

its

head

includes other

it

bishops then in Carthage, and possibly (but this

is

not clear)

other presbyters.
Its authority,

which amounts to

jurisdiction,

evident.

is

In the epistle to Lucius he says that persecution has been the

test not

only of the true bishop but also of the true consessus.

has shewn which

It

presbyters were united with their bishop

sacerdotal office

his

in

'

authority, or something

Had

like

presidency of the bishop

.-*

it,

the presbytery

or, if not,

could

the bishop be invested with such authority

The occurrence

unexpected

Roman

In three several

this

it

by delegation of

.?

of Cyprian's long retirement brings

significant facts into

vacancy of the

then

inherently and apart from the

salience,

some

and the concurrent

see remarkably illustrates the case.

letters

from

his

addressed to

retreat',

the presbyters and deacons of Carthage, Cyprian requests

them

own
office

to supply his place

parts
'

;
'

and mine

Discharge

'

my

'

There discharge ye both your

Your diligence must supply* my
:

'

function about the conduct of things

which the religious administration requires.'

He had
^

arranged for some amount of

...ego et collegse

aderant

et

mei qui prsesentes

'

-^PP- S> 12, 14.

qui

Repnesentare,

compresbyteii

nobis adsidebant, ^/.

nostri

Sed officium

I. I.

Ep. 6t. 3 'sacerdotali

Both words technical.
'

money

honore.'

reprsesentet,

'

make

meum
Ep.

to

be

be present.'

vestra

12. i.

to

diligentia

MEMBERS OF THE ADMINISTRATION.

325

and distributed to the clerics that there might be

means in several hands. He had left in the hands of Rogarealised

commissioner, 'a little sum reaHsed' apparently by

some recent sale, and sent him a further portion afterwards \
Out of these funds he requests the presbyters and deacons

tian, his

and strangers,

to care for the poor, the sick

and

prison,

for the bodies of those

He

confinement".

begs them to

for Christians in

who die under torture or

make such arrangements

provoke suspicion, and to

for visiting prisons as will least

calendar the dates of martyrdoms and confessors' deaths

and communicate them

him

to

for

remembrance

in his daily

Eucharists.

common

In

with the Plebes, this clerical body was usually

consulted by Cyprian on the merits of persons proposed for

They were thus

Ordination.

common,' but exceptions,

He

were frequent.

Carthage,

men whom

several

upon 'by counsel

fixed

without

sends to them the names of

such consultation he had ad-

mitted to Orders, some of them to a seat

urges them to promote

and prayer

fasting

and

Summula...redacta, Ep.

quantitate

mea

nem, Ep.

7.

lump sum,

5.

quantitas, technically a
C. I. L.

in

(n. 3 inf.)

39
^

Ibid,

'

Epp.

viii.

it

jam

262

has no sense of allow-

and Ep.
20,

39,

40.

idem cum

honorentur,

divisiones

mensumas

sequatis

sessuri

et

quantitatibus

par-

nobiscum provectis

corroboratis annis

suis....'

et

'Every pres-

Church,

to instruct the ignorant,

byter had his standing allowance out

of

the

church-treasury;

besides

the

same allowance called sportula [cf.

Ep. i. i 'sportulantium fratrum'], some
also had their portion in that dividend which was the remainder of the
month's expense

Ep. 39. 5
honorem designasse nos

38,

the people habits of

presbyters under

12.

sciatis, ut et sportulis

presbyteris

tiantur,

i.

In Ep.

simply even sums.

is

'...presbyterii
illis

De

r.

propria... aliam portio-

capital as opposed to usitrcB.

ances, but

among

for the internal reformation of the

outward deliverance

for its

Consessus,

in the

and the monthly dividend ^

to daily allowances

He

in

at least during his absence from

thirdly, out

him

of the

the bishop

as

number of the
gravest who lived and commoned always with him,' Hooker Vll, xxiii. 9.
Sessuri nobiscum, &c. means not this
then

had

a certain

(though the fact

may be

so)

but their

future place in the consessus, as 'no-

biscum sedeat

in clero,'

Ep. 40.

INTERCALARY PRESBYTERS AS

326

but especially those confessors, in or out of prison, whose

made them not very amenable \

enjoined on the Body except a faithful

spiritual self-satisfaction

So

nothing

far,

is

performance of their individual

He

clerical duties.

regrets

performance of their prison-duties, especially

their imperfect

with regard to religious instruction,

duties

always hitherto

recognised, he says, as their proper work*.

Strenuous admonition on their part, he

quired.

And

in

virtue

insists,

was

re-

of the episcopal energy {sacerdotii

now

to exercise from a distance, he

endeavoured through them especially to prevent the breaking

vigor ^^ which he had

down

of discipline.

Do we here find duties of a more governmental character

He declines in the fourteenth epistle to take a step which

by four of the presbyters, without

had been suggested

first

receiving counsel from the

Body

of the presbyters and

deacons and being also informed of the judgment of the

laity.

This step was the restoration of some of the Lapsed to

communion. When in spite of his message the four admitted

them, he considered that the Body had failed in its duty of
repressing them, and he appeals to the laity to keep the
Lapsed quiet

*.

Later on', writing to the

laity,

he commends

the special activity of three of the presbyters, and of the

deacons as a body,

There

is still

in

encouraging or

in deterring the lapsed.

no exclusive authority recognised as inherent

The

in the consessus.

disciplinary duties here particularised

are of the moral order, and can scarcely

persuasion.
laity, failing

They

amount

to

more than

are capable of being discharged

trustworthy

by

the

clerics.

The only authority which, in Cyprian's opinion, could, as

we have seen, decide on the whole wide policy to be pursued
was a gathering of co-episcopi, and further they too must have
1
8

'

Ep. 14- 1, 1,
Epp. IS, i6.
Ep. 20. 2.

3-

^P- H- 4 EpEp. 43. I.

;

17- 2, 3-

MEMBERS OF THE ADMINISTRATION.

common

The only

327

understanding with the bishops of other countries.

authority which could under that policy decide on

the reinstatement of individuals was an assemblage in which

both the clergy and the laity of their own Church should
with the bishop at their head examine and conclude each
In this function the weight of the laity was such that

case\

they vetoed some

whom

restored", while elsewhere

some

Cyprian and others would have

he expresses regret at having

in

Their right as laymen to abstain

cases overruled them.

from communion with a Lapsed or a Novatianist Bishop

affirmed again and again'.

is

We

found no particular authority assigned to the Clerus

in the election of a Bishop.

to the

of the person proposed for election.

life

elected;

The

laity

the neighbouring bishops assented and ordained*.

Cyprian's letters to
the

Their part was to bear testimony

coming

Cornelius, in which the principles

legislation

were discussed, were

'

of

always read

aloud' by Cornelius to the clerus and the laity together

'

the most flourishing clergy which

to

sits

with thee in

'

the foremost rank, and to the most holy and most honour-

'

able

commons^'

Whilst therefore

and import

its

counsel was of the greatest weight

in the deliberation

greater affairs of the Church,

with the bishop on

we

all

the

no trace of authority

find

or jurisdiction belonging to the Consessus as such.

The

level of

moral influence which belongs to

markedly apart from the way

munication was

stands

it

in which, for instance,

excom-

inflicted.

In Cyprian's absence excommunication was imposed directly

by a commission appointed by

three bishops and two presbyters.

mended

he com-

the presbyters and deacons of Carthage for resolving

Ep.

Ep. 59Epp. 65,

'

himself, consisting of

It is true that

17, Ss'c.

67.

Ep.

'

^P- 59p^ ^2.

55. 8;
19-

Ep. 67.

5.

INTERCALARY

328

PRESBYTERS

AS

not to communicate with Gaius of Dida, a presbyter, and his

deacon, after these had anticipated the Church's making of
rules for re-admission, but

it

must be

especially observed that

was taken upon the counsel of colleagues of

mine, who had frequently warned Gaius against the step,
who were now prcBsentes in Carthage, and thus completed a
this resolution

body

like that

which Cyprian had presided over

Furni case, namely, the

of the city

clerics

bishops, whether of the Province or from

in the first

{clerici urbici)

beyond

then adds his own episcopal direction that any, whether

or foreign clergy,

who

in like

manner

cated at once.

They

may

that

what he

always be communi-

evidently clothe the presbyters and

deacons, in the absence of their

episcopal authority.

home

anticipate the Church's

own ruling are to be similarly withdrawn from.

To these bishops prcesentes he desires
writes on the course to be followed

and

He

seas*.

own

bishop, with a sufficient

We may just mark (though without stress)

the distinctness with which they are mentioned as contributors

to the subscription raised for the Confessor Bishops in the
mines'^

but an apt instance occurs

Hadrumetum.

province,

Its

in the

second city of the

presbyters and deacons had, in

the absence of their bishop, placed themselves

in

communica-

tion with the new Bishop of Rome^, before his title was
Cyprian and another bishop arrive, and are prcBcleared.
sentes.
Upon their authority communication is suspended.

We

are

now

in

a position to gain a clearer view of the

on which the presbyters and deacons of Rome

in
the vacancy of the see, after Fabian's martyrdom.
acted
had
Even in the eighth letter, in which they describe themprinciples

selves as

'we who seem

to be set over them, to lead the

1 Ep.
Dida, otherwise un34. I.
known. Morcelli's conjecture 'Idensis'
not likely. It was too far off in Maure-

Ep. 62.

5.

Cyprian with his own

sends them a

list

of subscribers

et ipsi,

cum

ex suo plebis

suae

sacerdotum nostrorum, qui

prsesentes

essent,

nomine, quaedam

tania.

<yi<i2/iV<7 J

at Carthage, 'sad etcollegarumquoqueet

lerunt,
'

nomina

Ep. 48.

pro

addidi.'

i, 2.

viribus

contu-

'

MEMBERS OF THE ADMINISTRATION.

flock in place of shepherds,' the extent of

to

have done

what they claim

only to have been active in keeping people

is

from lapsing, and

due

329

in

recovering the Lapsed to repentance

spiritual ministration in

in the thirtieth letter that all

time of danger.

their

Their statement

they had done was done with the

help of the Confessors shews that they had no idea of a

power devolving to themselves in the vacancy.

But when they have officially to resolve that the adoption of
a permanent system must wait for the determination of a new
constitutional

bishop in consultation with themselves, with the Confessors,

and with the

laity, this constitutional

conclusion

is

formed

in

a meeting at which are present neighbouring bishops, bishops

then visiting the city and bishops exiled from their dioceses.

Again, afterwards, when the Novatianist Confessors wished

to return to the unity of the Church, the course taken
this.

was

Delegates of theirs seek an interview with the Pres-

The

bytery.

presbytery desire the attendance of the whole

number, examine them, and report to Cornelius

ticulars\

Cornelius next

summons

full

par-

the presbytery, and with

They determine on their

Then the Confessors
course, each opinion being recorded.
The people
are introduced, and make their petition orally.

them

five bishops,

then

prcBsejites^.

'

are admitted in large numbers, to hear the confession,

resolve

The

upon

The scene has been

it.

result

is

this.

When

and

described above.

the see was vacant, or the

bishop absent, the episcopal functions of hearing, judging,

ruling (quite apart from the sacred offices of ordination, &c.)

did not pass into commission in the hands of the clerus, but

were reserved whenever

it

was

possible.

And by

the atten-

dance of other bishops, any steps of discipline which had to

be immediately taken received an episcopal sanction.

metum, Rome, and Carthage,

Assuras^ and Furni yield one
^
'^

Omni

actu,

Ep. 49.

2.

Adfuerunt etiam presbyteri quinque

as well as the

Hadru-

minor cases of

result.
qui et eo die praesentes fuerunt. Ep.^^.i.
^

Ep.

65.

INTERCALARY.

330

The

contrast

is

manifest between what could constitution-

done by the largest clerus

ally be
position,

prominent bishop.

least

in the

most

influential

and the power and responsibility attaching to the

It

no account of the

is

facts to

say that the scheme carefully examined yields no trace of

presbyterian government.
presbyterian idea.

It is

It is

an equally complete negation of the

Scarcely less does

papal idea.

an absolute negation of the

it

contrast with that

modern

sharpness which would fence off each diocese as a preserve

which neighbour bishops have no concern or

true capitular idea

of which

The
as

we

is

some seemed to speak

and presbyters
common, *...apud nos

the general Councils of the East bishops

sitting together regulated

'fit

The

and width

are not yet capable again.

Epistle of Firmilian {Ep. 75. 4) has to

if in

interest.

there, but with a flexibility

in

church

ut per singulos annos

affairs in

seniores et

praepositi

in

unum

con-

'veniamus ad disponenda ea quse nostras curas commissa sunt.'

Ritschl, however, points out (p. 157) that the Greek original must
have been ol npea-^vTepoi ol TrpotoTd/ifrot, and the ei due to a misunderstanding of the translator.
'

'

'

Similarly {Ep. 75. 7) '...quando

omnis potestas et gratia in ecclesia constituta sit ubi praesident

majores natu qui et baptizandi et manum imponendi et ordinandi
possident potestatem^ He compares Hermas {Vis. ii. 4) where o\

TTpea-^iiTfpoi

ol

Trpoiarapevoi t^s

'seniores qui praesunt ecclesiae,'

29.

I,

from which

Councils.

it is

fKKXrjirias

is

in the

and Eusebius H. E.

Latin version
vii. 5. i:

5.

5:

clear that bishops alone formed the Eastern

CHAPTER

VIII.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

Vert similitudine aberrantes a veritate.

Aug. de Catechizatidis Rudibus,

There

is

c. 8.

an early and rather graceful martyr-tale which

Baronius welcomes as history, and which Tillemont smiles at

himself for admitting to some consideration on account of
its

honest mien\

It

is

called

recluse

who

lives in

'Acts of Hippolytus,

the

Eusebius, and their Fellow-Martyrs,'

Hippolytus

is

Roman

a sandburrow in the Crypts, or Cata-

combs^ and there conceals for some time his converted

relations.
The difficulties of maintenance in such a place,
the unhistorical details, and

shew the story

later features

to be pure romance.

The

principal personage

is

duced to baptize the multitudes

izes.

The

well appropriated

Pope Stephen, who

whom

is

intro-

Hippolytus Christian-

by the story

to his use

is

yet

near the old entrance from the sandpit-road to the Cemetery

of Domitilla on the Via Ardeatina'.
1

xii.

Baronius, Annates, A.D. 259,

Tillemont, Note

it.

V. IV. p. 593.
*

vii

sur S. Estienne,

In cryptis...in arenario.

J.

p. xii.

On

This character

in

which

H. Parker, ArchcBology of Rome,

The Catacombs, sect. VI. p. 89.
one

side

of

the

trance and

like

it

built

original

en-

of beautiful

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

332

Stephen appears, as the Great Baptizer,

which the main episode of his
It is

brickwork

is

is

concerned.

the arched recess

well.

The

the rude form

white stone, two feet high

which the pitcher hung;

right, the

in

This group includes Epistles 69 to

with

receive the water.

On

the other side

of

of the entrance a vestibule with seats

on either
beam on

throughout deserve more notice than,

well-top

side above, the holes for the

on our

is

assumed among the simple.

with that episode that our next group of letters and

documents

the deep

life

is

the wall

conduit and basin to

of stone.

The baptismal arrangements

believe, they

have received.

'

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

VIII.

333

75 and the 'Judgments of the Eighty-seven Bishops.' They

belong to the years 255 and 256 A.D. Their exclusive subject
is

For although Cyprian

Rebaptism.'

'

protests* against the

application of that term

to his view, catholic teaching insists

on the assertion which

involves.

The simplest
be

will

I.

lines

it

on which our investigation can advance

what we perceive of the

to give

forming Cyprian's tradition

II.

earlier

opinions

next to describe the

and the action and documents

then to group together the reasonings

positions of the two leaders

of the contest

III.

urged on either side of

A
The
It
'

first

it

is,

questioning was
at least this

Christ.

in

'How

A
'

argument.
of

spite

its

narrow form.

can profane waters bless?'

Soul longs to be baptized into

mistaken, erring, even an immoral believer does

intention baptize

into Christ.

it

Is

that

Soul

fact

in

baptized into another than Christ, or into a society other

'than
'

great argument

means

'in

this great

His

Church?

Or,

is

the baptized

proselyte

of

heretical sect a baptized Catholic in spite of circumstance

The

a
?

and loving Cyprian formed and

laboriously propagated was to deny the reality of all such
baptism. This is that grave anti-catholic error of his which
decision which the wise

not only struck unperceived at the root of the spiritual constitution of the Church,

her

own

sects,

but

in

and threatened

to

number her among

principle withdrew the virtue of the

Sacrament from the immediate ministering of Christ present,

and attached it to the human agent.
The difference was great. Yet not for a moment did
Cyprian dream of severing the connection between

his

own

and the churches which he conceived to be in

Not for a moment has the Catholic Church ceased to
error.
revere him as one of her most authoritative fathers.
O si sic
church

Ep.

Council,

73.

I.

canon

feo-^oc as a

However, the Nicene

19,

adopts dva^avTl-

word without a

sting, for the

church

baptism which

returning Paulianists.

it

orders for

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

334

The bounds which

omnia.
part

of

many

sects at present

men now

of necessity, as

from the Church are

believe,

low

like

lines

in comparison with that mountain-range of difference

hill

on fundamentals which lay between Cyprian and those from

,whom he dissented.
The distance between

and ours

their possibilities

is

the

distance between a great age of construction and an age of

minute

But have we

criticism.

acting as they acted

To

of seeing with the

Cyprian himself

thought

communion,

'right to
*

man

to judge no

if

The

own judgment\'

whom

'

larger, other eyes'.'

ingenuous moderation

in his

but an obvious course to desire

'

power of

for ever lost the

man

every

it

seemed

to speak his

remove no man from the

to

he dissents...

'to wait for Christ's

':

Donatists, perplexed like us by this

they chose to look on as their patron,

liberality in

one

imagined

to have been a ruse to elicit free expression of

opinions

it

on which Augustine's comment

have been a morality

far

simple the course seemed to Augustine

*

whom

one of those

'

genius

his

compare

marvel at his charity, and

'this,

in

his strange

doctrine,

I
I

is

the

me down as
Never may
me

delight

venerate his martyrdom,

do not accept^'

lesson in fact which Augustine

Cyprian's example

Equally

authorship with him; for

love him, in his eloquence

Put

Cyprian failed to persuade.

'I attain his glory; nor

'

'
:

would

that this

is

worse than any heresy ^

but

The

great

perpetually enforcing by

is

lesson

our

of

'

liberty

without

losing our communion-rights to think diversely*.'

Hooker's famous apophthegm,

'

people's

The

'

teacher's error

harder and heavier to bear, as he

trial,

is

in

is

the

worth

and regard greater that mispersuadeth them,' no way qualiappreciation of him whom the world did in his life-

fies his

'

*time admire

as the greatest

Sentt.

Contra Crescon.

' c.

Epp. Proem.

Crescon.

II.

iii.

among

2.

xxxii. 40.

prelates

Salvo

sentire.

jure

De

and now honours

communionis

Bapt.

c.

Donatt. VI.

diversa
vii.

10.

VIII.

THE TRADITION OF

I.

I.

'as not the lowest

in

the

AFRICA.

335

kingdom of Heaven\'

vigorously sums the moral,

'

Taylor

Saint Cyprian did right in a

wrong cause and Stephen did ill in a good cause. As far

'then as piety and charity is to be preferred before a true

'

'

'

opinion, so far
us,

and as

Cyprian's practice a better precedent for

is

an example of primitive

'and indiscretion of Stephen.

any one a

'to forbid to

he transgressed not the foundation of the faith and

tation

'

the creed of the Apostles'.'

I.

We

Cyprian had not learned

S.

liberty of prophesying or interpre-

'

if

sanctity, than the zeal

The Tradition of Africa.

I.

now proceed

to consider, as

one source of Cyprian's

teaching, the tradition which he inherited

The

deep impetuous narrow courses

To make

Atlas.

sympathies of the Africans flowed ever in

religious

like the

streams of their

own

separations sharp and unkind was not the

aim of a Tertullian only or a Donatus. Cyprian himself is

not unaware of the tendency of his church to narrow its own
limits.
'

in

Certain predecessors of ours

'

own

our

province,'

'

place of repentance

'

were

forgiven

churchman

as

'

after

he writes,
to

'

among

offenders

who

Nay

penance.'

the bishops here

have utterly refused any

in

other churches

he was, had rather a shivering

even the Divine charity towards those

broader

Augustine,

whom

trust

in

his particular

breadths did not comprehend.

The

'

first

rule that they

of

all

mortals,' as

who had been

Vincent of Lerins puts

it,

to

baptized by schismatics must be

baptized anew ere they could become catholics was Agrip-

pinus of Carthage',

Augustine points out often that Cyprian

Ecclesiastical Polity, B. V.

Ixii. 9.

Liberty of Prophesying,

Sect.

Of Heresy,
2.

'

23.

Vine. Lir.

Common,

i.

6.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

336

unable to adduce any earlier authority than his against

is

custom \'

sturdy

'universal,

churches the reader

may

As

regards

Western

the

Agrippinus

accept the statement.

was the bishop next but one before Cyprian in his see.
Under him a Council of seventy" African and Numidian'
prelates decided in his sense.

Roman Church

In the
clear

on the contrary the tradition was

and continuous against Rebaptism of schismatics. Some

have understood a passage of Hippolytus, which covers the

ground up to that time, to accuse Callistus* of rebaptizing

But not only

them'.

the

is

passage

not

susceptible

of

that meaning, but the distinct unchallenged declaration of

Stephen that
Universalis

Aug. de Bapt.
17;

II. vii.

church had never allowed such a practice

consuetudo.

robusta

...

Donatt.

c.

12

his

III.

IV. vi. 8.

'

Aug. de
Ep. 71.

Sedit A.D.

Hippolytus, Ref. Hcer.

unic. Bapt.

c.

Petil. xiii. 11.

21714

Oct. A.D. 222.

The

devrepov avroTv pairTia/Jia.

not said TerdXfirirai

ToijTov airoTs

by

'

not

It

is

TeroX/JiTiTai.

as

though

but

but

airrifi,

The

avroh

irpdrrov
t/iey

were the

iirl toijtov Trpibrus

rily in his time.'

'prima-

perfect reroXfiriTai

indicates that (Aeir practice existed

Rome when

at

iirl

that party during his

bishopric'

inventors

still

Hippolytus wrote, and

so probably in Stephen's time, without

in the least affecting

The passage
6

TaOra

and
was supposed
doctrines

ful

KaXKiaroi

fjLh

oSv

that

with which Hippolytus

it.
Nor will he have
any doubt that avrdts means a corrupt
and evil faction who for a time were

list

of

practices which Callistus

to patronise.

The

care-

the

word

<rvveffTri<raTO

fell

(some

at least) into the Elchasaite delusions.

To

so

much

entitled, but

mark

the

it

exculpation Callistus
is

is

positively scaring to

modes and motives of Roman

Even Hefele, B. i.

Catholic scholars.
c.

4, not seeing

II.

how

to deliver

Callistus from the scandal of a practice

(which

is

not really imputed to

the words) or

how

him in
him

to disentangle

from his party (which

more

is

difficult)

represents Hippolytus as saying, 'Re-

baptism

was

listus in

some churches in communion

introduced

under

Cal-

with him'; adding, 'one can scarcely

doubt that he has

in

view Agrippi-

nus and his Synod of Carthage.'

On

ffvveffTifi-

refers to all the

reader of the whole story will not

conceive
is

church tradition.

proceeds, TaDra

davfjiafftiOTaTos

ffaro.

skill

avoids asserting

12 'Eiri

ix.

Trpwrws TeroK-

KaXX/ffToy]

words should have accurate attention

it is

admire the

too near the papal chair, but

4.

roirov [toO
fiTjTai

3; xii.

i.

want of attensame points Fechtrup (p.

the other hand, for

tion to these

194 and n. i) renders 'unter Kallistus

das Wagniss der Wiedertaufe in der

sei

Kirche

aw^Aommen,' and

fixes

the

Council of Agrippinus in the middle of

intended to state that Callistus him-

the Episcopate of Callistus a.d. 220, a

Rebaptism, but will rather

date which suits none of the conditions.

self taught

VII I.

THE TRADITION OF

I.

I.

from the apostles down

however, though
the

ascribing

to

337

Hippolytus

incontrovertible \

is

enemy, certainly avoids

bitter

Callistus'

practice

AFRICA.

him

personally.

'

In

time

his

second baptism been ventured on by them'

by the worldly, lax and perhaps licentious party
which was named after that liberal and versatile prelate.
first

hath

that

is,

way sooner

All doctrines and practices found their

or later

Rome. This practice came to Rome in Callistus' time,

and was adopted during his administration by the party with
whom he had been connected before he became pope, and
who were called Callistians by his enemies and theirs*. Only,
to

whereas

province that practice bore a Puritan

in its native

character,

drawing the sharpest

line

between church and

received in the Capital the quite opposite

it

intended by the Callistians to open an easier

of penance to the restoration of gross sinners.

stamp

sect,

being

way than that

The reception

of schismatics followed easily, but the Church never accepted

nor

this,

is

there evidence that Callistus himself did.

If we allow four or five years for the practice to

use elsewhere before

in

that the

the

In

unknown date

it

came

Rome, we might

in at

infer

of Agrippinus' Council was about 213'.

September

Council of

have been

256 was present one

A.D.

Novatus who had been bishop of the

of

Thamugadi

so long that he

rich and beautiful city

was now one of the very oldest

by seniority out of the eighty-seven.

prelates there, fourth

be correct we can under-

If our date for Agrippinus' Council

Ap. Mp. 75.

71- 2. 3; 73* ^3-

5,

6,

19; ap. Epp.

What Bunsen means

by saying 'Dollinger has demonstrated

Zephyrinus (a.d.

that

217)

ad-

of those who had

and as such had com-

rebaptism

mitted

been

199

heretics,

mitted carnal
divine.

mortal

sins'

* Ttjv

B.

They

v.

i.

iirlKKt}-

irpuToffTdT^aavTa

especially

KaOoXiKrii'

povai, as
'

affected
ol

the

\X..

style

12.

of

i-iri]pvdpi.a(TfjL^voi.

AvoKoKelv

iKKK-qala-v

was

iirixei-

natural,

This date best

stances of the text.

'

KaWt-

ipyQw KdWi(TTov

Yi\^^o\yi\xs, Jief. ffcer.

'Catholics,' iavroii^

toO 6v6/m.tos tieriaxov

KaXeiffdai 5ii rbu

ariavoL

cannot

Hippolytus and his age,

p. 271 (ed. 1854).

iriv

tCjv toio&tuv

fits

all

am

the circumsorry that

once wrote differently: Article on

Agrippinus,' Dictionary of Christian

Biography.

22

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

338
Stand

how

man

this old

could just speak of the

members of

that Council, forty-four years before, as 'colleagues' while

he also

them 'men of

calls

memory\'

holiest

We

can

understand how Cyprian, talking of a long-standing custom,

says

'

many

and a long period since

years have passed

Agrippinus' Council,' while Augustine, thinking of the whole

tenor of church practice, says 'the

novelty had prevailed

but a few years before Cyprian*.'

An

interesting question has arisen as to

Council had

whether

this

felt the influence of Tertullian, since in a treatise

commonly accepted
the year 200,

hfe

as catholic,

and

if

so probably prior to

not only declares the rebaptism of heretics

to be necessary, but says he

had written a Greek

treatise to

that purpose'.
I

can

feel

only surprise that his pamphlet on Baptism

should ever have been looked on as catholic work*.

singularities, not to

say

Its

frivolities, are as striking as its

power

and grasp and goodness, and they have the Montanist

tinge.

When

a Catholic he did not write in the character of a

Mon-

tanist,

but as a Montanist he often wrote

Neander thinks

that,

when under

like a

noble Catholic.

Mon-

the influence of

tanism, he could scarcely have spoken as he does here of the

visible Church.

But

This dogma,

study.

Montanist

and

vein*,

his

Montanist mind

a strange stormy

is

we should remember, was

quite in the

his belief in continuous revelation did

not obliterate respect for a solemn church utterance, though

made him

it

He
1

hold churchmen cheap.

observes that

'it

would be improper

Morcelli's date a.d. 197, sixty years

before,

would make

'

decretum

colle-

to rehandle the

Bp. Kaye doubts

if

he

gartim noslrorum meaningless.

2 Cf. Firmilian, Ep. 75. 4, speaking

in so classifying

of Valentinus and Basilides as having

the Church as a Montanist, the

'

\\vtd.pose apostolos etpost

Ep.

71. 4-

c.

Tert.

Baptismo,

Heathen

Donatt. IV.

of 'both the men,' his ethnic self and

his heretic self :

De

it.

In a pamphlet which he hurled at

baptized by a Heretic has to be cleansed

vi. 8.
3

"*

cetatem.

longam

Aug. de Bapt.

right in

is

following the majority of commentators

c. 15.

De Pudicitia

z.

19.

VIII.

THE TRADITION OF ASIA MINOR

2.

I.

EAST.

339

'question of what should be observed as concerning heretics,

'for

it

has been published to

not 'handed down' to us\

His word

us.'

published'

This expression can,

only refer to the Council of Agrippinus.

some

is

It

believe,

cannot

refer, as

wish, to the voice of Scripture, for Tertullian

most patient and pertinacious arguer upon

texts,

He

passes Scriptural warrant with so vague an allusion.

only have

can

view some well-known, recent, authoritative

in

and

sentence,

the

is

and never

the

great

Bishop of Carthage

Council

fitly

is

of

Seventy

under

the

alluded to by the Carthaginian

presbyter in those terms.

Later on

in the

controversy

we become suddenly aware

from the lengthy Epistle of Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea in

Cappadocia, that there had for long past been some inter-

change of influences on

this subject

between Africa and the

Eastern regions of Asia Minor,

We

we know

last.

of the

I.

2.

judgment of these

therefore look to

what

The Tradition of Asia Minor East.

In his furiously Montanist treatise

'

On

Fasting' Tertullian

speaks with reverence of the 'councils' habitually held 'throughout the Graecias* as an impressive image of the whole Church.

He

would

fain see

duced into the

when

them, with their preliminary fastings, intro-

We may

West''.

readily assure ourselves that,

so speaking, he had not in view councils which specially

subjected

Montanists to Rebaptism as an apostolic

This would have been

tution for the restoration of heretics^

1

The
2

Editutn not traditum. DeBapt.

difference

is

li,.

this helps

us to

fix

the date of that

pamphlet as towards 210 A.D.

an accurate one.

If this suggestion of Tertullian's de

insti-

the previous reasoning

is

And

accurate

if

we

13 reasonably indicates that

should further determine the date of

the First Coimcil of Carthage under

the de Baplismo to about a.d. 214 or

Agrippinus had not yet been held (He-

215.

Jejun.

fele,

c.

H.

des Conciles, B.

i.

c.

ii.

4),

'

Ep.

75. 5, 7.

22

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

340

more than

and blood, particularly TertuUian's, could

flesh

endure to eulogize.
of Iconium there held for Phrygia, Galatia

The Council

one which thus ranked Mon-

and the neighbouring

districts is

tanists with heretics

needing baptism.

There

no reason

is

than A.D. 230*. Firmilian, writing in

for fixing its date earlier

had been one of the 'very many' who there so

ruled it*, and Synnada' which dealt with the same subject in
the same sense was probably near the same time. One of these
two is probably that 'Council of Fifty' which Donatists al256, says he

The

leged against Augustine*.

gathered

in

that small

large

locality

is

number

of Fifty Bishops

For in
system

a note of truth.

Phrygia Towns and Bishoprics were identical*.

of Rector-Bishops, which commends itself to some imagina-

Power vested

tions now, prevailed there.

men proved

of necessarily second-rate

an aggregation

in

to be powerless against

those elements of faction, passion and superstition which

S. Paul foresaw might rend and end those churches.

The

religious tone of

Phrygia was peculiarly likely to lead

to some difficulty as to Baptism.

The

date of Tillemont, iv. p. 140,

and Valois on Euseb.

2

nio diligentissime tractavimus et con-

The

site

until 1876,

unknown

Perrot found

the highlands of Phrygia.

It

it

in

was an

assize-town (conventus) and the central

office of the imperial

morum, manager

olives

will

(conj.

diJ.TreX6<pvTov),

not grow at

3400

ft.

(W. M. Ramsay, Journal of Hellenic

Studies, vol. viii. pp. 481, i).
As to
points connected with the Council,

19.

of Synnada was

when M.

initiatory, that is

be some mistake
as

vii. 7.

Plurimi simul convenientes in Ico-

firmavimus, Ep. 75.

Everything

procurator mar-

of the quarries and

vast transport of bath-slabs,

monolith

suits

Dr

Synnada

arguments

Peters'

to

the capital of Phrygia, but

never was so until

it

call
it

300 A.D., and

after

then capital only of the Division 'Salutaris.'

'Why

does Firmilian

Council of Synnada?'

wt?/
is

w^m/w

the

an unanswer-

columns and capitals of the purpleflecked Phrygian marble called Doci-

able

mites or Synnadic.

and thereupon dates the same Council,

office

was merged

After a.d. 160 the

in the

new one

oi pro-

curator Phrygice

who took

and lands

Strabo speaks of

great

also.

i\a.u)<j>VTOv veSlov,

the

woods
its

but there must

question.

takes one out of

Dollinger

many

arbitrarily

possible replies

Hefele does not even quote his reasons.

*

Aug.

W. M. Ramsay, The

c.

Crescon.

iii.

2, 3.

Cities

Bishoprics of Phrygia, f. of H. S.

ami
l.c.

'

VIII.

THE TRADITION OF ASIA MINOR

2.

I.

EAST.

341

everything exclusive, was dear to the native mind. But while

Augustine remarks that

fifty

oriental bishops were

no

evi-

dence, though backed by seventy Africans, against the unity

of the tradition elsewhere, Iconium and Synnada must both

be numbered among the

long ago' and

series 'held

of which Dionysius the Great

districts,'

Rome

(as yet a presbyter) of

had heard, and which

that he

took the same view as to the reception of Heretics

The

many

'in

namesake

tells ^ his

in general.

firm belief which these Councils entertained that they

were continuing apostolic usage, while the very need

for

them

the best evidence that the usage was far from being clear

is

may

or accepted,

connect

based, to say the

least,

Apostolic Canons.

itself

with the fact that two canons,

on their decisions, appear

would not be strange

It

if

in

the

one of these

two were the actual utterance of Iconium*.

Before A.D. 258 ap. Eus. vii.

given in

is

Note on

in

full

which

7,

'Dates,' p.

347-

Apost.

Can.

kQv de^d/ievou

irpe<T^\rTepov alperi-

t)

^d-TTTiafjLa

peT<rdai irpocrTdacrofiei'.
(Tty

[ij

T/s

dvcriav] Kadai-

yap

ffv^icpuiin}-

ToO XpitTTov irpos rod BeXlaX

fiepls TTicTToD fiera dTr[(Trov

interpolation

dvo-iav

17

Exig.

(Dionys.

xlv.

xlvi.), 'ETTtcr/coTToi'

The

(D.

rhv

/car'

dvuOev

rlt

has no place in

the Latin rendering of Dionysius.

xlvi.

!}

manifest

xlvii.) 'Ett^kottos

tj

Can.

irpi<yiT(pos

dXrideiav ixovra ^airTi<r/J.a idv

him

hath

that

been polluted of the

him be deposed, as one

that mocketh the Cross and the Lord's
Death, and discerneth not priests from
impious,

let

the false priests.'

These canons

are plainly the

different legislators.

One

work of

clause of the

second covers the whole ground of the

They

first.

allege different specimens

of the then popular arguments.

the

first

of the two appears in

Only
the

Coptic Code (Bunsen, Hippolytus and

his age, vol.

II.

p. 228, ed. 1854).

We

adw, ws yeXwv rbv aravphv Kcd tov toO

might have fancied that, were they

actual canons of Iconium or Synnada,
they would not have escaped some allu-

Kvpiov Odvarov, koI

sion to Cataphrygians.

jSoTrriiTTj,

17

tCiv dcre^Qv idv

tQv

rbv

fj.eixoXvfffxivov

^aTTTLcrri,

firi

firj

irapd

Kadaipd-

diuKplvciii'

iepeas

shews {Ep.

ij/evSifpiwv.

45.

'

Bishop or Presbyter admitting

baptism of heretics we appoint to be

deposed.
to Belial,

For what is Christ's consent

or what the faithful man's

part with the faithless?

46.
tize

'Bishop or Presbyter,

anew him

if

he bap-

that hath a Baptism ac-

cording to truth, or

if

he baptize not

But Firmilian

75. 19) that the

Iconium Re-

was made general on purpose

'repudiandum esse omne omnino baptisma quod sit extra ecclesiam constitutum,' and thus it is possible that
the very words of Iconium may be contained in Canon xlv.
Pearson considers them earlier than Iconium, but
solution

if so,

why

should they not have been

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

342

Evidence there

none to enable us to answer the

is

in-

teresting question whether Tertullian's Greek Treatise had

influenced the decision of the Greek Councils*.

his

If

it

were so

weapon was strangely turned against him.

One
demned

far-fetched theory

actually con-

that Tertullian

is

Heretical Baptism with the aim

of procuring an

oblique sanction for Montanism from the Catholic Church,

which he expected not to condemn

he was so

Synnada

far successful that

consequence untouched.

advocate: nay, that

its

left

Montanism

contrary to the facts of the documents,

is

worth noticing only

modern Roman determination

as an instance of the

in

This view, not baseless only, but

to trace

every anti-Roman fact to condemned or suspected sources

outside the Church.

Tertullian

is

to be

the great

'

First

'cause of the Innovation introduced as well into Africa as

'

into the East'

II.

I.

Position of the Leaders.

Tertullian then, whether he contributed or no, through

his treatise

on Fasting,

to popularise in Africa the idea of

Councils, cannot, at least

by

his treatise

affected the Agrippine decision.

allies

and Agrippinus with

on by a rising wave of

rigour,

on Baptism, have

Tertullian with his spiritual

his

Bishops were alike carried

which swept across Asia Minor

and Africa, was observed from Egypt as

it

passed, and just

reached Rome, there to affect only a miserable

more tenacious Asia the

In the

sect.

practice of Rebaptism, once ratified,

more important?

(p.

498) rejoices to think the notion

is

Firmilian appeals to that Council's de-

his

own.

!'

We

will

appealed to as

still

and Dionysius to both

and Synnada as most weighty.
^ Fechtrup, p.
195, alleges no evi-

cision as final,
it

dence except the writing of that treatise

Unhappily such things well
in Greek.
expressed pass for evidence.

Dr

Peters

'Diese Behauptung

ist

neu

him that Dollinger

should have anticipated him (see Doll.
Hipp,
linger

lament

und

for

Kallist. p. 191), only Dol-

observes

its

fearful

effect

on

the longevity of Firmilian and dates

Iconium about a.d. 231.

VIII.

II.

POSITION OF

I.

quietly held

much
'

THE LEADERS CYPRIAN.

ground.

its

In busier Africa

343

quietly

it

went

out of use, so that Cyprian, while he declares that

thousands of heretics have thus become churchmen through

'the Laver of Life,' has nevertheless to meet the argument

numbers of them had been received without it, and had

It had continued
fallen asleep in the bosom of the Church\
that

Numidia

in

since the old Council, but a change of feeling

And Augus-

forces her bishops to consult Carthage afresh^

scarcely knows what Cyprian means

by saying that the practice had prevailed from Agrippinus'
day to his own for,' he rationally asks, what occasion was
there for Cyprian's three Councils if all Africa had but one

tine confesses that he

'

'

'

'

why should Cyprian have argued

to Jubaian

'

custom

'

that he was making no change, since Agrippinus had deter-

'

mined

.-

it

or

before

'have advised

or

.'

why

many

should so

of the Bishops

the Third Council on Baptism] that reason

[in

'
if the fact were
and truth must be preferred to custom
not, as Firmilian allows, that, while Asia had maintained the

'

'

doctrine and the practice, the practice of Africa had diverged

from the theory''?

We

have seen

along that Cyprian's most

all

brilliant

characteristic was that he quickened anew every languishing

organ of church

life

and inspired with

fresh forces each doctrine

which worldly peace was holding lightly. In the most vigorous

time of life he first received both doctrines and ordinances
into a vivid intellect logically trained.

them merely.
such

'

They must

late-learning

'

He

could not accept

They must be

live.

leaders of great

movements

To

lived.

has not

it

unfrequently happened that some one point bursts out of

its

desuetude upon their imagination with disproportioned

In his case the exceeding delight of his

power.
^

Ep.

73.

points out, p.

and

Dr

23.

497, note

5,

Peters

that Ter-

Catholics

whom

he

Epp.

Rebaptism was among the Montanists

Aug. de Bapt.

C^/ apud

Ep.

reali-

disparaging.

the bearing of the words

tuUian, de Pudic. 19, seems to say that

nos'}, as in contrast to the

is

own
is

But

arguable.

70, 71.

75. 19.

c.

Donatt.

iii, xii. 17.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

344

of Baptism* gave

sation of the blessing and illumination

intense meaning to the old ruling,

even believers

in Christ, unless

fulness of the one Church, need

reader of the

De

Unitaie

is

which he so early recorded

when he

read

first

that

still

Every

to be baptized.

startled at the

vehemence* with

this conviction.

Then although

Novatianist exclusion of the whole Church from the

the

Church provoked no mere

think that

it

retaliation,

it

impossible to

is

did not stimulate the sense that the schis-

matics were themselves excluded by an earlier flaw

much

the observation that they had sufifered so

persecution

men

point

less in

the

and awaken a confidence that the neglected

revived and insisted on, exhibit to

all

the fact that Novatianists were not church people at

all.

church duty would,

it,

once baptized into the catholic

if

half-worldly temptation strangely reinforced the spiritual

enthusiasm.

When

therefore the

'Are we of Numidia

question

right in

right in ignoring the

Carthage

arrived

simple form

you of
was not
The whole man was

rebaptizing,

or are

standing order.?'

crotchet which Cyprian took up.

on

in

it

fire.

It is

only through these facts that

what we have now

to study

we can account

for

and lament the precipitation

him and the many men
;

and the passion which possessed

he had by this time moulded to be like him. It

was inevitable that sooner or later the broad and the purist
theories should collide, because they' were theories embodied

whom

in daily usages.

on the part of Stephen

in

favour of

heretical baptism was the occasion of the conflict.

Whether

Some

indication

the incident was to his honour or no, it is thankless to

aggravate the failings of an unpopular personage, from whose
^
"^

See sup. p. 1 5, ad Dottattim.

Peters, p. 510 n., speaks of a

ferent interpretation proposed

dif-

self

and not approved.

by him-

VIII.

11.

THE LEADERS STEPHEN.

POSITION OF

I.

conduct nothing but good has resulted.

Novatianism, and his

make

it

patronage

it is

may-

bishops,

probable that personally he was biassed, though in

the right direction, by

But

His tolerance of

lapsed

of

345

else than his

little

trary of this

vague

liberality.

was the exact con-

at least possible that his motive

that he interposed with a necessary correction

of the Callistian Liberals,

who

doubtless were prepared to

purge errors of belief as they purged errors of

life,

by second

baptism.
It

'

letter

must move our wonder,' says Cyprian in his first

on the subject S 'nay rather our indignation and grief,

that there are Christians found to take the side of antichrists

'

that shufflers in the faith,

'

stand within the Church herself against the Church.

'

since these allow (notwithstanding their usual pertinacity

indocility) that heretics

the

'

baptize, they cannot impart the

Holy

them
'the Holy

vict

his

Spirit,

and

traitors to the

Now,
and

and schismatics alike do not possess

and that accordingly, though they can

namely,

Holy

by pointing out

Spirit,

index, that

it
'

is

we

con-

who

In enquiring

noteworthy, though not in

pertinacity and

the particular virtues which

here

that such as have not

Spirit cannot baptize at all'

earliest adversary was,

itself sufficient

Church, take a

Cyprian

indocility

are

'

assigns

steadily

to

Stephen.

Next, an Italian localisation

of the obnoxious doctrine

is

given to these asserters

by another passage

in the

Since the Church alone has the water of

same

and
'power to baptize and to wash man, he that says one can
'be baptized and sanctified in Novatian's hands, must first
letter^

'

'

prove and convince us that Novatian

'

prelate of the Church.

The Church

'be both inside and outside.

'

not with Cornelius.

Ep.

69. 10.

But

If she
if

is

in the

life,

Church, or a

As one

she cannot

is

one.

is

with Novatian, she was

she was with

Cornelius,

Ep. 69.

3.

who

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

346

'succeeded to Bishop Fabian by legitimate ordination,...

'Novatian

is

not in the Church, and cannot be counted

'a bishop, seeing that he, in contempt of evangelical and

'apostolic tradition, being in succession to no one,
*

For

produced.

in

is

self-

no wise can he hold or keep the Church,

who has not been ordained in the Church.'

The personality of the gainsayer next becomes clear
(though as yet no name has been mentioned) when in the
seventy-first letter' we read, *We must not go by prescription
of custom we must prevail by reasoning for neither did
*

'

whom

the Lord chose

first

of

all,

and on

whom He

'

Peter,

'

built

'

Circumcision, insolently claim or arrogantly assume anything

'

to himself, declaring " that

His Church, when afterward Paul disputed with him on

he himself held the primacy and

ought the rather to be obeyed by novices, and men (called)

'later than himself"; neither did he look down on Paul, as
'

'

the Church's former persecutor, but he adopted the counsel

'

of truth, and readily assented to the legitimate system that

'

Paul maintained

'

patience, not to

'

'

'

giving us thereby a lesson in unity and

hug our own fancies with pertinacity, but, if

colleagues offer upon occasion useful and
brothers
and
our
wholesome suggestions, rather to make those our own, if
they are true and regular.'
Although he may in these passages include other and

nearer neighbours

whether bishops who

in the first

dissented from his views, or that remarkable

(he
fine

may have

Council

Unknown Author

been one of these) from whose pen we have the

contemporary tract 'Of Rebaptism*';

one prominent

figure before

other opposition was merged,

yet plainly the

him, in whose opposition

is

all

none other than the Bishop

Rome. And in Stephen's tone there had evidently been

some personal disparagement, as well as some uncalled for
measuring of the popedom of Rome against that of Carthage.
of

Ep.

11. 3.

Vid. infra p. 352.

VIII.

STEPHEN.

POSITION OF THE LEADERS

II. I.

Then flowed

upon Cyprian

in

347

one would infer\

(not,

without something of concert with himself) a series of formal

letters,

known

to us only

deliver his opinion

by

upon the

him

his replies, requesting

The

subject.

to

original enquiry

was whether a baptism among the adherents of Novatian, the

accuracy of whose creed was unimpeached, might be accepted
as valid,

when such persons turned to seek admission among

The question then ran through degrees of

the Catholics.

misbelief until the case of Marcionites, and perhaps even of

Stephen made no

Ophites, was debated^

the ordinary African bishop

of his

towards

people

had already surged up

who

saw Rebaptism used

in

the

in

itself

it

about

But

all.

for

the puritanic tendency

tendency

which

Montanism, and was to break

Donatism,) and

in

alone of

this

in

characteristic initiation,

felt

Novatianism, (a

over them yet more terribly

sented

difficulty

Cyprian about excluding, one and

including,

was no

question.

slight

Was

almost isolated tradition of Africa

all

who now

heresies

as

dilemma which

its

pre-

the adherence to this

dangerous, a puri-

itself a

a practically Novatianistic departure from the breadth

tanic,

of catholic use

Dates {Council of Iconium and

Eus. H. E.

other).

Rbmischen Bischbfe, pp. 219,

Synod of Antioch
A.D. 253, because it appears from comparing Euseb. vi. 46 with vii. 4, 5
that after the unexpected harmony at Antioch they felt anxious lest the
question of baptism should divide them.
But surely this is no argument
for dating any one particular Synod.
For we might equally well apply
it to others, one by one, and conclude that all Baptismal decisions were
vii. 7.

20) argues that the

later

was

(i)

Lipsius {Chron.

Synod of Iconium was

than the Council of Antioch.

Trpwroy riiv rdre (Eus.

vii. 3)

(2)

d.

later than the

Lipsius argues that since Cyprian

who held

this particular opinion

(ij-yflro),

therefore Cyprian's rupture with Stephen /r^c^(a5?^/ the Council of Iconium.

^

The

series

suggest this.
represent,

i.

is

As

three

Councils

and NuNumidia and Maure-

Africa, 1. Africa

midia, 3. Africa,
tania,

complete as to

so

the

so the letters

are,

i.

from an

African La3rman,
of Numidia,

3.

Mauretania.
^

Ep.

73. 4.

2. From the Bishops

From two Bishops of

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

348

which he accordingly dates 255 A.D.

But certainly Eusebius does not

mean to contradict the statement which he quotes (vii. 7) from Dionysius

who in A.D. 256 writes that Rebaptism had been held 'long ago,' xrpo
TToXXov, Kara roiis irpo i^fiav tTTKrKoirovSf iv rais irokvavQpatnoTarais fKKKr]<riaig

xat rais avv68ois rav ddf\(f>civ iv 'iKovia, Koi 'SvvaBots Koi napa iroXKols tovto

nor yet can he mean to deny that the Council of Agrippinus

had so ruled in Carthage itself. But if TrpcSror rav rort affects the date
of Iconium it must affect the date of Dionysius' Councils, and that of
edo^tv,

Agrippinus too.

Mark

too that the Tav rort

to his distinct expression

The
had

fact

is,

(vii.

had

and Cyprian was the

practice,

its

the very next sentence

Eusebius means exactly what he says.

quietly continued, Africa

to moot

is in

2) (rjT^fiaros ov a-fiiKpov rriviKade dvaKivrjdivros.

in

first

many

rav

t6t,

Asia Minor

parts quietly dropped the

i.e.

of his contemporaries

.,

reaffirmation.

Lipsius is driven by his own special pleading to say that there were
two synods at Iconium 'which must not be confounded,' one of A.D. 255
mentioned by Firmilian, and the other much earlier named by Dionysius;
both about the baptism of heretics both making only the same declara;

tion,

considerable interval.

at

Sufficiently improbable.

Besides, Fir-

milian attended the one he mentions, and he, writing in 256 A.D., speaks
of

{Ep. 75. 7) as having been held Jam pridem.

it

Of Roman

Baronius and Labbe^ were anxious

to believe this

and thereby to justify

Dr Peters on the same side'* places it 'not

in the second,

writers,

synod was held

to the East.

in Stephen's time,

but very early in the third century' in order to enable

it

his behaviour

to

have been

misled by the pamphlets of TertuUian, and this induces him to put

Synnada

The

earlier

still,

and

the general assumption that

an

same time as Agrippinus' Council.

names the two synods is rather against
Synnada preceded Iconium.

at the

order in which Dionysius

The following then are the approximate dates which appear probable
which we are acquainted.

respect of the conditions with

Zephyrinus Bp. of Rome

TertuUian becomes Montanist

A.D. 199

217,

VIII.

ACTS AND DOCUMENTS.

II. 2.

II.

Our

clearest

349

Acts and Documents.

2.

method

now be

will

first

to describe the

Documents, and then to draw out by themselves the Arguments, which are so often repeated that chronological analysis
of the letters would be wasted here\

Magnus, a layman,
writes the

affection,

tianists

whom

first

Cyprian treats with respect and

an

letter

enquiry whether Nova-

should be accounted as other heretics

in

the need of

In Magnus' circle the old

church-baptism on recantation.

canon was plainly not forgotten, and the plausibility of an

exception

obvious.

is

Then followed an

application from eighteen bishops of

These had continued the practice which they and

had helped Agrippinus to establish'' but

Numidia.

their predecessors

the

movement

laity,

required

of the times, especially perhaps

fresh

came from Cyprian';

The

consideration.

reply

among the
to Magnus

Numidians from a Council

that to the

which he soon convoked, of thirty-three bishops of Africa

with the presbyters of Carthage*.

This

is

Cyprian's Fifth Council of Carthage and

First on Baptism,

The

a.d. 255.

seventieth epistle

is

a.d. 255.
A.U.C.
1008.

their conciliar declaration, con- q^^^

firming that of the old Council of Agrippinus, That neither the

p'^P'

y^^j^j^^^^^^

That

Pius Felix

converts from a heresy can only through baptism enter into

imp'. Caes.

baptism nor the confirmation of heretics has any value

the faith and unity of the Church.

Egildus"'

This decision seems to have been not unanimously arrived

^

We may

repeat that the group in-

75

and the Sententia

Episcoporum of the Third Council, and
belongs to the years a.d. 255 and 256.
Ep. 70. I.
' Ep. 69.
Rettberg (pp. 190 192)
assigns to this letter the same date as
to that which answers Pompeius, Ep.
74, on account of the same 'Ideen-

eludes Epp. 69

'^

kreis' apparent in
to

Magnus

and

is

arguments without

councils,
councils.

it

reference

certainly precedes all

That

to

{Ep. 74. 12) to the

70.

But as his reply

upon his own view

it.

rested

Pompeius alludes
first

Council {Ep.

i) if

not to the second,

Ep.

71.

i.

to

the

Galllenus
Pius Felix

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

350

Cyprian describes

at.

fellow-bishops

judgment of

as the

it

but he laments the

;
'

fact

very

'

that

'

many

certain of

our colleagues are guided by some strange confidence' to

the other opinion \

Next comes a Mauretanian

through a

bishop, one Quintus', enquiring

Lucian

compreshyter

he

answered by the

is

seventy-first letter,

with the seventieth, already

lation, enclosed'.

The tone

of Cyprian

It is clear that the

suffered slights.

was already becoming injurious;

had not yet prevailed

At

this time,

is

wide circu-

in

who

as of one

tone of the

Roman

clear also that

has

bishop

unanimity

Carthage.

in

without one allusion

in

to the embittering

it

controversy, Cyprian published his tract,

'

Of the Excellency

of Patience,' to be a calming note in the awaking storm.

Very
'

later

little

Jealousy and

be examined

'

and

similar

in

later.

Now we

to

feeling, adjusted to the

standard.

its

the

new

And we may

man who, when

is

his

These

name them as
new philosophy of

need only

further illustrations of Cyprian's vision of a

moral

purpose,

equally reticent on passing circum-

one slight touch upon Novatian.

stance, except for

shall

date,

in

Envy

doctrine and proportioned

think of the angelic spirit of

passions were rising on every side, read to

himself and his combatants lessons so sweet and so stern.

Ep.

'

71.

phirimi .cetisuerimus
.

here seems to be not equivalent to 'a

numerous body and all of them, because
'

the phrase describing the objectors, qui-

datn de collegis nostris (which

in

Ep.

71. i),

is

is

repeated

not apparently a mere

plural equivalent for qui hoc

illis

patro-

cinium de sua auctoritate prcestat, who

must be Stephanus, and who is again

meant
note
^

in

Ep. 71.3 pritnatum, &c. (see

copi are

Quintus and his

spoken of as

illic,

^^i??>iJ-

and informed

of the state of things in Africa and Numidia which followed Agrippinus' Council.
I

Council,

whom extant

in

the Seventh

MSS. call Quietus,

Send. Epp. 2 7 (see Appendix on Lis^s of

Morcelli thought so

Bishops, p. 565).

but merely through misreading, for there

is

no var.

(p.

was
^

lect.

Fechtrup confounds him

202) with Quintus of

Aggya which

in the

Proconsular Province,

pp^

y^.

Peters

mean

in

i,

71.

4.

view of the

What

does

last reference

p. 513 that we might have

Cyprian to appeal to the

by saying on

5, p. 351).

i?/. 71. 4.

who spoke

of Buruc

doubt not that Quintus

is

the Bishop

expected

Council of Agrippinus and rely on that

as proof of custom,

and that Cyprian's

not doing so shews that he was aware

the canon was not acted on?

Next
in their

and

DOCUMENTS.

Ao*^

"

35

year, A.D. 256, the question occupies the Bishops a.d. 156.

Council before Easter

Second on Baptism.

Sixth under Cyprian

They were seventy-one
in
'

the

They formulate into a kind of Canon, applicclergy who had joined heretical or schismatical

number \
able to

'^'^'
^""^ ^'
Valerius

Maximus
Adiius

bodies and then recanted, the same practice which they ^^^^"-

had adopted as

to lapsed

They

simply to Lay-Communion.
necessary for

all

namely

Clerics,

to restore

them

decide that baptism

They adopt

converts from the sects.

is

the

phrase of 'the stain of profane water bespotting'

terrible

those baptized with

it

We

must note that now the prelates of Africa and

Numidia^ are sitting together, and are unanimous under
Cyprian

in re-affirming the old decision of their

under Agrippinus.

cessors

was forwarded

to

synodical

Stephanus at Rome.

Numidians and the

letter

to

own

letter

The

prede-

from them

letter

to

the

Ouintus were enclosed with

an unconciliatory document, and hints consciousness of the offence which it will give*.
It is

it.

Stephen had however among Cyprian's bishops those who

sympathized with him^: one of these, or, as it has been
surmised, Stephen himself through them, circulated an authoritative paper, recognising the baptism of even

by name.

Epp.

72.

'

the expression in

De

Unitaie,

his

c.

first letter,

I.

73.

strength in

and adhered

to

Magnus {Ep.

to

Optatus endorses

Cyprian had used

its fullest

12,

it,

it

in

Bk

v. c.

In A.D. 312 the relations of Numidia

Carthage were not held to be defiHefele,

nitively settled.

B.

i.

c.

iii.

seen

Sentt.

Augustine does not seem to have

this

letter,

Jerome mentions

it

which

is

Epp.

Ep.

38,

73. 4.

and see note I, p. 350.

Aug. de Bapt. c. Do-

Cf.

natt.\\\,yi.v'\. {30).

that this

Rettberg, p. 178, cites

strange.

adv. Luciferian, 25.

document was a copy of Ste-

phen's letter to the East.

Peters thinks that
tract

14*

1.

Constant, Epp. pont. p. 226, and agrees

1.

to

Quidamdecollegisnostris, ^/. 71.

Quidam de collegis, Senti. Epp. 59.

Quidam nostri praevaricatores veritatis,
Cf.

69. 16).

solely with reference

to the Patripassians,

Marcion

with some other arguments, was

it,

-^P- 73- !

copy of

it

De

No

evidence,

was the extant

Rebaptismate, which renders
it

doubtful whether he can have read

that tract through.

THE BAPTISMS

352

..xoS.

forwarded to Cyprian by Jubaian, a prelate of Mauretania,

who

felt

himself

much

Mauretanians had not been represented

now

Agrippinus, and the opening

upon a new

in

the old Council of

occurred for securing them

Cyprian answered these, and

one.

The

exercised by their strength.

in so elabo-

Council he read his answer

rate a form, that at the final

as the complete exposition of his views, supplementing

with Jubaian's grateful

accompanied to

and convinced

its first

reply.

This

it

was

letter

by copies of the docu-

destination

ments that had been sent to Stephen, and a codex of

'

The

Excellency of Patience.'

deputation

Rome

Cyprian now went to

of bishops from

and waited upon Stephen, as bearers either of the

named

or of some separate epistle.

Some

little

last-

graciousness

might have made much of so conciliatory an act. But (so at

least Firmilian relates the incident amid his condolences*) no
audience was allowed them either public or private; and the

Roman

congregation was desired to shew them no hospitality

or attention'^.
Nevertheless, the letter

was answered', and that

in

terms

appreciative of the importance of the situation and of the

greatness of the baptismal

Separatists,

asserted in
for the

gift*,

large

and not deigning to argue

it

towards

charity

Stephen

the apostolic authority of a distinct tradition

Roman

vituperated

in

at length.

usage", magnified

Cyprian as 'a

the chair of Peter*, and

Christ, a

false

apostle, a

false

treacherous worker^'

Lamentable language

yet Cyprian's qualification of dis-

sentient colleagues as 'Fautors of Antichrist' and

to the Church' laid
^

him open

Labbe, Cone.

quibus

is

Africans

1. 1,

p. 771,

Traitors

it.

and the Africans

E/>. 75. 25.

makes this
an embassy of excommunicated Oriental
But the reference of the a
bishops.
2

to

'

together, a theory not

yet ventured on.

^ />. 74. i.
"

E/>. 75. 5, 6

to vobiscum {Ep. 75. 25), the

or else to both the Orientals

''

Ep.
Ep.

/>. 75. 17.

(compare

/>. 73. 13).

75. 17.

75.

1*,.

Ep.

69. ro.

'

VIII.

ACTS AND DOCUMENTS.

II. 2.

Stephen however had by

this

353

time issued a paper* which

awakened a universal storm of indignation and dispute*

among the Bishops of the East', or, according to the more
guarded statement of Dionysius the Great, among the Bishops

He

of Asia Minor*.

threatened to withdraw from their com-

munion.

To assume

Stephen

that

had already rebuked

Bishops of the East when Cyprian

the question of rebaptism"

is

mooted

first

these

in Africa

Roman modes

one of the

blameworthiness of his asperity towards so great a

But

this

was not

ments upon
Cyprian

contradicts

saint.

our docu-

all

Stephen quarrelled with

examination'.

and then turned on those who were sure to side

first,

No

with him.

The thought

so.

critical

of

and of softening the

at once exhibiting his vast jurisdiction

doubt the relations of the

the East must have been

Roman

bishop with

somewhat complicated by the pro-

pension which the late patriarch of Antioch had exhibited

otv irp&repov, Euseb.

^ 'EireffTdXKCt /xev

E. vii. 5.
' Ep.
75. 24
quantas

siones
totius

'Lites
parasti

enim

et dissen-

per

ecclesias

mundi ?

Ep.

Euseb.

'

So Maran and Hefele, B.

avTT]v

TTJv

vii. 5.

is
i.

c.

ii.

Rettberg agrees.

possible.

letters

others have assigned to Stephen's de-

the

nunciation of the Orientals in order to

dence.

than

with Cyprian (since

his

controversy

we now know

that

Stephen's accession was not earlier than

May

about

12,

254), the conclusion is

against the whole tenor of our docu-

ments.

1.

How

Eusebius writes

we

have seen (Note on Dates, p. 347).

The opening strife is seen by him
in Cyprian's

indignation.

ment of
B.

his

movement and Stephen's

2.

5io

shew
the same
with some

alrlav clearly
for

Dionysius in the frag-

3.

Dionysius' series

of

has one to Stephen in his three

years' seat

who

earlier

the

this

KOivwvT^ffuv

Stephen to be already

Apart from the erroneous date 253

which Maran {Vit. Cypr. xxix.) and

it

ra&rrjv

In

First.

^(cetVots

other church : and none but the African

75. 25.

bring

ovhk

U)S

Baptismal cause in collision

6.

fragment of his

words

If.

and three

sate one.

It

to his successor

may fairly be

inferred

that the close of Stephen's time

commencement of

saw

the correspon-

These points are brought out by

On the

both Peters and Fechtrup.

other

hand Maran urged a rhetorical phrase

of Firmilian's
quarrels

now

with you' as

(Ep. 75.

25) 'Stephen

with the Easterns,

if it

now

were a chronological

note of the order of events.

And

Peters

instead of dealing rationally with the

words suggests that probably the vanity

of Firmilian caused

him the

subjective

sensation of having been assailed

Second Letter preserves a

23

first.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

354

toward Novatian, nor was

it

a meaningless anxiety which

lurked under Stephen's complaint of

treachery.'

a weakness and an error to urge upon such

reasoned conformity

it

was

men an

un-

But

to threaten that he would hold no

communion with bishops who used second

baptism.

They

had what they thought immemorial usage^ and their recent

Councils behind them and he but smote a rock. The most
conspicuous Churchman of the day, Firmilian, metropolitan
of Cappadocia, replied Thou hast excommunicated thine
;

'

own

self.'

Did

Stephen excommunicate the Bishops of the East?

whether Stephen carried his

vii. 5.
There
Supposing
think, just critical light enough to arrive at the fact.
I
is,
Dionysius had written that Stephen cVfcrroXKei on ov Koivamja-oi (as
Thucyd. 8. 99 writes e7r0TaXKi...0Ti ovtc al vrjes irapftToivro ac.t.X.) even
But he writes
this would not have said more than that he threatened.
eVfoxaXKet o5v ov Koivrnvrjaav, and this subjective wj marks a distinct sub-

Our only

original materials for settling

threat further

z.r&

Epp.

74. 8;

75. 24;

Dionys. ap. Eus.

traction from the actuality of the verb [being used as Henri Estienne

says

quo quis aliquid facit vel

Thesaurus G. L. ed. Hase, and Dindorf

cogitationis vel consilii indicandi causa

facere se simulat vel

2085. L.]

VIII. col.

aliis videtur.'

(Winer, Gr. Gr. Part

ill.

65. 9.)

Also Cyprian says

and Firmilian 'putas

omnes a te abstineri posse' (75. 24). Both imply that the note had been
sounded, but not that the deed was done. If these passages proved
the excommunication they would prove it to be earlier than the Third
Council, but Cyprian's speech {Sentt. Epp. Proem.) shews that 'compliance' had not then 'been enforced by terror.' '...quisquam nostrum^
there cannot of course mean Africans as against Romans.
Stephen

saiC&rdo\.QS...abstinendos putat' {Ep. 74. 8)

Dionysius the Great.

Two of Stephen's leading presbyters, Philemon and

own,

sius a learned^ successor of his

in

the

shared his views and supported his action.

^

'A

75- 19-

Christo et ab Apostolis,' Ep.

first

Diony-

instance

Later on they

X67t6s re koX OaufiaffLos, Eus.

vii. 7.

VIII.

ACTS, ETC.

II. 2.

DIONYSIUS THE GREAT.

355

He

replied, as

consulted the great Dionysius at Alexandria\

he himself observes, at

first

and then

briefly

some

at

length.

In the fragment of his letter to Philemon, which Eusebius has

preserved, he mentions that from his predecessor Heraclas he

had received
but he

it

as a rule, not to rebaptize returning heretics

here speaking only of such as had been baptized

is

before their error: an exception which even Cyprian allowed'.

Clement of Alexandria had however more than doubted the

reality of heretical baptism, for

he glosses one of the strange

phrases interpolated by the Seventy in the ninth chapter of

Proverbs 'so wilt thou cross over the water of strangers' by

the words

'Wisdom here accounteth the

heretic baptism to

But no Egyptian synod had

then taken up the question, and determined it. So far from
this, that Dionysius of Alexandria in his letter to Xystus
be no native, genuine water^'

Rome*

of

moving story of

relates a

the entreaties, tears and

who
in

own Baptism

discovered his

He

cal.

the

his

own

to

of the

Body and Blood

vailed every incompleteness.

He

Catholic

have been utterly

encouraged him to have no scruples

Communion

resistance to

prostrations of an aged

hereti-

his long life

of Christ counter-

failed to

persuade the old

man, who dared not communicate and scrupled, as

baptized, even to attend the prayers.

if

un-

Yet, although ready

his own
way so important did he deem it that the
relations of communions to each other should not be at the
mercy of the weak and scrupulous. Again we must remember

to

be advised by Xystus, Dionysius could not upon

convictions give

am

not clear that they did not

Xystus that he mentions the

letter to

write to Dionysius even in Stephen's

fact,

lifetime.

main) are written in Xystus' time.

...(TviJ.\pi^^oLsirp6Tpov Zretpavcp

yevo/xivois, koX irepl ti2v

^oi/<rt...Euseb.

H. E.

avrdv

participle in the absence of

particle (and if they

had

/tot yp6.-

The

vii. 5.

latter

Euseb.

On

rb

just written

oUelov Kal

it

is

</>la).

vii. 7.

Prov.

Xorpiov

But

'

any limiting

he would have said ypa\paa-i) is rather

imperfect than present 'were correspondents of mine.'

and the fuller

ix.

Ep.
18

/SaTrrtcTyaa

yvriffiov

Strom.

I.

letters

(which re-

74. 12.

Sia^yjffr]

vSup

v5wp a\-

aiperiKbv

ovk

Xoyij^ofi^vt}

(2o-

to

xix.

His 5th on Baptism, Euseb.

in his

232

vii.

9.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

356

that his severe language about Novatian

is

extracted from one

of his Baptismal Letters, namely the fourth to his namesake

Rome

at

that

it is

severe on account of the hard separatism

of the sectarian, and that one

by Rebaptism

that

of this separatism

trait

he sets at nought the Holy Font\'

is

It

seems clear then that he agreed, as did the two Roman

But he was shocked with
presbyters, with Stephen's theory.
his

want of

delicacy,

and

addressed to him an earnest

entreaty not to be severe upon a practice resting on such

We

authority of old bishops and councils*.

know

also that

he admitted the Baptism of Montanists, at which Basil'

expresses surprise, considering this to be a distinct Heresy
about the Godhead. But here Dionysius was better informed.
It is difficult then to reconcile with these fragmentary
facts
'

which we know, Jerome's statement that Dionysius

consented to the dogma' of Cyprian*.

Still

it

may be

argued that Basil would not have been so surprised as he was

at Dionysius,

if

his

view of Montanism had not seemed an

exception to his view of other heresies, and that he would

have been more surprised

if

he had admitted the baptism

For Basil is mistakenly persuaded that a difference

all.
had been already at that early date defined between heretical
and schismatical baptism and that the latter was admissible.
of

Perhaps we

may

infer

from

all

that

is

before us

that

Dionysius held a policy not unlike Basil's own about the

tradition.

and would have had every country observe its own

While he himself would have accepted Stephen's

clientele,

he was not willing that Africa and Asia should be

Kathari

Such a policy suits the broad and tolerant

character of Dionysius' mind and the hypothesis harmonizes
interfered with.

the various statements.

Euseb. H. E.

his fifth letter

vii. 8.

By

'

enses rebaptizare, p. 73.

'

that

the light of

and Cyprian's Novatian-

Rebaptism

is

meant.

2, it is

plain

^ aKoiret

Euseb.

to /liyedoi rod

vii. 5.

'

Epist. 188,

De

Canon

I.

Vir. Illustr. c. 69.

irpdyfjuiTos,

VIII.

ACTS, ETC.

II. 2.

DIONYSIUS

His middle position

mind

or whose

is

not that of one

made up\

not

is

THE GREAT.
who

35/

is

not

strict

His information increased

with his enquiries, but his views and his conduct were con-

His view was that heretics

sistent throughout.

may be validly

admitted without second baptism, but that churches which

must not be overruled from without. His conduct was very decisive. Thanks to Eusebius we possess the
outlines and fragments of five Letters which he wrote On
ruled otherwise

'

Baptism' to
called

letter,

address

Rome^

His First was to Stephen; a fulP

by one

forth

from

Stephen, of which the

not given, but the subject was 'about Helenus of

is

and Firmilian of Cappadocia and all (the bishops)

provinces and of all the neighbouring tribes.'
'About them' he repeated the censure and the threatening
'

Cilicia

'of

their

with which he had already approached Cyprian, declaring

'that he

would not communicate with them

Dionysius addressed him

the self-same cause.'

He

terests of peace.

who had

'for

the in-

in

delineated the restored tranquillity

of the Eastern church.

Patriarch

and

either,'

Persecution past

the Antiochene

leaned to Novatian succeeded by one of

comprehensive sympathies; Jerusalem, Caesarea and Tyre, the

Syrias and Arabia grateful for

potamia, Pontus, Bithynia

The chord which

heart

Of

is

all

Roman

beneficence

plainly he hopes

to

touch

in

Stephen's

the near fulfilment of the Pentecostal foreshadowing.

Saint Luke's

list

Egypt and Rome

the unnamed subject.
for

inference,

are wanting only Parthia and Persia,

are the correspondents and Africa

'

How

grievous,'

is

that such unity should be vexed

As

"

Euseb. H. E.

by

threatenings.'

afraid

must be the same which he himself

Rettberg.
vii.

^ 7rXe?<rTa...6/xiX^(ra5,
5.

is

Dionysius' evident

Of the three next letters we have spoken already.

The candid and enquiring mind of him who was not

Cf. 2,

Meso-

exulting in brotherly concord.

describes in his 'Second on Baptism'

9.

Euseb.

vii.

4.

This 'The First on Baptism'

addressed to
cessor.

Xystus,

Euseb.

vii.

5.

Stephen's suc-

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

3S8

of studying the attractive literature of heretics, because (as

he tells the Roman presbyter) the Divine voice reminded

him that he was capable of criticizing and that such fearless

study had brought him to the faith at first,' comes out in
'

delicate touches.

His

earliest letter urges

on Stephen the

general ground of the peace of the Church, without refer-

ence to authority.

Of

Rebaptizing Councils he then

the

seems to know nothing.

But to Xystus he

made

^enquiry that decrees have been

'

greatest episcopal synods,'

this too,'

and

writes,

in this

to Dionysius

'

find by

sense in the

have learnt

meaning the copious precedents, and particularly

the Councils of Iconium and Synnada\

Greatly
Letter

then to be

written

in

regretted

name

the

the

is

loss

of a sixth

of the church of Alexandria

by their bishop and containing his final discussion^ of the

whole question. We may nevertheless be assured that his
conclusions were the same pacific and truthful ones to which
he pointed

all

Had

through.

he really decided either

for

Jerome heard) or against Cyprian, this would

have been the most important factor in the controversy; and

Rebaptism

(as

Eusebius could not have failed to record

it.

His silence

implies that he had already indicated sufficiently the lines

laid

down by Dionysius

To

the Great.

return to Carthage.

One

last enquirer

now

appears,

Pompey, the bishop of Sabrata upon the Syrtis, in the later

He had received the circulated docuand
was
anxious
to learn how Stephen had replied to
ments
them. Cyprian sends him Stephen's epistle to himself, with
an antidote of his own^ a fine letter though not moderate*.
province of Tripoli.

TTw^cwo/iiaiEuseb./f. .vii. 5,/te/Mt-

must here justify Peters (p.

502) against Fechtrup (p. ^3,'^) in lapng
stress on the expressions ot Dionysius.
Fechtrup says that Dionysius mentions
Bj]Ka. vii. 7.

the Councils in his account to Xystus

of his First Letter; which

not as from the

account of

is true,

letter itself,

but

only in his

it.

Euseb.

5ia fiaKpas airoSel^ews.

'

Porapeio Fratri, p. 74.

Dial.

c.

Lticiferian 17.

vii. 9.

VIII.

One of
of

ACTS, ETC.

2.

II.

those which Jerome calls

" the error''

lays

DIONYSIUS

down

THE GREAT.

359

a rending of Stephen and

'

In the course of

of inveterate tradition.'

it

he

the principles of a true Reformation (and such he

own measures to be) in lines which the historian

own Reformation might adopt for his proem.
Reli-

conceived his
of our

'

'

gious and single-hearted minds have a short method to dis-

'

burden themselves of

'

truth.

For

we

if

and to discover and develop

error,

turn back to the fountain-head and source

human

'of the Divine tradition, the

'of the heavenly mysteries

is

error disappears; the plan

and

perceived,

all

that lay

'

darkling under the gloom and mists of darkness opens out

'

into the light of truth.

'

ever large and copious before,

'

ceed to

its

'whether
'

If

some aqueduct, whose stream was

fails suddenly, do we not pro-

fount, there to learn the nature of that failure

its

flow has dwindled at the source through the

drying up of the veins, or whether indeed

unshrunken volume, but has

gushes thence

it

mid course

'

in full

'

that so,

'

the water does not run in uninterrupted flow, unceasingly

if it is

failed in

the fault of a broken or porous channel that

'

and perpetually, the channel may be repaired and strength

'

ened, and the collected waters be delivered for the use and

'

drinking of the city in

'

with which they issue from the spring.

'

must deal now, and keep the Divine charge

'

all

the self-same richness and purity

so God's priests
;

so that,

if in

aught truth totters and wavers, we turn back both to

'source in the Lord, and also to

'

Even

and

'alike our order

and our beginning V

these words Cyprian

is

10 'et ad originem doad evangelicam adque apo-

where rose
in

The length and

may seem to point

Djougar (Mons Zeugitanus and Mons

through channels sixty

miles long,
surface

of the

arches,

it

some recent incident of management

on the wonderful Aqueduct of Carthage.
From the heads in Zaghouan and
'

its rise

Zuccharus)

detail of the simile

'

its

evangelists

Considering that

stolicam traditionem.'

to

by

laying the plan of a campaign against

74.
et

delivery

and our plan of action takes

apostles,

^ Ep.
minicam

its

part buried, part

slopes,

poured

in

part

on the
on vast

Cyprian's

days

seven millions of gallons daily into the

city

and neighbourhood, the civitas'

'

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

36o

Rome,

Rome was

clear that

is

it

or the

not to him the 'fountain'

beginning of either doctrine or order.

'

'

He

canon framed as an amend-

closes his letter with a

ment on

that of Stephen with which he opens.

he had wavered was convinced, and his proxy

his neighbour,

That there

is

The above

is

is

Pompeius

if

presented by

Bishop Natalis, of QEa, at the next Council

*.

no reason to suppose Letters are missing from the

Correspondence with Stephen.
a simple and sufficient account of the circumstances of
Rettberg (pp. i8i sqq.) admires Mosheim's 'dis-

the correspondence.

covery' of other letters, and thus arranges the extant and supposed

documents,
2.

i.

The Synodal

Letter,

Cyprian to Stephen, Epistle 72.

it in Ep. 74 to Pompeius,

Stephen's reply, lost: Cyprian mentions

moderate terms as a moderate paper'; and 'would have written more

if he had been characterized in that letter as he was in the one
'seen by Firmilian' to Pompeius he also uses metaphors and arguments
not used in the Synodal Letter, but quoted by Firmilian as occurring in
Cyprian's letter to Stephen whence is inferred 3. A reply from Cyprian
to Stephen lost, moderate of tone, and resefnbling that to Pompeius in
argument and illustration. 4- Stephen's second reply to Cyprian, lostj
inhuman in character the one described by Firmilian. 5. The Legation-letter from Cyprian to Stephen, &c., lost.
The detection of lost documents is a diversion for critics. But I see
no evidence of any of these having existed except of course the Letter
Evidently that which Pompeius saw was the same which
of Stephen.

'in

'harshly

if not the same that was sent to the Oriental

and the Legation probably presented the Synodal Letter only.
Firmilian nowhere alludes to a letter from Cyprian to Stephen

Firmilian saw, even

bishops

For

(i)

The Garden,

as enriched with those metaphors, &c.

Fountain,

the

the Ark, the Apostolic tradition of Rebaptism, are plainly taken from

Cyprian's letter to

Firmilian himself.

Cyprian's ultimatum.

It left the

(2)

The Synodal

Letter

was

question thenceforward in the hands

Accordingly the next declaration is 'The sentences of

The force of that declaration is thus acone by one.
counted for. (3) As to the argument that Cyprian would in writing to
Pompeius have been stung to sharper retaliation on Stephen if he had
seen what Stephen, according to Firmilian, said of him, we may consider
that Augustine was impressed by the moderation of Cyprian and that
there is surely strength enough in such phrases as 'everything else,
of the bishops.

the bishops

'

'

Sentt.

Epp. 84.

'

VIII.

ACTS AND DOCUMENTS.

II. 2.

361

'whether haughty, irrelevant, or self-contradictory, which Stephanus

ignorantly and unadvisedly wrote' {Ep. 74. i). Then, seeing that Stephen's
supposed ^moderate' letter is described as evincing 'eagerness for presumption and contumacy,' and made Cyprian in his 'moderate' reply exclaim that, if such principles prevail, 'we must give up to the Devil the
'ordinance of the Gospel, the dispensation of Christ, the majesty of God...
'

'The Church must give place

to heretics, light to dark...,

'reason to error..., immortal

life

hope to

despair...,

to death..., truth to fiction..., Christ to

'Antichrist' {Ep. 74. 8); seeing also that the

same

letter

of Stephen's

went the length of saying that dissentient bishops should be excommunicated {sacerdotes abstinendi), we may allow that it was probably in its
personal parts strong enough to have been the one which Firmilian saw.

That the Epistle

to

Poinpey {Ep. 74) and Stephen's Epistle quoted therein

are earlier than the Third Council on Baptism.

It has been maintained (O. RitschI, pp. 113 f.) that Cyprian's opening
address to the Third Council on Baptism, leaving liberty of action to all

bishops,

is

a kind of offered compromise or conciliation to Stephen; and

Pompey (./. 74), shewing relations with Stephen

that therefore the letter to

be at an end, must be dated after that Council and therefore also the
Stephen, which is criticized in it, must be a rescript of Stephen's
after his receiving the Report of that Council from Cyprian.

to

letter of

But the speech of Cyprian

is

no

bishop of bishops, and

on colleagues.

It states the position

olive-leaf.

who wants

tolerance which he takes as against one

who by tyrannous
'

terror

'

to

make

of

himself a

seeks to force obedience

Epp. Proerti.)
Again the extracts from Stephen's Letter, contained in Ep. 74, are
mainly argu7nents, from practice of heretics, from traditions, backed by a
threat of excommunication the very point touched in Cyprian's speech
arguments embodied to be refuted in a long argumentative letter from
Cyprian to a neighbouring suffragan who enquires 'what reply Stephen
has sent him to our document' quid inihi ad litteras nostras. ..rescripserit'^.
They belong to the progress of the discussion; and wear no semblance of
a Roman ultimatum answering the ultimatum of a Council of three provinces and the letter which contains them makes no allusion whatever
to a Council so important, as settling the whole question for all Africa,
that, if it had sate and reported before that letter was written, it could not
but have been mentioned.
If the contents of one letter ever established its place in a series, the
74th letter to Pompey and the letter of Stephen which it quotes preceded
the Third Council.
{Sentt.

Ep.

74.

I.

:
:

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

362
That Ep. 72

It

72

is

to

is rightly put down to the Second Council on

Baptism not the Third.

Stephen

has been ingeniously maintained (O. Ritschl, pp. 114

ff.)

that Epistle

the Synodal Letter not of the Second but of the great Third Council

Because it takes that standpoint as to the liberty of bishops which

Cyprian takes in his address to the Third Council.
Answer. It is the
same view which Cyprian uniformly takes. Cf Ep. 55. 21 69. 17 73. 26.
(2) Because, if the Spring (or Easter) Council had already sent so decisive
(i)

letter to Stephen as this 72nd no third Council need have been specially
convened, as this was for September the same year. Answer. Stephen's

Second Council-letter was so truculent, as its relics in Ep. 74

was essential to present to him the strongest African front
possible.
It was therefore necessary to convene the Mauretanians, as
well as the Africans and Numidians who formed the Second Council.
And Ritschl himself thinks this was so important that he actually believes
(p. 1 17) that the determining to convene the Mauretanians was a solid part
of the business of the Second Council. [He believes also that he has
shewn that Ep. 74 and its quotations from Stephen's letter, are later than
reply to the

shew, that

it

See last note.]

but there he fails.
this Council
(3) Because the
mention of the Second Council in Ep. 73. i does not imply that a letter
was sent to Stephen. Answer. It was not absolutely necessary to say
so in telling Jubaian what the resolution was, even if a letter went to
But the position of the Third Council is rather that of a
Stephen.
tremendous demonstration, by an utterance obtained from every single
bishop, upon Stephen's threat of excommunication. Their mere opinion
had been sent to Stephen before, more than once, and it does not appear
that any letter was sent by the Third Council. The Sententia were
enough. (4) Because (p. 116) letter 72 itself states that the Council from
which it emanated was a specially convened one Ad qucsdam disponenda
necesse habuimus... eagere et celebrare concilium^ whereas the Second
Council was the ordinary Easter (or Spring) Meeting of Bishops at
;

Ritschl's quotation is unconsciously not quite

Answer.

Carthage.

words which he represents (and does not represent) by

dots are inserted the sentence is ^ Ad qucedam disponenda et consilii
'communis examinatione limanda necesse habuimus, frater carissime, con-

candid.

If the

'venientibus in
*in

unum

pluribus sacerdotibus cogere et celebrare concilium

quo multa quidem prolata adque exacta

*tibi

scribendum, &c.' {Ep. 72.

i) (viz.

sunt.

Sed de eo

vel

the baptismal question).

maxime

Now

here Cyprian plainly seems to say that he felt obliged to take the opportunity of 'many bishops meeting' to hold 'a Council' in order to arrange,

and formulate certain things, and that besides the one subject
on which he wrote to Stephen, there were many others brought forward and disposed of It seems as if a more accurate account could
scarcely be given of the annual episcopal meeting of the year A.D. 256

exatnine,

'

'

'

VIII.

ACTS

II. 2.

AND DOCUMENTS.

363

being turned into the Second Council of Carthage under Cyprian on

Baptism. The letter says it came from such a body^.

To this I must add that the description of Council II, in Ep. 73. r
answers almost in words to the description in Ep. 72 of the Council from
which itself emanated. Thus
Ep.

unum
vel

72.

maxime

magis

convenientibus

tibi

scribendum...quod

pertineat...et

ad

Ep.

in

pluribus sacerdotibus..de eo

ecclesise

catholicae unitatem..eos qui sunt..

73.

cum

in

venissemus...episcopi

unum

con-

numero sep-

tuaginta et unus..hoc..firmavimus
statuentes

unum baptisma

quod

in

sit

esse

catholica

ecclesia

profanae aquae labe maculati, quan-

constitutum...non

do ad nos...venennt, baptizari oportere....Tunc enim demum plene

baptizari

profana

sanctificari...salutaris fidei veritate

sint et sanctificandi salutaris aqucC

servatum.

veritate.

rebaptizari

sed

a nobis quicunque ab..

aqua venientes abluendi

(5) Because Ep. -j^. i says nothing about the multa which Ep. 72. i
says were handled in its Council.
Answer. No. For Ep. 73 is answering

Jubaian's question as to what had been done on one point.

I add that it is a very strong point indeed that Ep. 72 mentions
(6)
documents issued by Cyprian prior to its own Council only Epp. 70 and
71 (to the Numidians and Quintus), and does not name "j^i (^^o Jubaian)
which Cyprian, after it was written, used quite as a manual (as it is) of
arguments on his side, and read as such to the Third Council, li Ep. 72
had emanated from the Third Council it must have mentioned this Ep. j-^.
Ritschl tries to meet this by saying that Ep. 73 was too rude to Stephen
which is feeble, considering the language which was
to be sent to him
undoubtedly sent. Besides, how could that hold when the Epistle had
been already read to the whole Council ?
I know how troublesome all this detail of restoring the documents to
their right order is, but what else can be done when such a scholar as
Ritschl takes such infinite pains to dislocate them 1

as

That

who spoke 2jih in the Seventh Council is Quintus

Mauretanian, recipient of Ep. 71.

Quiei7{s of Bio'uc
the

Hartel gives the name of the bishop of Buruc who spoke in the
Seventh Council {Sentt. Epp. 27) without various reading as Quietus.''
So do most editions. But PamHe in his text, Morcelli, and Labbe, I.
Here is perhaps an indication
810, xxvii., and Index, have Quintus.'
'

'^

For younger readers may

that firmare consilium does not

observe

denuo which gives that sense ; but in

by

Ep.

itself

imply an affirmation of a previous decision? In Ep. 73. i it is the word

71. 4

frmavit

is

the

word used

with staiuit of Agrippinus himself,

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

364

some MSS. which read 'Quintus.' But however that may

and material correspondences between this short

that there were

be, observing the verbal

speech and Cyprian's letter to Quintus the Mauretanian Bishop {Ep. 71),
There are these
I cannot doubt that the speaker was Quintus himself.
(a) The passage Qui baptizatus a mortuo in Sirach 34. 30, and the strange

argument about baptism by the dead (p. 41 1 inf.), are nowhere used by
Cyprian except in his letter to Quintus and in the Council no speaker
{b) Sent. 27 qui ab hsereexcept this (Quietus or) Quintus employs it.
ticis intinguuntur.
Ep. 71. i qui apud haereticos tincti sunt, {c) Sent. 27
uno vitali baptismate quod in ecclesia catholica est, et sanctificari debere..../. 71. i unum baptisma esse: quod unum scilicet in ecclesia
;

catholica est...et sanctificandi hominis potestatem.

ad ecclesiam veniunt?...cognito
Ep.

tentia revertuntur.

71. 2

errore pristino

ad ecclesiam revertentes

agentes...peccato suo cognito et errore digesto.

qui aput

Sent. 27 cur

{d)

ad veritatem cum
{e)

pceni-

et pcenitentiam

Sent. 27

enim

si

baptizantur per remissionem peccatorum vitam aeternam

illos

Ep.

consequuntur, cur ad ecclesiam veniunt.

peccatorum non

sciamus remissam

71. 3

nisi in ecclesia dari posse.

Labbe noticed a resemblance. I have shewn elsewhere [Appendix

on Cities, p. 607] that Buruc was more likely than not in Mauretania. I
should venture to read Sentt. Epp. 27 QuiNTUS A BuRUC.

The Seventh Council under Cyprian and Third

ON Baptism was held on the First^ of September, A.D.
^

Mr

ments

Shepherd, Letter
'

ii.

p. 14,

com-

This Council wonderful to say

has a date.'

He

might have wondered

also that the Second (his

own Third)

Yet doubtless the paucity of

allusions?

dates of any kind

connected with
hostility to

even

is

remarkable.

that

intense

forms that had

by heathenism,
Montanism, Nova-

civil

has a date {Ep. 59. 10). He further

thinks it would have been far more

been

natural to have said A.D. 180 or

tianism.Donatism.and so

'

such date,'
tainly

for

another event.

would have been an

This cer-

interestingly

early use of the Christian era.

was introduced by
nysius Exiguus,

'

some

This

solemnly

which comes out

tullian.

It is

It is

African

used
in

fiercely in Ter-

hard to impugn a council's

genuineness for wanting a date,

when

the Council of Cirta (a. D. 305)

ques-

is

tioned by the Donatists (in 411A.D.),

his

favourite Dio-

whom

he would rather

who must have known something

He may

African

have called Magnus.'

be ex-

Christianity,

solely

on

The Catho-

cused for not knowing that Baronius had

used up that minute mot, but has he
noticed how far it was usual for letters

ground that

and events to be carefully dated in those

times and countries? For instance, Au-

Catholics did not eschew dates.

gustine's letters or TertuUian's historical

it

has a date.

of
the

had

to reply that, though Donatist

councils

and documents were undated,

lies

Yet
Donatism preserved a
Puritan tradition and that the Catholics

it

may be

that

VIII.
256^
*

ACTS,

II. 2.

an

ETC

COUNCIL

assemblage of no

VII. (III.),

THE BISHOPS.

365

than eighty-seven bishops

less

from the provinces of Africa*, Numidia and Mauretania'

proportionate representation of course they could not be

with' presbyters and deacons, in presence of a vast

great vision was

It

fulfilled.

see in actual presence

that

was given

laity.

to Cyprian to

'copious body of bishops' in

which he had long ago declared that the safety and purity
of the Church lay.

The

bishops,

be borne

will

it

in

mind, were the elected

judges, overseers and teachers of the Christian section of as

many

No

African towns.

than Africa of

found

civic and financial life.

The
army of advance in things social,
was the section which at present

religious.

It

hardest to assert

it

its

Yet

corporate, in the Empire.

a new literature, and

it

had

was developing new

it

the constitution and

Brought up themselves

daily

in

and of rule the bishops had been elected

sight of justice

to use

insti-

was already creating

It

bosom

in its

legislation of the future.

On

whether individual or

rights,

tutions theoretically and practically.

had come

full

intellectual,

Christian section was the

moral and

part of the Empire was more

them more

by

freely

(p.

117) view that Cyprian

found

it

we might be

necessary to secure the help of Maure-

content to admit for an undated Council

tania before venturing his step against

degrees.

the whole

the excuse which the Catholics allowed

one that the Donatists

for
is

relied on.

not dated, either year or day.

we do
It is

not

more

mean

to dispute

it

'

It

But

for that.

likely to be due to unbusiness

habits than to fraud.'

See Augustine,

cum

Donatistis, tertii

Brev. Collationis
diei,

cc.

Neander
^

xiv,

xv.

26 and 27.

(0/. cit.), vol. III. p.

Firmilian's letter

Cf.

263 note.

was not received

was over.
Episcoporum,

until the Council

2

Sententicz

Fifty-five

suffrages

were

Proem.

from

Pro-

Stephen;
region

twenty-eight from the larger

Numidia

of

Mauretania can
suffrages,

those

namely of Nova and Buruc, and half

an interest in the see of Tucca. See
Appendix on Cities, p. 575, and Note on
p. 363,

and
'

'Quietus or Quintus.'

Epp.

Sentt.

Dr

Ep.

"ji

27.

Pusey, Councils of the Church,

on those presbyters and

deacons being stated in the Acts to be
p. 73, lays stress

the presbyters and deacons of the respective bishops, 'their presbyters

consular Africa (twelve of them from

deacons.'

within a circle of 45 Roman miles of

Carthage) this disposes of O. Ritschl's

text.

The

pars

plebis.

have sent only two

But the word

is

and

not in the

laity are described as

mojcima

Sep.

i,
'

'

'

'

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

366

to their presidencies because in

them was recognised

the true

spirit of rule, of instruction, of sensible converse with men.

The

which might have pro-

special saintliness of asceticism,

cured

new

election later

spiritual

on,

had not yet come

into vogue.

power had 'come into the world' and

it

was

committed to them to exercise it in a world of realities.

The towns from which they came, and through which
they travelled, presented the social
every aspect
cities

or

'

privileges,

as

simple

'

republics,' or as

and

life

of the age in almost

municipia,' as
'

colonies

with

splendid

'

and exempt

free

loaded with

'

buildings

titles

and

like

the

which,

amphitheatre of Thysdrus, rivalled or outdid the similar

structures of

and

Rome.

Their elaborate

their administrations, fiscal

known

to scholars as

Treasury.

The

list

organizations

official

and agrarian,

modern finance

of towns^ shews

is

are as

well

to the officials of our

how immediately

the early

Christians faced their problems by laying hold of the centres of

The

policy of the Christian Church

life

and

all

respects unlike that of the

activity.

modern Missionary

handled christianisation as the state handled

It

It

began with strong

centres as fast as

it

centres.

focal

could

make them

no new focus unsupported.

It

It

was

in

Society.

civilisation.

threw out

strong and

safe.

fresh
It left

gave each bishop the utmost

independence consistent with unity.

Nothing can exceed the variety of the social situations.

Some of these cities were primaeval settlements of Canaanites, which still used and occupied their rock-cisterns and
half-solid citadels or Bozrahs of gigantic stones
all

their accretions were yet

which with

governed by Sufetes, the 'Judges'

of Palestine, stamped their Phoenician

names on

their coinage

until late in the Empire, and served Baal and Ashtoreth in

Imperial Temples.
^

See Appendix

on

the

Lists

of

Bishops attending the Councils (p. 565),

and Appendix on the Cities from which

the

Bishops

Council on the

356

(p.

575).

came
first

to

the

Seventh

of September a.d.

VIII.

ACTS, ETC.

II. 2.

COUNCIL

The Homeric Lotus-land,

just then beginning

VII. (ill.),

THE

BISHOPS.

367

the large low Isle of Meninx,

to call itself Girba, maintained, as

it

does to-day, a pure Berber stock which had learnt of these

Canaanites to grow the best dates and dye the brightest and
costliest purples\
all

They have been

The

whose peak rose some three

busy little port and the forests

island rock of Thabraca,

or four hundred feet above

of the mainland, was

the

impartially receptive of

the successive faiths of the masters of the mainland.

its

own daughter

coral fisheries of the

mother of

to Tyre, and

the peculiar Punic fish-craft was then the wealth, as

subsistence, of

And

Western Mediterranean.

all

while

it is still

the

Hippo Diarrhytus and other towns, the bishop

of Carpos was bishop of a bright and fashionable seaside spa.

Of many seaports
little

represented some were

still

the insecure

roadsteads which had for centuries shipped off the precious

yield of

farms.

Numidian mines, and the homely produce of Kabylian

Other immense elaborate harbours had grown up as

factories of

Carthage

others enclosed a vast precinct for the

chief corn-markets of the world, and depots for the grain

Rome.

Of

which

some had once saved

their commerce by offering themselves to the Romans, as their
cousins the Gibeonites offered themselves to Joshua, or had
fed the proletariat of

risen again

despised

these

on such a flood of exports and imports that they

even the cruel impost which

still

avenged their

resistance to Julius Caesar himself.

Tripolis and the

Emporia were

rich

and luxurious amid

unceasing wars with the invading tribes and the advancing

sands of the Sahara.

Other

cities

were seated among illimitable slopes of corn,

or overlooking the

High Plateaux, or among

through which ran chains of villages and

Their bishop Monnulus

ing, not only for his sad

is

interest-

grammar, but

as using, to express 'the stain of error,'

a very technical term of Dyeing, and

that in a form
(Sentt.

Epp.

Cities, p.

575.

the

lines of

nowhere

10.)

forests

road

still

else existing,

See Appendix on

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

368

marked by broken

dry fountains and post-stations.

oil-mills,

Crystal rivers, which after short courses

now plunge

were then banked and quayed and at

last

in sands,

led off into a

thousand channels of irrigation.

Cirta, the old capital of

City-throne, was with

Numidia, on

earth's

most perfect

consummate wisdom long allowed

to

maintain with four antient surrounding burghs a sort of unity

or republic of their own.

The

Mount Aures with

its rich uplands and

was girdled with a ring of
towns and was held chained, as it were,

vast region of

inaccessible lairs of restive tribes

strong and

brilliant

to Carthage and

its

orderly powers by Hadrian's great work,

the

new

To

that ring belonged the military centre of Lambaesis, the

two hundred miles

straight road of near

to Theveste.

Thamugadi, the most antient mart of commerce,

and Theveste, the centre of communication. And these were
model cities also, each a miniature Rome with every appliance of domestic, civic and luxurious existence that could
keep legions and tribes engaged. Not only theatre and
amphitheatre for their dissipated and ferocious amusement,
temples to the gods and genii of Health and Commerce
and Fatherland, whether Tyre or Rome, baths, with all their
beautiful

amusements, triumphal arches which

set forth the conquests

of the Emperors and the motherliness of Empresses, ample

become churches, forums and

mimic

basilicas

ready to

curiae

which business was discussed by orators with

in

the semblance of freedom.

Here

soldiers

had unusual

leges of marriage, and their children were

honourable

enrolled

all

priviin

an

tribe.

Along the Theveste Road

Legio Augusta, was a

itself,

constructed by the Third

line of fresh thriving stations, with

here and there an antient town renewed, so populous that

before long there was a Christian See every thirteen miles or

so.

Farther off huge frontier fortresses, like Capsa 'fenced

with sands and serpents,' held the key of Sahara

for the

whole

VIII.

ACTS,

II. 2.

ETC.COUNCIL VII.

(III.),

THE BISHOPS. 369

and controlled the caravans which laboured up and

down and across the enormous basins of the salt lakes, or
Tell,

like Gemellae' created their

own

oasis

and there held the utmost

who

bastion of civilisation against the Spirit of the Desert

after all is master.

In safer districts lay what were simply the adorned and

noble
tharis,

of Peace Thuburbo, Assuras, Thelepte, Macand many others, above all, Sufetula, which was not

cities

even walled.
In short, the material spectacle of these African cities

was

And what more

can

not unworthy of their setting in Nature.

There

no measuring them by our small and

sombre ideas of market towns and appropriate public works.
be said

is

Yet many heathen knew that all the brilliance was darkened by a reckless using up of life and hopelessness in death.

The

Christian Bishop in

armed with a message of

To

reality.

that he

and

were

his

the delivery of

they should be of one mind about this

vital that

into

knew

each

'

it it

was

entering

Therefore they met at Carthage about Baptism.

life.'

For the present we regard the record of the Council simply

as

'

The arguments which

a Document.'

prevailed in

it

will

come later under

by the reading of

the Jubaian correspondence, and of the

letter to Stephen*,

with a very few words from the President,

review.

which Augustine justly eulogizes

and indomitable
had no
he was
is

for their large pacific spirit'

Diversity in diocesan practices

tolerance.

terrors for him, although the responsibility of creating

diversity

'

proceedings were opened

Its

seemed

Of
Our present

him appalling.

to

unconscious.

all

'

it

business,'

himself

he

said,

to state individually our views of the particular subject

Its desert

of

Mokran

is all

inter-

>?// 82).

sected with channels, cross dykes and

Its bishop, Litteus,

'

ditches.

case

creating

by a metaphor from

proves his
'

the blind

leading the blind into the ditch

B.

'

Epp. 8.
Aug. de Bapt. c. Donatt.

Sentt.

perseverantissima tolerantia,

vi. vi. (9)

ii.

5.

{Sentt.

24

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

370

'before us, judging no one, nor removing from his rights

communion any who may hold

of

'

selves.

For there

is

from our-

different views

none of us who

constitutes himself

'

Bishop of Bishops, or pushes his colleagues with a tyrannous

'

terror to the necessity of compliance

according to the scope of the liberty and

Bishop

since every

office

which belongs

own hands, and can no more

by another than he can himself judge his
neighbour^ but we await one and all the judgment of
'our Lord Jesu Christ, who One and Alone has the power
'both to prefer us in the governing of His Church, and
Then every prelate in his
'to judge our conduct therein'^.'
'

to

him has

his decision in his

be judged

'

We

seniority' delivered his opinion.

Mark

Cyprian's studied use of alio

and alterum. In the next clause

the punctuation of

The

wrong.
quando.

The

the editions

all

is

Epp. Proem.

papal

these thorny phrases

way of handling
was to turn them

'though

not

the said

title

of Bishop of

[Ann. A.D. 258, xlii.) The

middle mode was that of the Franciscans
R. Missori (1733) and M. Molkenbuhr
(1790) and hapless Archbishop Tizzani
(1862), rent by those who fawn on him
Bishops.'

as

'

savant prelat

'

and

(Freppel, p. 429 sqq.

According
is

mode

to this

'

docte critique

'

then

at this

the object of Cyprian's allusion ?'

It

He, as 'the bom

President of the Assembly and " OberCyprian himself.

metropolit" of

all Africa,'

merely

claims any purpose of using his

position,

dis-

own

which actually was that of a

'Bishop of Bishops,' to check freedom

of expression.

He

further remarks that the

was not

at

all

designed

Rome, but was summoned

to

Synod

reply to

solely to

stem

the growing opposition of the African

Cyprian

an

opposition

which exhibited itself in the universally and individually expressed coin-

Stephen in these
artlessly remarks

that Cyprian's 'absolute silence' about

Stephen

the 'Sovereign

bishops

'

He

(p. 425) to

So too Dr Peters (pp. 515,516)

can see no allusion at all to Stephen. He
however happily elucidates for us what
Mgr. Freppel left dark viz. 'who then

the controversy

The third or modern ultramontane

mode is Mgr. Freppel's. He declares
with truth, It is impossible for me to
words.'

a 'chose eton-

Peters, p. 504).

a romance and the records forgeries.

see any allusion to

is

a token of 'dernier

Pontiff.'

is

by Stephen's Supreme Pontific

and headed as usual more ma-

evidently

hommage'

over-respectful'

authority

jorum with

nante'

is

'alluded of course to the Decree published

our attention' and

by saying that

to account like Baronius

Cyprian

think

expectemus depends on

Sentt.

old

we

cannot doubt that

Council 'deserves

all

to

cidence of their views with

3

See Routh, R.

his.

S. vol. in. p. X91.

Erasmus and Manutius. Corrupt Mss.

Cambron. ap. Pam^le. In the editions
of Erasmus (the first of this Council)
and Manutius, and in the much interpolated cod. Cambronensis (Pamele), the

VIII.

ACTS, ETC. COUNCIL

II. 2.

THE BISHOPS.

VII. (III.),

37

have the very words of each of those eighty-seven men*: from

some a telling argument from some a Scripture from some
;

an antithesis, an analogy, or a fancy*. Here a rhetorical

flourish, there a soloecism, or an unfinished clause^ a restatement of the opinion in terms of an argument*, or a
personal virulence or fanaticism far outshrieking the usual

Two

tone*.

of

juniors

the

pleading their

majority*,

own

of 'Confessor'

prefixed to the

is

names of twelve of

the bishops, viz.,

42, 47, 48, 49, 52, 54, 58, 61, 62, 68,
79, 82

that of

'

Martyr' to 72, 76, 80

'martyr de schismaticis' to

and

Verulus; that of 'confessor

to 45

and

These

87.

70,

martyr'

et

are not in

Baluze omitted them

our manuscripts.

and

(Baluze, p. 329

titles

p. 601), so

Morcelli

pp. 151, 226), as not belonging to the

(l.

'gesta,' as

of course they could not,

and as not given by Augustine.

But

though not authentic, they perhaps preserve

an independent

For

tradition.

example, only four appear of the confessor-bishops

named

Ep.

in

the designation of Verulus

^

is

76,

and

But Cornelius
the sentences of an

sent in

Ep. 49

(2)

episcopal conference to Cyprian, 'quas

subjectas leges.'

In Eus.

vii.

29

and Malchion taken down

hand,
2

iiri(Tr]fj.etovfjLvojv

See

Polycarp

this

a corruption, but

Ep.

finitive.

et excludi

it is

52. 3 '...ejici

et adorari haberet.
...et

'

Testim.

i.

'quod

11

Novum Testamentum dari haberet,'

Mark

&c.

de ecclesia

habebat'; Ep. 63. 6 'laudari

again the entirely broken

of the

construction

end

of Sent.

and the viva voce doubling of

7,

'illos'

Sent. 4 'Debemus ergo

fidem nostram exprimere ut hseretirw et

in Sent. 25.

schismatir^j'

ad ecclesiam venientes, qui

deb^v

pseudo-baptizati videntur,
fonte perenni baptizari.'

'addimus
'et

ut...eos suscipi.'

m...dare

eos in

Ep. 72. 2
Ep. 70 fin.

[Cf.

il/is.']

So Pomponius of Dionysiana

'It is

evident that heretics are not able to

baptize and give remission of sins,

who

have no power either to loose or to bind

anything on earth,' Sent. 48.

in short-

mistakeably genuine, Sent. 16.

Hadrumetum,

in

African use, and even with passive in-

The pom-

posity of Felix of Uthina again

Taxvypi<p<^v.

of

appear occasionally

we have
Samo-

the discussion between Paul of

sata

still

Hartel thinks

interesting.

Shepherd doubts.

Such weak-

inexperience.

nesses (except perhaps the last)

title

the judgment of the

adopt

is

un-

Vincent of Thibaris ;' we

Sent. ^y.

know Heretics

to be worse than HeaWherefore he recommends that

Nemesian, the martyrEpp. 3.

bishop of Thubunse, says, 'This is the
Spirit which from the beginning moved

they should be exorcised before being

upon the

cens of Cirta.

Sentt.

face of the waters, for neither

the Spirit can operate apart from water,

nor water apart from the Spirit.

Epp.
*

'

Sentt.

5.

Sent. 73

*unum habet

esse et bap-

tisma,' * there has to be also one baptism.'

thens.'

baptized

a view accepted also by CresSent. 8.

Cf. Sent.

10

quod habebant et damnationis

on this remarket iram...sanctificetur'
able speech see Appendix on Cities, p.
'

ut cancer

598*

Sentt. 71

and

78.

24

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

372

On

debate.

we can but admire

the whole

the

Roman

pith

and terseness of epigram, the ability and even more the

temper of so great a number of speakers to a conclusion
Augustine points out the quiet
which we dissent from.
intention to adhere to unity which appears not only in

own words, but

Cyprian's

'so far as in us

we must

our powers of peacemaking

all

strive.'

Cyprian
cussion.

lies,'

such expressions of the rest as

in

'with

a sentence of six simple lines closed the dis-

in

My own

opinion

our colleague Jubaian

is

quite expressed in the letter to

that heretics being by formal declara-

and evangelists styled adversaries of Christ

'tion^ of apostles

when they

'

and

'

tized with the Church's

'

of adversaries friends. Christians of antichrists.'

antichrists, must,

join the Church,

one baptism,

was the unanimous sense of

Firmilia?i

in

be bap-

order to become

and

his letter.

Our next Document is one of singular interest,

Letter of Saint Firmilian to Cyprian.'
'

It
if

we

That

his Council.

'

'

would be

in

The

contradiction to the whole of his policy

supposed that Cyprian condescended to bring to bear

upon the Council the pressure of any external influence whatIf he had desired to do so, it was within reach.
soever.
After the Council had decided, immense weight must have
been added to

its

by the confirmation which they

resolutions

received from Asia Minor.

Directly after the meeting, and

so not early enough to announce an answer, Cyprian had

written to the bishop of Caesarea, metropolitan (so to speak)

of Cappadocia, a very copious

copies of two others '.

Contestatio.

Sentt.

letter,

and accompanied

it

with

These he had sent by Rogatian, one

Epp. 87.

Note

The

copious

the old jurisconsult's natural use of the

Firmilian's letter

law-term.

ments are

all

to

references
to

made

Cjqjrian's

in

argu-

be found in the two

VIII.

ACTS AND

II. 2.

DOCUMENTS FIRMILIAN.

who brought back

of his deacons,

the

373

reply before

the

winter\
Csesarea was a memorable place.

sand upland people* were even now

hundred thou-

Its four

some unconscious way

in

preparing for a heroic stand within three years from this

time^ against foes at present undreaded and undreamed
and

epistles 73
will

Careful examination

74.

convince the reader that nothing

is

quoted from 69 (as Ritschl p. 129 supwhich does not appear in 73 or

poses),

and considering
reckoning,

Dr
these Ep.

we have

baian, was, as

written to

judgment

contained the

was that which took similarly to him the

news of this same Third Council. Any-

74 was
immediately after
Council,

the

of
latest

Peters (p. 516) thinks that the

used as

And Ep.

Pompey

and

view of the whole

how

Firmilian has had the account of

that rejection from Cyprian.

the delegates to have

the end of the

week of September,

first

there were eight weeks for them to go

to

Rome,

position.

for

Rogatian to make

letters therefore

gave the

Supposing

Carthage about

left

question, and also of Stephen's present

These two

mode of

near.

delegation rudely repelled by Stephen

arguments rearranged,

earlier

all

with others added.

the

seen,

their inclusive

is sufficiently

to Ju-

manual of the question, contain-

full

ing

11, addressed

But

the end of 256 a.d., especially -wiih/ere,

in 74.

Of

beginning of a.d. 257.

letter at the

of.

to return to Carthage, then

and be back

way

his

to Caesarea

in Carthage ^before winter,'

and arguments on
which his judgment was required and
were for this reason sent to the great

which, for navigation purposes, began

Asian authority.

berg,

gist of all questions

This answers Ritschl's question, Why,

yet at any rate the simpler
were not sent to Firmilian instead of the later most elaborate ones,

if

not

all,

epistles

in order to obtain his

judgment which

was required with speed.

^

i.e.

the winter of a.d. 256, for be-

fore the next Stephen died

was

in

from

this

exile

and

the

and Cyprian
report

sent

Council would not have been

kept back a year.

Here

would be time enough.

is

raised, viz. that

Lipsius think the letter to Fir-

Ep. 74

is

Zonaras,

A.D.

is

the

ruary,

A.D.

235,

says

killed in
it

was

which

if literally

is

be-

date of the capture

real

Caesarea

fell

very

See the notes of Gib-

It is totally

impossible that

Firmilian's letter can have been written

and

after so fearful

if it

to

were

immediately

^ante

may

exact would date the

Caesarea

Valerian, p. 552).

Feb-

viginli et dtios fere attftos' (Ep. 75. 10),

was

23.

xii.

near to that time.

an allusion

it

of Valerian (see Appendix on Chronology,

soon

who was

Council and

tween 3000 and 4000 feet above the sea.

3 There can be no doubt that 260

Maximin which followed the earthquakes in Pontus post Alexandrum

imperatorem,^

after the

enclosed.

Firmilian, speaking of the persecution

of

This

3.

Pearson, Rett-

milian went off before the Council, but

bon's editors.

this difficulty

November

era about

at this

it,

an event vnthout

considering his style

after,

after.

it

must have been

Consequently

we

be sure that the sack of Caesarea

was between 257 and 261.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

374

Their walls, like those of most inland towns remote from

had long since decayed or been removed \ They

by thousands, choking up their own ravines before the

frontiers,
fell

By

Persian Sapor.

They

watering*.

thousands they were driven like cattle to

lost

things

all

themselves as Paris only

own days has

our

in

and then they recovered

done.

Their present native bishop, predecessor of their native

was a memorable man. Firmilian, conspicuous by his

family, had already, five-and-twenty years before this, become
more conspicuous in that position ^ His eminent character
Basil,

ennobled a race so noble that

its

by a criminal

record

Capitolina
house.'

years later under Diocle-

fifty

judge entreated a Christian martyr not to tarnish

tian, the

replied,

'Him

will

that Jesus Christ

He had

is

is

death.

'

But

best

its

that Firmilian was a scion

follow:

King of

after

him

kings*.'

paid Origen prolonged

of no

common

of the

fearlessly confess

visits in Palestine, so

to deepen his intimacy with 'things Divine"'

student

nobility,'

To one

master.

no

best

common
times

of these

belongs perhaps his introduction of the awakened pagan

lawyer Gregory, afterwards the Thaumaturge, to Origen for

his

many

years of study in

prevailed on

church

all

that

He

was knowable.

had

Origen to come and lecture from church to

among

hung about the vigorous

the towns which

plateaus of Cappadocia^

And

there later on,

still

in

Fir-

milian's time, sheltering from persecution, Origen apparently

found
1

fresh

material

Niebuhr,

Lecit.

Schmitz, vol.

ill. p.

Zonaras

xii.

Rom.

for

Hist.

his

tr.

lifelong
Jerome,

study''.

De

Virr.

Cappa-

54, says all

docia concurred in the invitation.

295.

23.

Euseb.

care not to

H. E.

have a

26.

But we must take

17.
make Eusebius say more

vi.

In A.D. 231 'the loth year of AlexAUvpeirev di iv to'jt(^, Euseb.

ander.'
3

vi.

III.

Firmilian

than he meant, for he too seems to

little

exceeded his authority.

Symmachus

com-

Tillemont, vol. iv., p. 309.

After speaking of

Twis

(TwdLOLTpl^eiv xp^^^^ '^s

bating (dTroretyi/Aevoj vpbs) the narrative

eZsTA^ero/3e\Ttwo-ews?yeKO,Euseb. vi.27.

of S. Matthew, he proceeds 'Origen in-

oi)T<f)

eis^K/cXijffiiDi'w^Aetaj',

Euseb. vi. 27.

dicates

{(rrffiAlvei)

that

as

he received from

VI 1 1.

ACTS AND DOCUMENTS

II. 2.

was admired

FIRMILIAN.

375

'for the trained exactitude of his intellectual

and theology

faculties in philosophy

alike*';

'an

illustrious

man/ says Nicephorus. But so Dionysius the Great' had ranked

him long before with 'the more illustrious bishops whom
alone I name.' The great historian of Armenia speaks of
his many works, among them a History of the Vexations of
the Church under Maximin and Decius'.
He was among
the earliest thinkers who touched with precision the facts of
'

'

Original Sin^, and S. Basil appeals to the treatises' of 'our

Firmilian

evidence of the exactness of his

in

'

concerning the Holy

one Juliana these notes
with

other

own teaching

Spirit.

(viro/jLvrifiaTa)

interpretations

(^p/irjveicu)

there

no ground

is

to question the truth

of Palladius' quotation, but the contrary.

of Symmachus on the Scriptures, and

he says also that she received the books

there during the two years (a.d. 235

by succession from Symmachus him-

of Maximin's persecution of Christian

The

self.'

and the

expressions are so similar,

is

(xrjfialvet.

cautious

so

that

Eusebius must be building on a Note

which Palladius
siaca c.

Pair.

Origen's

ed.

147,

Paris

also

saw

Ducoeus, Bibl.

1624,

II.

t.

own handwriting

book which was

Lau-

(Hist.

Vet.

Origen then was probably

rather boldly)

or else, being there al-

ready at work, he may have been forced

into hiding by the measures of Serenian,

^^

proconsul.

in a

very old

XoyiurraTjj

and had

7)

Teachers (Doctores, vel praecipue propOrigenem, says Orosius, Hist. vii. 19

1049)

(TraXaiordTCf) ^i^\i<j} aTixr)p(^),

ter

p.

written in sense-lines

shelter

in

Palladius
Kal

Juliana

calls

The

VLaTOTirrj.

text

followed by Meursius, Lugd. Bat. 16 1 6,

and the

translator

Hervetus confuses

thus been inscribed by Origen: 'This

the story by hiding the Book instead of

book

Origen.

Juliana,
I

was

found

the

in

a virgin

possession
Csesarea,

in

And

in hiding at her house.

used to say she had received

Symmachus
the

Jews.'

it

of

when
she

from

himself, the interpreter of

There

is

mention

here

irpi<pavT]$ avijp Kai

rjKpi^wixivas

tum, but his word

2

Tov$

tCov

Origen's word was

Euseb.

not 5ia-

on which any idea of relationAs to modern observations

'Oirep iy^y paiTTo means 'which book had
di^affdai.

ship rests.

been inscribed' with the words given,

not that the book was a manuscript by

ykp

quan-

from Dionysius).
fibvovi

Dion.

ap.

Moses of Khoren (tc. 390 c. 487)

him doctrinarum mirificestudiosus,
but desiderates more precise detail
of persons and places in his accounts
of Armenian and other martyrdoms.
Hist. Armen. 1. ii. c. 72.
^

calls

in

Routh, R. S.

Although Eusebius says nothing of a second sojourn in Cappadocia,

ol

sense-lines.

is

vii. 5.

'a

does not

Nicephorus

(l}v6/ia(Ta,

mean

"Ztlxvp^^

sKar^pa^ yvdia-ews

^fe'J.

irepitpavea'T^povi,

iiTLffKbTfiav

book written

Origen.

poetical book,' but a

'"'^^

Callist. Hist. Eccl. vi. 27 [valeat

only of one book, and that not named.

el\7)<f>ivai,

^x^"

III.

p. 149.

\670t oOs /caraXAoiTre.

Spiritu Sancto,

c.

xxix. 74.

Basil, de

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

3/6

His name stands first

temporary Church-rulers

in Eusebius's roll of the great con-

before Gregory and Athenodorus

of Pontus, before Helenus of Tarsus, and Nicomas of Iconium,

Hymenaeus of Jerusalem, Theotecnus of the Palestinian

and Maximus of Bostra\ This was after the death
of Dionysius, who may have been greater in speculative
power, whilst Cyprian had left him no room for originality
the only document of his that we
in his Baptismal thesis,
Caesarea,

But

possess.

his sense of the

was the more

his

need of action was the wider;

'choragic' spirit, so to speak.

He wrote

Dionysius wrote against Novatian.

Nay, he wrote to the diocese of Antioch

of Samosata.

a tone as

in

against Paul

if

But Firmilian was

in

itself

had already been deposed.

their wild prelate

both instances a foremost influence

assembling the churches

in

He

for fair hearings of the questions^

was President of the Third Council of Antioch (Second against

Paul of Samosata) and there determinedly accepted, against
the sentiments of the Council, the apologies and promises of
Paul,

'

ance.

trusting and hoping,'

When

and leaving him room

for repent-

proved as useless as

this charity of his

it

was

those days remarkable, the Fourth Council of Antioch

in

assembled, and whilst they tarried for him as necessary to

their deliberations Firmilian died at

man

This was the

as

to

whom

Tarsus on the journey.

Cyprian wrote

Romanists have hoped, the cause

not because,

hand was pre-

in his

judged, but because he was the foremost church-ruler of the

East.

His Letter, extant

Greek,

is

in a

Of

points of strong interest.

the

West

H. E.

Eus.

He was

awe

Councils of Antioch, the

first

Four
in

has

his

many

Church he does not write

he had never heard of

Paul of Samosata

vii. 28.

with

It

It is plain

or scorn.

connected

series.

the claims of the great See of

to guide the Catholic

with either
^

contemporary Latin version of

the most enthusiastic of the

A.D.

252, against Novatianisra, and three

on

(i) in

264, (2) at an

uncertain date between 264 and 269,

and
vii.

(3)

30.

in 269.

Euseb. H. E.

vi.

46,

VIII.

FIRMILIAN.

377

It affirms the apostolic antiquity of the

custom of

ACTS AND DOCUMENTS

II. 2.

them*.

rebaptism in Asia;

on the fixed and extempore portions of the Eucha-

region,

ristic liturgy,

tence

'

touches on the annual synods of that

it

on the

with regard to 'peni-

clerical function

being not to bestow remission of

conscience and promote reparation

sin,

but to awaken

the quasi-supremacy of

The

Jerusalem, the unity subsisting under wide division.

conduct of the

Roman

towards the Carthaginian Pope he

compares without a misgiving to the act of Judas. For

arguments on the Baptismal question he relies on Cyprian, of

two of whose
digest with

letters this is to a great

It

illustrations.

extent an approving

an 'open

fact

in

is

letter,'

restatement of the case from the beginning, a contribution

the controversy on

to

which consisted not only

Cyprian's

Asia Minor with Africa, but

arguments were adopted

on

He

Italy.

On

the very force

side,

of

the concurrence of East

in affirming

showing how completely the

in

which were urged

there,

vain

in

says himself he had those letters by heart.

the Genuineness of the Epistle of Firmilian.

Questionings of the genuineness of Firmilian's

be waste of space to
enumerated first.

letter are so

and in the history of Cyprian that

discuss any but the most recent.
Others

episode in the criticism of

it

mere an
it would
be

shall

just

As
^

It is

if

early doubts

had

existed, Rettberg (p. 189, note)

almost worth while to direct

at-

tention to Baronius on Firmilian (Annal.

^iTi-Z.A.D. 258, xliii.

his

powers

1.)

in statement

as an example of
and in criticism.

milian

made

under some

'insurrection against' the

Church of Rome in judaizing with Montanists and Quartodecimans, but was

'restored to Catholic communion' and

Cyprian (he says) tried to procure the

'died in the peace of the Church';

adherence of the Oriental bishops; For

he

is

in the

since he wrote to so remote a region as

'

Cappadocia he cannot have omitted

in his

write to the nearer bishops

to

Firmilian

Let no

Greek Kalendar

man

For

28th Oct.

think Firmilian persevered

excommunicate condition
For
with others he sate in the Council of
' ;

stands convicted of a 'patens menda-

Antioch:

cium' when he says that Stephen styled

Cyprian a pseudo-christ and pseudo-

bishops

baptism recanted next year and gave

prophet'; For neither Cyprian nor Au-

their adhesion to Stephen,

'

gustine mention those epithets

Fir-

Finally,

who were

all

the

Oriental

of his opinion about

in

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

378

strange misconception, writes 'Augustine was inclined to recognise the

it could be used against the Donatists
Augustine seems nowhere to make any

'genuineness of the letter as

truly a fine critical canon.'

explicit reference to the letter.

The

appear in the Editio Princeps of Cyprian

15 12) because it was not in the poor
manuscripts employed, although before 1726 twenty-six MSS. were
known containing it. Again, it was not in the editions of Erasmus
(a.D. 1520
1550) because not in the Corbey MS. of the Epistles
which alone he employed in correcting the old text. But Manutius
had the epistle in two of his manuscripts, yet did not print it at
or

Epistle did not

repetitions

its

(A.D.

1471

Rome

'the authorities,' says Latino Latini, his editor {Bibl.

in 1563:

' not
approving of that hitherto unpublished
1 74 b),
being brought out of its darkness.' Not that he entertained the

Sacr. et Prof. p.
epistle

slightest doubt of its genuineness.

For Pam&le having observed that
prudence would have dictated its continued suppression, ' on account 0/
'
its unepiscopal vehemence and bitterness which had led Manutius to omit
It was I, and not
'it,' Latini comes forward (p. 177 b) to correct him
'Manutius, who left it out, following my predecessors^ and because I
:

'detested the petulance of the

previous editors had never

man

had

[Firmilian]^.'

He

'

did not

know

that

Morel first printed it

in 1564; and then Pam^le in 1568, criticizing Morel's imprudence, but
thinking the letter too important to be omitted, and administering an
his opportunities.

antidote.

The

first

Christian

person supposed to have questioned

Lupus

in

his

Scholia

on

authenticity

its

was

TertuUian's de Prcescriptionibus

on the ground that it could not be true, as stated in the

had called Cyprian 'a False Christ': 'An inane sort
of conjecture,' says Baluze, p. 513, 'against which no monument of
Poor Lupus however never doubted its authenticity.
antiquity is safe.'
Baluze misunderstands his rather clumsy expression De cujus tamen
veritate hcEsito'' j which meant only that he questioned whether Stephen
could really have so miscalled Cyprian.
Lupus elsewhere also uses Firmilian's epistle as genuine. (Chr. Lupus, 0pp. t. ix. Venet. 1727. TertuU.
(Bruxell. 1675),

letter,

that Stephen

"^

de Prcescriptionibus, Scholia, capp.

4, 5, pp. 67, 93.)

In 1733 Raimond Missori, a Franciscan, published at Venice two

dissertations in which he assigns the whole of the Baptismal Documents

and in 1734 R. J. Tournemine, a Jesuit,

Conjectures sur la supposition de quelques ouvrages de

to a race of Donatist forgers;

printed

some

Cyprien

S.

et

1734, p. 2246.
^

'

de la lettre de Firmilien,' in the Memoires de Trhjoux for

Rettberg characterizes both by saying the latter is etwas
'

Majorumexe7npla^z.Xi\.\QXi\.zo6\ct.%'\.

Hartal

same feeling
of codex O, saec. xii.,

thinks

caused the scribe

the

to break
c. 3).

off his

transcript

(at positis

VIII.

FIRMILIAN.

ACTS AND DOCUMENTS

II. 2.

379

besonnener obgleich eben so absprechend as the other. Missori was

answered by G. G. Preu in an academical disputation, Jena, 1738 as
Routh, R. S. ill.
well as by Joh. Hyac. Sbaralea, Bologna 1741^
'

To
over him only 'quam infeliciter, quam ridicule.'
Tournemine a 'sehr griindlich' refutation was given by D. Cotta,
Tubingen 1740^.
Routh {R. S. III. 186) records that Matthias Dannenmayr, Institutiones,
p. 115, Vienna 1788, mentions authorities repudiating the scepticism as
Romanists and Weismann, Introd. Hist. Eccl. N. T. [Halae Magd. 1745],
vol. I. p. 249, and Koch, De Legationibus Ecclesiast. xviii. p. 94, others
as Protestants: he refers also to T. M. Mamachi, Origg. et Antiqq.
In 1790 and 93 another FranChristian. [Rom. 1749 55] II. p. 316.
ciscan revived the attack, viz. Marcellinus Molkenbuhr in two Latin
Dissertations
he was laboriously refuted by Lumper (Migne, Cursus
Patrolog. Tertullian, vol. III. P. G. Lumper, Historia Theologico-Criiica,
p. 186, inscribes

vol. XIII. pp.

797 sqq.).
In 1795 Giov. Marchetti in his ' Esercitazioni Cyprianiche,'
[1787, Nouv. Biogr. Gen.], also attacks the genuineness.
In 1817 Morcelli in his great Africa Christiana
rejects

it,

(v. li. p.

Roma

138) strangely

only because he cannot think that so saintly a person can have

denounced the Pope, and on the same grounds he denies the Epistle of
Cyprian to Pompey.
In 18533 Mr Shepherd 'added to and moulded' Molkenbuhr. His
idea is that the documents which the Romanists held so injurious to
their cause had been forged in the Roman interest.
In 1862 V. Tizzani, Archbishop of Nisibi, brought out 'La celebre conHim we leave to
s. Stefano e s. Cipriano' (Roma, Salvincci).

tesa fra

the very tender mercies of his

and Mgr. Freppel

Mr

(pp.

ashamed Romanists Dr

Peters

(p. 504),

sqq.).

Shepherd's restatements and arguments, disengaged from their

liveliness, are these

That

I.

429

Firmilian's letter

is

not spoken of by antients like Eusebius,

it might have been expected of

Augustine, Jerome, Optatus, &c., though

depraved human nature would delight in its

sarcasm and abuse.'
Several treatises which Mr S. says ought to have cited Firmilian's
letter if it were genuine, are themselves, according to him, not genuine,
But no one doubts
so that he can scarcely argue from their omissions.
Eusebius's ignorance of the West, or Augustine's of the East. Eusebius's
knowledge of Cyprianic transactions comes only from Dionysius' letters,
while Augustine is as ignorant of Clemens Alexandrinus, of Dionysius

them
'

especially because

'

'

ridicule,

Rettberg, p. 190 n.

'

Rev. E.

J.

Shepherd's Fifth Letter

'R.&t'Co&xg, ibid.

to

Dr Maitland.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

380

Helenus of Tarsus, and all the great prelates whom Eusebius

if they had never lived.
Shepherd argues as if
ignorance of an author's existence was knowledge of his non-existence.
Nevertheless Augustine seems quite aware that some Orientals had
mingled in this controversy guorutidam orientalium litteris (c. Crescon.
iii.
and been influenced by ^epistolare colloquium'' {De Bapt. c.
I, 2)
Don. iii. 2), although the accuracy of his information may be gauged
by his doubts as to whether many of them had held to rebaptism,
and by his statement that they had recanted {c. Cresco?i. I.e.). Why
Shepherd thinks that Eusebius records none of the facts of the quarrel
between Stephen and the Oriental churches, the probable convening
of one or more large Synods, and the cutting off of a large portion of the
East from the Roman Communion' (p. 18), is hard to say. He records
them all. It cannot be necessary to discuss why Jerome or Optatus do
not name Firmilian's letter. But Basil knew and used it. See note,
himself, of

ranks with Firmilian, as

'

'

'

'

p.

388.

'Cyprian can only have written to Firmilian because Firmilian

Roman ban, and yet the letter shows no

2.
'

was, like himself, under the

'evidence of Cyprian's knowing this (p. 20).' Such a fact would have
been good ground for a forger's selection of a correspondent, and a
The silence
forger would for certain have brought out the point.
then favours genuineness. But the real reason for Cyprian's writing to
Firmilian is quite different and fully brought out in the text.
Cyprian does not even whisper the name of Firmilian in his
3.
great Council (p. 21).' How should he? on his own responsibility he
wrote to him explaining his own position, but independently of and
*

after the Council.

The deacon Rogatian who

carried the letter 'would not have

such a hurry to return (p. 19).' It was important that he should
not only convey the reply, but also that he should anticipate the winter
4.

been

in

beginning as we have seen on Nov. 3.

'The journey of 2000 miles in a direct line' could not be performed 'between the end of September and beginning of November' even
'if at that season there was a vessel sailing at all' (p. 25).
About 1400
miles is the real distance, and Mr S. has not realised either the rate of
Roman travelling, or the number of Roman vessels, which for obvious
reasons covered the Mediterranean more numerously than those which
trade to the port of London itself, and especially before the open season
ended. He talks about sailing to Ephesus or Antioch, but the valley of
the Sarus readily brought the people from the port of Tarsus to Comana,
at sea,
5.

within

fifty

miles of Caesarea.

It is well just to

and

note

support each other,

how

the incidents of those objections

the speed

3,

4,

of Rogatian's journey on the verge

of winter, the haste of Firmilian to reply, and the silence at the Council

about his

letter.

VIII.
6.

Some

is

FIRMILIAN.

38

other 'arguments' are beneath notice, but the boldest

is

Hellenisms' of the letter are not Hellenisms," and that there

no trace of the translator in the rest of the letter.' Of course none

that "the

if

AND DOCUMENTS

ACTS

II. 2.

'

As

the 'Hellenisms' are not such.

Mr

style.

it

own

In

some

magnam

QiKiw irpodvulav

of the

2 Cor.

(cf.

...a

Domino

compound phrases and coupled

voluntatis caritatem
viii.

unum

in

who

epithets

convenire

els ev avvfXde'iv.

1)

alacritatem, the conjecture of Routh,

3.

periti.

letters.

equally impossible not to see the Greek

A.
I.

however judicent

is

the author of the rest writes his

It is

to this

impossible not to recognize touches of Cyprian's

Shepherd admits it to be in the easy natural style in which

In the translation

roO

ttoXXiji/

No

occasion for

points out the reference.

missi sunt unitatis spiritu velociter currentes {raxv-

8pofjiovvTes).
4.

quoniam sermo
In the

B.

divinus...distribuatur, the whole clause.

and sometimes awkward rendering

literal

tam longe positis

3.

fratribus

4.

seniores et praepositi for npea-^vrepoi.

of words

(Keifievots).

ol

npoeararfs, Ritschl.

Cf.

sup. p. 330 n.

Inc. 7, praesident majores natu, where age is nothing to the point, but
the translator could not have used presbyteri, which would ascribe to
presbyters the power of confirming and ordaining.
5.

inexcusabilem sententiam

6.

eos qui

Romse

Hierosolymis observantur

observari

illic

omnia

cequaliter quce

{6p.oiciis koi).

possident potestatem

7.

{avaTrokoyriTov).

sunt,.. .nee

{KfKTijvTai).

10.

nee vexari in aliquo.

II.

quamvis ad imaginem

veritatis

tamen

{kot

fiKova ofias t^s 0X7-

deias).

daemonum

ib.

pp.

fallacia ipsa

est

(Noticed by Hartel,

(avrjj).

Praef,

xl., xli. n.)

dividunt (the true reading for induit).

12.
iTV(vp.a

dno

(Hartel
17.

roii irarpos koi

tov

v'lov.

Theodoret,

Q.i.

I/.

E.

d7roxo>pi{^ovTfs to ayiov
4. 9, p.

314, ed. Gaisf.

I.e.).

quid aliud quam communicat (ri oKKo r\). (Hartel I.e.; corCf. 23 quid aliud quam... hihxs.
nos etiam illos quos hi qui prius in Ecclesia Catholica Episcopi

rectors inserted agit.)

22.

fuerant cannot be an original Latin clause.

(TKOTTOvt/Tes irore i^airrlcraino.)

Cf. S. Luc.

ii.

(?

ocrour ol kot

49 Vg.

'Ekk. K. eVt-

'in his qucE Patris

sunt,' eV TOif TOV Ilarpos.

25.

ut quid'^0% haereticos...vocamus

(ii/a t'C).

(Hartel

/.<:.)

mei

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

382
Note also

quod totum hoc

3.

fit

divina voluntate.

volentibus vivere.

23.

sermonis OovX^s

xat Xoyou,

24.

...consilii et

25.

quae ipse ac merito audire deberet (kqi

25.

bene

te valere

should be rationis).

a|ia)r).

omnibus ^(Jw...optamus, ut...habeamus nobiscum

etiam de longinquo adunatos.

Instances in which the Greek seems scarcely understood

C.

sed non enhn si = aXX* oi yap tl, where Hartel (p. xli. n.) would
after Noltius improve the Latin at the expense of the Greek by eh'am
2.

conjectural.
nisi si his episcopis

8.

ut per eos qui

22.

qui.

to

{?

cum

qui nunc minor fuit Paulus {rav vvv).

ipsi
cutn unmeaning, and Hartel would omit
:

0I0VS read as 01 ds.)

There is room for differences of judgment, but the above instances

which many might be added are fair, and together evince a Greek

original.

In c. 10 we may further notice the applicability to the conditions of

Asia Minor, and of no other region perhaps, of the use of such words
as patrias suas about local persecutions.
The remarkable translation in c. 24 of Eph. iv. 2, 3 'sustinentes
invicem in dilectione, satis agentes servare unitatem Spiritus in conjuncis in the same words as in three places of Cyprian, and
from every other known rendering. Ep. 55. 24; De Unit. 8; De
Bono Pat. 15 (wrongly cited by Sabatier as from De Op. et El.). This
seems to indicate the use of a version which Cyprian used or made. It
is worth observing that even the African Nemesian [Sentt. Epp. 5)

tione pacis'
differs

quotes the passage as ^ curantes servare.'

The

other quotations in the Epistle are either not marked enough to

be conclusive, or

may have been borrowed from

Cyprian's

own Baptismal

letters.

Ritschl has undertaken to dissect the Epistle with a view to shewing

that parts of

it

have been added

original letter of Firmilian.

in Latin

Even

if

by Cyprian or

his party to the

the operation had been performed

with success, what would survive of the Epistle so

much more than

utmost support of Cyprian's views, that any motive for

forgery is latent. But the destruction of literary monuments by conceits
is so much to be deprecated that it is right to see how baseless the
suffices for the

allegations are.

Chapter
fugt' (p. 132)

12.

Ritschl decides that this

is

*von anderer

Hand

ange-

VIII.

AND DOCUMENTS FIRMILIAN.

ACTS

II. 2.

383

because the question of the effect of un worthiness is deduced in

from the story of the demoniac woman.
(2) because the last words of 12 merely repeat the last words of 11.
Now this parallel form belongs to the stating of the Three Dilemmas
pointed out below, and the beginnings also are parallel.
(i)

c. 1 1

c. II.

Numquid

et

quando apud

hoc Stephanus

illos

omnino

Spiritus

Sanctus non
c.

12.

lUud etiam quale

c.

13.

Sequiturenim

est

quod

vult

non

Stephanus

sit

autem

est.
illic

Spiritus Sanctus.

(3)

because

(...sich iibrigens

illud

quod interrogandi sunt

apud quos Spiritus

Sanctus non est.

modelled on Ep. 74. 5 only

ganz geschickt zu verstecken) and tincti is used for bap-

(pp. 128, 9) c. 12 is closely

(On this see 'Quotations,' p. 387.)

non mentitur apostolus is used instead of

tizati in order to vary the words.

Again

for the

same reason

'

si

'

But 'non mentitur' takes S. Paul's words (Gal. i. 20)

from the same Epistle here quoted (Gal. iii. 27). And thirdly, quasipossit
...separari is varied with nisi si .dividunt and expanded.
This
varying however runs through nearly the whole Epistle only the words
The phenomena are throughout precisely those
are usually more varied.
of a retranslation of a translation, not checked by comparison with the
'dicit apostolus.'

. .

originals.

They

the emphasis
far

away.

are familiar to classical tutors.

The

points are kept,

the wording sometimes very near, sometimes

is different,

In this last instance the original force of quasi possit...

Christo Spiritus separari

is

increased by the retranslation nisi si a

(May

Christo Spiritum dividunt.

here observe that Nisi si with

used in a reductio ad absurdum when

it is meant that
proved to be actually in an absurd position,
and is not merely warned off his ground by a sight of the consequences ?
Compare 75. 11 nisi si...contendunt, 75. 14 nisi si...parit, "j-^. 21 nisi

the Indicative
the opponent

is

is

logically

si...praedicant.)

To

pass from wording to substance.

puts Three

Dilemmas

to

Stephen against

In

cc. 11, 12

and

13 Firmilian

his principle that 'baptism in

heresy was Christian baptism':

(i) Would Stephen say that baptism by a person possessed by a
demon was Christian baptism, if administered in regular form (c. 11).
The baptized, if S. Paul is true, have 'put on Christ.' According
(2)
.-*

to

Stephen, they must

in

order to receive the Holy Ghost

where the Holy Ghost

(3)

still

is

receive imposition of hands within the

not?

will

Church

Stephen then say that Christ

is

(c. 12).

Will Stephen say whether the baptism of heretics is 'of the

If it is of the flesh, how does Christian baptism

flesh' or 'of the Spirit'?

differ from Jewish baptism?

cannot impart the Spirit? (c.

If 'of the Spirit,'

13).

how

is it

that they

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

384
Or

briefly (i)

unworthiness
If their

(3)

Of

If heretics

is spiritual, what defect in

Dilemmas Ritschl proposes

baptism

these Three

ch. 12,

no limitation to efficacy through

impart Christ, why not the Spirit?

Is there absolutely

(2)

on the above

Chapters 23

25

milian's original.

their spiritual status?

to

drop out

(2),

that is

frivolous grounds.

are also charged as a fraudulent addition to Fir-

They

form,

it

'a whole' by themselves; the

is said,

Epistle ended with chapter 22, and chapter 23 begins with introducing

a text of Proverbs that has no connection (unvermittelt) (p. 133) with what
precedes. Further, certain words in the end of 22 are echoed in the end
of 25 (I suppose to create a deceitful similarity, but am not sure why).

Now

these are the passages

c.

22. ...'And

Stephen

he says remission of

is

not ashamed to maintain this; so that

be given through them, though they

Laver of Health could
be in the House of Death, c. 23, What place then will there be for
that which is written " Keep thee from the strange water, and from
are involved in

all

sins can

manner of

sins, as if the

a strange fount drink thou not^," if leaving the " sealed fount ^" of the
Church you take^ 'strange water' of your own instead, and pollute
the Church with profane founts

Even

if

?'

a letter could have ended so abruptly, yet a complete

The Proverb certainly has a

quoted to support by Scripture
the argument that the Laver or Font can be only in the Church. It is
quoted by Cyprian in the same connection in Ep. 70. i and thence (like
It is quoted again in the
so many other texts) adopted by Firmilian.
'whole' does not begin as

connection.

23 begins.

c.

It is itself the link.

It is

Sentt. Epp. 5.
no repetition of the first words of the above
extract, but a strong advance upon them.
c. 25. ..'it is manifest that neither can we have baptism in common
with heretics with whom we have nothing at all in common. (That
is the point reached in 22 and he proceeds) And yet Stephen is

same connection by Nemesian,

Again the end

of 25

is

not ashamed to afford to such his patronage against the Church,

for the sake of maintaining the cause of heretics to cleave the

and

brotherhood asunder, and, over and above

that, to

say Cyprian

is

and conscious that all these flaws are in himself, forestalls them by falsely
laying to another's charge what he should quite deservedly have said
a false Christ and false apostle and teacher and worker

of himself.'
^

The

Prov.

ix.

strange (African?) addition to

"^

Cant.

LXX.

which appears

in

and in Ep. 70. i, in Sentt. Epp.

in Aug. and in Ambrose, but not
the Vulgate.

iv. 12.

must read

suscipis with the early

There

5,

corrector of Q.

in

the other Presents,

is

no

v.

1.

as to

VIII.

ACTS AND DOCUMENTS

II. 2.

FIRMILIAN.

385

The objection to c. 24 (p. 133) that its expositions are built up out of
Epp. Ti. 15 74. 4 and 73. 20 would be of no weight if true. Firmilian's
open letter uses up for the pui-pose of reaffirming them most, if not all, of
the arguments contained in the two epistles which were submitted for his
But it does not happen to be true except in mere verbal
confirmation.
coincidence, as to the first two passages. The substance of Ep. 73. 15 is
the apostolic definition of heresy.
That of Ep. 74. 4 is the handling of
Stephen's argument derived from the practice of heretics. Neither of
these reappear in c. 24.
That of Ep. j^. 20 is that Stephen actually
misleads the poor heretic who would fain enter the Church by rightful
;

This

steps.

It is

is

repeated (not in

may be
6.

c.

24, but) in c. 23 oi

asserted (Ritschl, p. 134) that

course of Stephen's action

it

c.

given so far in

'That the

primitive tradition,

and as

c.

25 contradicts

c.

is

Ep.

75.

6 as to the

c.

interesting in other particulars

full.

Roman church
and

does not

in all things

alleges the authority

may know from seeing

and many other "sacraments"

observe the

of the Apostles

to

no

purpose, anybody

that about the celebration of

Easter,

of religion, there

exist

with

them some diversities, and all things are not observed there in the same
way {ceqxialiter qua) as they are observed at Jerusalem, just as in the
other numerous provinces too there are many things varied to suit local
and tribal differences {loconim atque hominimi), and yet on this account
the peace and unity of the Catholic Church have not at any time been
departed from. Stephen has now dared to do this, breaking (that) peace
with you which his predecessors have ever kept with you in love and
mutual honour.'
The supposed contradiction to this is found in the opening of c. 25.
How diligently hath Stephen fulfilled these the Apostle's commands
'and salutary monitions (those namely of Eph. iv.) keeping "lowliness
'and meekness" in the first rank
For what is more "lowly and meek"
'than to have differed with so many bishops throughout the whole
'world, breaking the peace with each in various kind of discord, one
'while {viodd) with Eastern bishops, of which (fact) we are confident that
'

'you too are aware, another while with yourselves

6 then,

c.

it

is

said,

makes

who

are in the south.'

the breach with Africa the

first,

while

25 places it later than the Eastern quarrel, c. 6 however touches no

question of time but only says that the Africans are themselves a living
c.

instance of Stephen's quarrelsome pretensions; and

c.

25 does not say

that his Oriental quarrel preceded in point of time his African quarrel.

But

if

Dionysius and Eusebius (Euseb. H. E.

that the Oriental difficulty

was the

earlier

he

vii.

5) satisfy

the reader

will scarcely find his

opinion
contradicted in 25, and in that case the error would be in Ritschl's

genuine chapter.
B.

25

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

386
The

word of the

linguistic objection, that the last

there applied to the union of Episcopal equals

Cyprian uses

it

adunatos

epistle

is

among themselves, whereas

only of the union of inferiors to superiors, as of the people

Church

to their bishops, or of the

down.

to Christ, absolutely breaks

Adunatus and adunatio are used by Cyprian of the unitedness of his

own action with that of the Roman presbytery, and specially of the equal
relation and union among themselves of the congregation \ of the sons
Thrice in chapter

of God^, of the true people of Christ.

critic

sense,

himself calls genuine, of this very epistle,

it

is

2,

which the

used in the same

and once even of the union of angels with the Church.

Similar

Cyprian's application of the word adunatio to the mutual bond of

churches^, and to the 'many grains' of the sacramental loaf*.
is

Lastly,

must be observed that the marks of translation from the

condemned chapters as in any others.

it

Greek are as

rife in Ritschl's

Conclusion. These then are the fruits of (what I believe to be)

thorough examination of the objections pushed against the genuineness

of Firmilian's epistle.

The more general

questions raised either prove

pointless or lead to further confirmations.

The

diction

is

manifestly that of a translation from Greek

rings with Cyprian

the arguments are Cyprian's own.

All

the style

fits

precisely

the conditions of a letter translated under Cyprian's hand or eye from

the original of a Greek writer

The

who had

studied Cyprian's arguments.

chapters which have been distinguished by a superfine acumen

as insertions either cannot be detached from the context without violence

argument, or are provably not

whether historically or linguistically
to the

character as the

made,
and they have the same marked

liable to the special charges

;

rest.

No literary document

bears clearer stamp of authenticity and genuine-

ness than this interesting translation from such an author by such an

author.

Quotations of Scripture in Firmilian.

Another
milian)

test

some

may be

...plebs adunata,

...filii

De

Zel. et

De Dca. Orat.

Dei...respondeant

Liv.

applied.

There are quoted in Ep. 75 (FirTwelve of these are also quoted

21 passages of Scripture.

18.

23.

adunati,

Ep.
Ep.

62.

i.

69. 5;

cf.

Ep.

60.

1.

75-

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

5S8
Ep.

75. 12

75. 14

quotes Go/,

tincti,
Epp. 62. 3 and 74. 5 baptizati.
\\...populitui,quiadesideravit.
Testim.xx. if)

27 with

iii.

/"j. xliv.

...populumtuumet

domum patris quoniam

concupivit.
75- 15

i>

)>

"i-

-^^'-

21 sic et nos (v.

quod
75. 16

19 quaecunque

il//. xvi.

Ep.

vos).

/.

69. 2; 74. ir

et vos.

Ep.

(first).

33.

i ;

de Unit. 4

quae.
75. 16

Jo. XX. 33 et

SI

all

75.

20

/'/^//.

i.

Epp.

cujus.

omit

18 adnuntiatur {v.

adnuntietur
75. 21

.,

Co.

xi.

69. 11

73.

7;

^'w/V.

^/^

et.'
I.

{v.

Ep.

annuncietur).
I.

27 quicumque ederit

73. 14

-atur).

panem

Epp.

aut.

16. 2

15.

qui ederit

panem aut.
De laps. 15 quicumque ederit
panem et.
Test.

94 qui-

iii.

cumque
ducaverit

nem
The

facts are alike

whether the passages occur

in

manpa-

et....

Epp. 73 and

74, or in

other writings of Cyprian.

seems obvious on careful consideration of all the facts that the

anew from Firmilian's Greek text, but are
simply given from texts then in use in Africa.
This independent and minute test then again supports the idea of the
version being Cyprianic.
It

quotations are not rendered

Basil and the Letter of Firjnilian.

If the following clauses of Basil, "^/. Classis

Prima {^Atnphilochio), and

as suggested to

me by M.

II..,

Ep. 188 canonica

of Firmilian Ep. 75. 7, 8 are read side by side,

Larpent, I believe it will be felt that they are

The resemblances are closer and more

mere treatment from the same point of view could create.
not independent.

parallel than

;
,

VIII.

AND THE LETTER OF

BASIL

II. 2.

FIRMILIAN.

389

...quod etiam ilH qui Cataphrygas apTlKvl'

pellantur

nee patrem possunt habere

nee iilium

yip rb

ets

Hveufjia t4 ayiov i^Xaff^fii]-

quia nee spiritum sanctum, a quibus

ffav,

MovTav(f Kal IlptaKtWri

k\-^ov
ol

irpoiT-qyoplav

Kadapol Kal

...

el(n

oZ

ffTduTes oi/R^ri

HveO/Maroi

i<p^

ruv

airrol

rod Ilapa-

rr]v

ivKprj/xlaavrei.

miserit

yap

(ibt

Priscam locutum
rrji

iaxov

'E/c/cXTjcrfos

4iri\nre

'

yap

irpCrroL avax'^p'^o'avTei

Tuv iraT^puv iaxov rdj

rb

xapifffJia

tQv

que
rint,

i^o-^

Tov

ovk4ti

fflav,

'

ol 5k

diro^pa-

Ka<n.

Alb

Toi)y Trap'

<I)5

scidegratise

sit,

ubi prcesident

majores

et

baptizandi

ponere,

natu

qui

non

lieet

avrwv iKf\evaav...Tcp

nee

enim

sicut

manum

im-

nee baptizare nee quicquam

ita

sanete et spiritaliter gerere,

totum nos jam pridem

leeti

dXrjdivtp

in leonio

quod
. .

.... eonfirmavimus tenendum

8 Jim.

dvaKaOal-

et

ordinandi pos-

et

airol iKireirTib-

irapa XaiKQv ^avTi^onivovs

jSairrlj/jLaTi t<J> rijy 'EKK\i](Tlai

nisi

col.

eos prius etiam ecclesia

baptismo baptizasset.

pcadai.

The correspondences
verbal.

Dei

ecclesia

sident potestatem, haereticum

dvvdpLevoi X'^P"' n'ei//uaTos

171

ab

in ecclesia constituta

ordinare

xftporo^'eii' elxov rrjv i^ov-

ayiov eripoii Trap^etj/,

et

et ceteri qui-

habere potestatis aut

nihil

manum imponendi

x^'P"^** o-vtCjv elxoi'

rb wvevfuxTiKbv

Sed

possunt quando omnis potestas et gratia

vapk

x^'/"''''o'^ay,

haeretici, si se

i]

yivres, \aiKol yevbfuvoi., oOre rov ^airri^iv oOre

Montanum

per
.

iiro-

x^p"' tov ayiov

T7)v

eavrois

5id TTj^ iiridiffeias

spiritum

avecrxi-O't'-^y'^v

fierdSoffii rip diaKoiriivai ttjv aKoKovdiav.

01

si

quem Christum praedicent,

respondebunt eum se pnedicare qui

quseramus

There

is

are the

more

striking because they are so

the constructive heresy of the Montanists

the two classes of heretics and schismatics

little

there are

the loss of the power of

imparting the Holy Spirit through the loss of the Apostolic Succession
there is the reference in Basil to some earlier canon, in Firmilian to
his

contemporary Council of Iconium

'The Baptism of the Church.'

And

and there
all

is

the

marked phrase
same

these topics are in the

order.
A.

Harnack, Gesch.

d.

alt-Chr. Litteratur bis Eiiseb.

to this passage, but does not notice the parallelism.

It

p. 409 refers
has been men-

I.

tioned above

(p. 375) that in de Spiritu Sancto xxix. 29. 74 Basil appeals to

Firmilian's doctrine as a standard.
The words omitted at the asterisk *

couple Cyprian and

'

our Firmilian

'

together as antient authorities

required the baptism of schismatics equally with heretics.

eSo^e Toii dpxaiots, Toli

TOVTovs Travras

fiin

Tvepl

yl/'^<f>o)

Kvnpiavov Xtyw Koi ^ipfiikiavov tov

vTTO^aXf If, Kadapovs

who

IlXijj/ clXX"

ijixirepou

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

390

The Nameless Author 'ON RebapTISM.'

The

interest centering

on the champion of the winning

us forget that so far he alone

make

yet lost cause must not

has registered what of record there

must be

cannot have been so unlike

scenes of controversy
opinions

He

presbyters \

were with him.

His councils

record.

others as not to have been

his signataries not the

only prelates

bishops not more docile than his

his

all

There

against himself.

champion could not

facts a

who had

is

regrets himself that not

all,

though so many,

some

In his last Council he seems to absolve

In his opinion worldliness

dioceses from compliance.

accounted for the disuse of Agrippinus' rebaptismal statute

we

but

are well able to see that that effect

was

least

at

by thought, by charity, by comprehension of

Apostolic principle and if a contemporary of this stamp,

also producible

one who differed 'by a whole sky' from Cyprian, not traditionally or overbearingly but philosophically, should have survived,

how

valuable might be his separate illustration of the

Christian reason and spirit in that age.

Such a

writer,

Author on

entertain no doubt, exists for us in

'

The

Rebaptism.'

His pamphlet was found and copied by the Fere Jacques Sirmond
from a 'very antient manuscript of Cyprian in the library of S. Remi
where it exists no more. It there followed Cyprian's
at Rheims,
letter to Pompeius^ and was subscribed Ccsctlii Cypriani finivit de
rebaptistnate.
Rigaut first printed it in 1648 seeing its value, and
from its diction concluding it to be ab cevo Cyprianico pariim dis'

tans.

Then Labbe

in 1672 in the Cojicilia, vol.

a new collation, Baluze.

I.,

and, after

making

Hartal has no other materials to edit from

(Prsef. p. Ixii.).

Ep.

dam.^

71.

^piarimi coepiscopi...fut-

69. 10 'intus in ipsa ecclesia.'

73. 26 'coUegis et coepiscopis.'

Epp. 59 ''qtiidam de collegis

Epp. 38 ^quidam nostri

Sentt.

Sentt.
nostris.'

praevari-

catores veritatis.'

Compare

plurimos' and quidam in Ep.

de Mart,

Ep.

(>7,.

and

'etsiaput plurimos... tamen...

quosdam.'
^

'episcopos

74.

VIII.

ACTS, ETC.

II. 2.

THE

NAMELESS AUTHOR.

Labbe says {Synopsis Cone. Apparat.

the Vatican attributes

it

names

it

tween

its

series^

a phrase inapplicable

Pearson accepts
writing

torn.

this.

i.

a MS. of it in
an African,' and so

p. 83)

Monk

to 'Ursinus the

39

Baluze also, because the interval be-

and the Apostles

is

in the

called

(c. vi.)

tot

sceculorum tanta

Oudin {quifour-

age of Cyprian.

mille d'erreurs, as Tillemont says), besides Routh {Rell. Sac. vol. v.

who quotes Labbe

283),

p.

as saying Three manuscripts, accept

Such names claim an otherwise superfluous answer. What

we know of Ursinus is from Gennadius, presbyter of Marseilles {ob.
Ursinus.

A.D. 496), in his continuation of Jerome,

De

Viris Illustribus,

c.

27.

'Ursinus (Ursicinus Sirmond) Monachus scripsit adversus eos qui

rebaptizandos haereticos decemunt, docens nee legitimum esse nee

'

'

Deo dignum

'in
'

nomine

baptizantur

rebaptizari illos qui in

nomine

Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti

:

simpliciter Christi, vel

quamvis pravo sensu

sed post Trinitatis et Christi simpUcem confessionem

ad salutem manus impositionem catholici sacerdotis.' It

how this can have been taken for an account of our
author. He is plainly not a monk but a bishop.
The words legitimum and Deo dignum point to express reasonings turning on (i)
authority, (2) analogy, which are not touched in this book nor yet
the distinction of baptisms in the name of Christ and of the Trinity,
nor the possibility of the latter being validly bestowed although pravo
sensu, which is an intelligible ground dealt with by Cyprian {Ep.
'sufficere
is

hard

to see

73-

5)-

Neither

is

a preliminary confession insisted on.

Again,

would * Catholicus Sacerdos'' have been used in this abstract unless

it
were in the treatise described.' our author always speaks of
Episcopi.

Cave {H. L. l. p. 131) suggests that the Vatican subscription is due

some reader of Gennadius, and Tillemont that it would be well to
ascertain that the MS. is one of this treatise.
I do not know whence
comes Cave's account of Ursinus as 'gente Afer' except from the
subscription, or his date 440 A.D., but at any rate Ursinus must
have written (from Gennadius' statement) at a much later period of
the controversy, and probably in its Donatist stage.
As to Baluze's remark on the 'tot saeculorum tanta series' indicating a later date, the phrase is not of course more literally accurate
to

in

440 than

in 250.

It

belongs to their general leaning to large

numbers: the expectation of the end of the world had something

to do with making the Christian past seem long
but apart from
that, this very treatise calls the few years of Peter and Paul's mutual
knowledge 'tanta tempora'; Cyprian speaks of 'tot haereticorum
milia' having entered the African church by rebaptism {Ep. "j^. 3);
Optatus, B. V. c. 5, speaks of John as baptizing 'infinita milia homi;

num.'
Fleury was absurd enough to think Stephanus a possible author.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

392

(in his clever discussion vol. iv.

Tillemont

Du

note

see also note

xl.,

Maran, Galland, Neander, Hefele, recognise the early

Cave also, partly on the ground of references to contemdate.
porary persecutions but of these, says Oudin, De Scriptt. Eccles.
Ant. V. I. p. 1006, Lips. 1722, truly, there is ne ypii quidem. The
position of the treatise in the Rheims manuscript is not without
its bearing on the date.
xxxix.),

Pin,

As

literary tokens

genuine reading of

of his antiquity

John

S.

vii.

we may mark
Holy Ghost was

the

not'
39 '(The)
Latin father reads this un-

No

before Christ's exaltation.

corrupted.

Again, 'The Holy Ghost,' he says, 'came down...

not of His

own

a paraphrase, which heresy early ren-

will,'

dered impossible, of '...He will not come unto you... I

send

Him

unto you,' combined perhaps with

He

'

will

shall not

speak from Himself \...'

From

a doctrinal point the higher value set upon the

Imposition of Hands than on the Baptism

familiar use of

'

Baptism

the

in

name

itself is

of early and not far from TertuUianesque age^

of Christ

mark

Again, the
as equivalent

'

would have been impossible when the

to perfect baptism

dis-

tinction had once been thought out between that form and

the Invocation

Holy

of the

No

Trinity.

one could have

used the terms as equivalent after Cyprian's correspondence

with Stephanus was known.
1

14)

and

xvi.

Auct.

(ap.

39

vii.

Jo.

7,

13

(ap.

de Reb.

Auct.

c.

c.

6).

Tillemont, who does not recognise either

quotation, says (to
(v. IV.

note

some extent

xl.) that

rightly)

the fourth century

'would not have tolerated such expressions.'

It

Se8ofi4vov,

had

in fact already inserted

dod^u or datus.

fathers omit the

translator of Origen,

as independent.

preserved

No

Latin

word given except the

if

The

extensively

he

may be

treated

true reading
in

Latin

was
Mss.

Thus it is found in Dunelm. (A [Bentl.

K] S3ec. vii., viii.), Fuld. (F 541546
A.D.), Sangerm. (G saec. ix.), Stonyhurst

Lindisfarn. (Y

(S^ s?ec. vii.),

viii.),

Harl.

(Z^ ssec.

vi.,

Bezte (dssec.vi.), though

has in
in

it

szec. vii.,

Cod.

vii.).

has

v\^o\.datus,

Brix. (saec. vi.) not daius but

eos,

See Bp. Wordsworth of Sarum

eis.

and H.

J.

White, Nov.

Test.

Latine,

559 (Oxon. 1895).

Routh remarks on the second passage

vol. IV. p.

'dictum illud non

intelligo.'

His

*edi-

R. S. vol. V. p. 291, is in the main

a wretched reprint of Fell's wretched
tion,'

copy,

reproducing

even

nonsensical

punctuations.
^

Auctor

Bapt.

6,

7,

c.

8.

6 ad

fin.

Cf. Tert. de

VIII.

ACTS, ETC.

II. 2.

There

THE

NAMELESS AUTHOR.

We

a yet nicer indication.

is

393

shall presently see

that the Author's theory of the visible Church was in itself

adequate to solve Cyprian's

no more than an

He

applicability.

Yet the Author has

difficulty.

sense of

instinctive

does not drive

its

and of

truth

home.

it

This

its

a phe-

is

nomenon which can only occur in contemporary arguments.

theories exist side by side in the next generation one
At first the discoverer of the
of them will have yielded.

Two
true

one has rarely learnt

applies

it

its

speculative value

full

merely as a test to points of

he

practice.

Again, the Author does not meet the great doctrine of

'

Unity

When

'

on which every argument of Cyprian's

based.

is

once a theory has passed out of the essay-stage,

when once

it

has pos-

without seeing

it.

No one

which others as yet compete with

session of the

field,

no eye can

stir

in

it

could have written on Cyprian's subject even a few years later

The

without knowing of this key to his whole position.

absence of any allusion to the doctrine of Unity assigns the

Treatise on Rebaptism to the

How

could

it

it

when

little later

was cast and the Scriptural symbols in

was expressed were so taking, so popular, so numerous,

the forms in which

which

years of the controversy.

first

have been excluded ever so

it

and so assailable'
Acute in disputation- and
.''

one who hopes

still

fresh in language he writes as

to influence the controversy^

He

is

one

occur in the 'Unity' as emphatically as

and not imperfect only but erroneous,

at the very time when they were not

in his Letters.

only baptized but baptizing others.

It

must be remembered that they

As an

instance of his ability

and

'...et

turbulentis

hominibus ut

vd

they are,

nunc suum negotium agere incipiant

how, anticipating 'your usual'

answer (which Cyprian does use in
the case of the Samaritans, Ep. 73. 9)

perstrndere: conseciauris-^\\\x\vsx\}im.^\\2,vci

desire

to

look at facts as

note

viz.

that

'the disciples held the right

nobis

si

hoc quoque

simumus.^

were then Judaic as

Routh

to cardinal points,

sano tandem

'Ut agendi in
ecclesia formam...2<iwr^ fratribus /-

when they were baptized long

before receiving the Holy Ghost,' he
works out how their Messianic beliefs

faith

consilio

voluerint acquiescere.'

telius et

MS.,

alii

\Agendi conjecimus, Har-

multo ante egomet.

tacendi,

accenseri.]

accedenti,

Auctor

c.

Accendi
attendi.
i.

In

c.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

394

To him

of the bishops\

Cyprian's proposal

in effect a

is

question, an attempt to alter, to reform very widely the

usage of the churches, a step to Novatianism*. He is not an
No Italian could have avoided as he does an appeal
Italian.

new

His speech is
tradition and the Roman pope.
His adversaries are not heretics like the Donatists;
they are churchmen and bishops. There is no other date
possible for him, unless it can be shewn that there was some

Roman

to

African'.

other at which there raged a second tempest like ours within

the Latin-speaking church, yet one in which there was no re-

currence to either the arguments or the refutations of Cyprian.

would indeed be necessary to create a second Cyprian.

For no one else can be represented in the unkind sketch
which the Author gives of his antagonist, as he sees him
abetted by his bishops in imputing their own faulty inventions irreverently to the Church their mother. To set
It

against

all

the sole
'of one

the heart-burnings and separations that will arise,

fruit of the

new question

is,

he says*, the exaltation

whoever that

single person,

he

that

so

is,

may

be vaingloriously proclaimed among the thoughtless as a

man of great insight and consistency and that, whilst

'

19 he calls the controxeray prasetitem

have 'currebant'

altercationem.

severet

He

contrasts baptism administered

'per nos

and confirmation following

'

immediately,

with

adminis-

baptism

tiniu

(c. 9),

Optat.

(cf.

ut venirent,

iii.

retur Christus,

c.
it

tered ' minore clero per necessitatem^

should be denied).

c. 10.

version

Super hac nova quaestione

Nunc primum
insurgere
^

c. 6.

(c.

12);

(c.

9);

rebunt
is

Hsereticorum...

Datives,

flumina
14),

demanded by

citation

alio

prsestaturus
(c.

i.

though

(c.

(c.

c.

4);

the

(African)

sense

Routh

solo

9); devotans

de ventre ejus
this

i.

13),

and

cur-

future

and the
Hartel

Ro.

sit

neque novi
of

c. 2,

viz.

4 expectantes

8 dicebatur ut nega-

was ordered

As

that he

peculiarities

'absconsa

tibi

(c.

te (c. 9),

May

c.

iii.

hominum'

of
(c.

16 (not noted by Hartel);

ii.

propitius

may be

few of these idioms

quoted.

c.

lepente ac sine ratione

note

existimarent ut...per-

think that he would con-

9),

Mt.

Mt. xxvi.

xvi.

22;

70.

here suggest an emendation

iK

(= Joanne)

for

se?

'ait

enim Dominus...baptizandos esse non

quemadmodum a se in aqua ad poenitentiam sed in Spiritu Sancto.'

Auct.

c.

i.

VIII.
*

ACTS, ETC.

II. 2.

NAMELESS AUTHOR.

395

enjoying the admiration of heretics^ whose solitary comfort

*in perdition

right the errors

of logical

be seen sinning

to

is

among

'extolled
'

THE

his copyists

and defects of

issues,

company, he may be

in

and compeers,
all

having set

for

This pursuit

the churches.'

tendency to Puritanism,

this

of re-

lust

modelling, extended ambition are contemporary accusations,

not so acrimonious as those of Puppian^, but as surely aimed

The charge of

at Cyprian.

what angers Cyprian

Ape

of the Church,' and that the

and imitate them^

to patronise
'

imitating Novatian

into the retort that

want of humanity

custom

exactly

is

Novatian

way to harden
The Author's

what makes

is

'

is

the

heretics

is

sneer that

opponent undervalue

his

In the frequent interchange of singular

familiar*.

is

'

And plural addresses we see the large party, and the leader

who
*

himself the party.

is

text

sharply touched.

is

novelty,

may

Even the

Except a man be born again, &c."

said,

exquisite writing does not escape.

sarcastically,

'

must the

Why should

'

and then why not at erroneous views

'

at

'at

last

it

enforcing

to

at

your

'

'

so ornate and precise as

you

in

Haereticorum

'

stupore

prseditus,

'

Cyp. Ep. 73. 1 'simiarum more'; 3

nos non demus stuporem hsereticis pa-

trocinii et

consensus

nostri....'

Auct. 16.

'

Quoted four times

Epistles,

but

of

course

Cyprian's

the

cannot be limited to them only.

remark
Also

isti

5,

Auctor

c. 3.

comquoque simpliciores homines

mysterium

tarn ornate ut tu et

fidei

tradant.

Dicturus es

enim utique pro tua singulari diligentia

hos quoque denuo baptizandos esse.
Auct.

in

non

...sed

posite,

(>^.

the

not

in this treatise,

Nemesian, Sentt. Epp.

*

Ep.

^
?

arel'

I.

if

expression

Finding ourselves then so close to Cyprian

^

You must

.'*

denuo' baptism

has been imperfect

catechising bishop

heresy

virtual

imparting these rudiments

'

Auct.

be drawn

be drawn at heresy, more than at immorality

skill in

come

How,' he asks

'

line of disqualification

'

want of

favourite

forthwith impatiently answer, as you are wont,

Lord

'that the

Cyprian's use of a

'Whereto perhaps you, with your

c.

tain that
it

10.

It

Cyprian

appears to
is

me

as cer-

here meant as that

can never have been written after his

martyrdom.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

39^.

Was the Author acquainted with Cyprian's

? or Had Cyprian himself read
The questions seem capable of answer. And

it is

natural to ask,

full

writings on the subject

the Author

as answers are deducible from facts lying aside of that

main

stream of the Argument on which we have not yet embarked,,

we may

intelligibly complete our review of the Book as a

document by producing them here,
(i)
Did then the Author know Cyprian's later writings
on the subject ?
There is scarcely a semblance of this.
He nowhere attacks his very assailable typology. For example
Cyprian asks, If heretic baptism be so safe, why any church
'

'

reception

'

holy martyrs.'

but

it

is

baptism

If that

And

a reality, heretics

is

Author meets

the

these

may be

questions

simply as floating arguments without any appear-

ance of setting treatise against

quainted with Cyprian's

He was

treatise.

line of action,

ac-

with his treatment of

the ordinary texts, and with certain pamphlets on both

sides'.

But he does not fasten on Cyprian's specialities as we know

His treatise must therefore come quite early in the

them.

movement'^ of

his day.

But another strong personality, besides Cyprian's, seems

be before him, when, analysing Christ's prediction of

to

'false prophets with miraculous powers,' the

Author speaks

of certain powers,' and of the false prophesying','

*

'

Montanism

for

own

his

in

certain

'

nothing to do with Christ

'

Christ, cleaving only to the

helped thereby, nay rather

'

Name
^

is

that,

soles,''

cc.

Scripta atque rescripta, Auctor

'^

am

just as

if

Name

but

is

any one draw away from

Him, he is not much

of

actually borne

down by

although he were before time most strong in the

His use of ^ut

'

because they are not Christ's, they have

it

the term

day, and then goes on

3,

8.

is

unable to see what Fechtrup,

p. 207, n. 2, sees: that de Rebapt.

an answer to Cyp. Ep. 73. 21 on the

profitlessness of

c. i.

13

this

faith,

martyrdom

to heretics.

Falso proplutarefidelissivius

aliquo honoratus.

Auctor

12.

clera

VIII.

ACTS, ETC.

II. 2.

THE

NAMELESS AUTHOR.

some rank among the clergy, or had

Can there be much

or most upright, or held

'

attained the dignity of confessorship.'

who was

question as to

397

the original of this sketch

more

And

if it

is

TertuUian the early date

is

supported by what appears to be the answer to the next

Our impression
question
(2)

is still

of the Author's place in the controversy

Had

Cyprian read the Author

When
What place

.'*

the Author proposes with the

'

as

the

human argumentation

seems to be

When

air of a

new dilemma

can you consistently give to the unbaptized

and when Cyprian describes

confessor.'*'
'

distinct.

of certain persons,' his reference

and express.

distinct'

Cyprian

exact question

this

says

that

the

motto

apostolic

'

unum

baptisma' must not be construed as a rubrical direction but

is

a declaration of the oneness of the Christian bond, he seems

to

some such

assail

that

interpretation

as

the Author adopts,

baptism was contrary to a decree of the

repeat

'to

Stephen himself had not gone beyond saying

Apostles.'

'what we have received from the Apostles,' meaning by

tradition

'.

Again, the specialness of Cyprian's warning against the

idea that heretics will be kept

whereas they

will rather

away by

the required repetition,

be attracted, has the appearance of

a reply to some such representation as

Author paints the

^

in

Auctor
personam

forte

1 1

'

ejus

Quid autem statues

verbum audientis qui

nomine Christi
ac priusquam baptizari

adprehensiis

statim confessiis

aqua permitteretur

in

ei fuerit

punitus, &c.

...quia Dominus...eum...^/(?//iVj est

exomet...martyrium autem nonnisi in

ipso et per ipsum Dominum possit con-

summari'

dam

Compare

.&>. 73.

22

'...qui-

evacuare possint

humana

argumentatione praedicationis

evange-

quasi

that in which the

responsibility of a church which

licas

would by

veritatem, catechutninos nobis op-

ponunt,

si

ex

quis

his

antequam

ecclesia baptizetur in confessione

in

nominis

spem
quod ex aqua prius
non sit renatus... Sanguine autem sue...
consummari et divinse pollicitationis

adprehensiis fuerit et occisus, an

salutis...amittat eo

gratiam consequi decIarat...Dominus.'

The resemblance

is

verbal as well as

mental,
-

Ep.

73. 13,

Auctor

10.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

398

whom

needless demands deter from spiritual baptism those for

she holds material baptism to be essentials

knew

If then these are fair indications that Cyprian

Author's work, can

the

perhaps be the actual epistle which

it

Jubaian enclosed to Cyprian'

There

is

a singular touch

Cyprian, scouting the idea that one baptized outside

here.

the Church need not be baptized into

it,

as baptized already

name, says to Jubaian that he

in Christ's

will not pass

over

'

a mention of Marcion

Marcion does not hold the same Trinity we hold, the same

'

which he observes

'Creator-Father, the same

'

Marcion's baptism

this

'man
'

It is

'

Now

nameV

ground which the Author

denying to the (Marcionite) heretic the

dom.

and therefore

in true flesh,

not in the true Christ's

is

the

precisely

is

Son

in that enclosure'.

takes

in

possibility of martyr-

an empty appearance of martyrdom, when the

believes in a different God, a different Christ; not the

omnipotent Creator of Scripture nor the Son of Him^' This

seems to be the

To

up.

it

mention of Marcion

his rejection of

be thought

enclosure, Cyprian

main

'

which Cyprian takes

the Author's acceptance of heretical

simply opposes
If

'

issue,

baptism he

Marcionite martyrdom.

supposing

this to have been Jubaian's

would not have passed silently over its

that,

namely, that while Baptism proper

is

'

Water-

Baptism,' like that of John, accompanied by Invocation which

has a certain power,

ing on of hands,

theory
^

ID.

Ep.

in

73.

Not

may add

'

Spirit-Baptism

the

answer

accompanies the Lay-

simple.

is

It is

because this

no way entered into the controversy with Rome.

24 compared with Auctor

to accumulate

passages,

we

2,
John 'desciscens
Moysi atitiquissimo baptismate' compared with Ep. 73. 17,
the Jews ^legis et Moysi antiquissimum baptisma fuerant adepti.' And

'

Auct.

lege id est

one very interesting instance is the comparison of Auctor c. 6 where he is apparently correcting an extreme opinion

on his own side

as to the

invocation of Jesus'
salvation

naked

Name

with Firmilian, Ep. 75.

who calls the invocation of

of God or of Christ alone
^

^
'

So Dr Peters, pp. 517

Ep. 73. 4.
Ep. 73. 5.
Auct. 13.

9,

the

name

'men-

dacium.'
^

solitary

sufficing for

sqq.

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS.

III.

The view

as remote from Stephen's as

is

399
it is

from Cyprian's

opinions.

The
about

Treatise then seems to yield these interesting facts

was acquainted with

that Cyprian

itself;

it

that

its

Author, while certainly acquainted with Cyprian's action and

was not acquainted with

view,

writings on the controversy

it

in its early stage

that

it

his later or

more elaborate

that consequently he handled

was not improbably the

treatise

which Jubaian submitted to Cyprian.

Its interest lies

It is

not in Cyprian's being careful to answer

a fresh specimen of the

ments although they

lie

life in

which he

lived.

Its argu-

aside of the thread of the controversy

yet are produced in defence of the prevailing practice.

way it helped to widen the bond

when the greatest Christian man
Its interpretation

employ or be

living

was

The

modern could

forced subtle exegesis evolved

by an acute mind whilst intent on the

His

letter is in contrast

same mind,

Evangelic teaching, took of the most sacred

letter perished, his spirit prevailed.

which

this

phenomenon

its

for contraction.

of isolated texts was such as no

affected by.

In

of Christendom at a time

with the large anti-superstitious view which the

rich with

it.

rite.

The frequency with

repeats itself in Theology

is

a great

witness that there truly abides in Theology a living

spirit,

from age to age using, and then dropping, that

which

to the eyes of subsequent generations

all

may seem

'letter'

to

have been

of which their fathers were capable.

III.

We may

TJie

Arguments.

open our review of the Arguments with a

fuller

statement of that which, at the time when Cyprian began

to

give

his

support to the revival of the old discipline

of Agrippinus

by requiring

Second Baptism, defended

the prevailing practice of receiving returned schismatics

by

'

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

400

The Author on Rebaptism, though

imposition of hands.

his

particular arguments faded, yet contributed to maintain opinion

on the side which

may

The theory he

finally prevailed.

alleged

have been too subtle to be of popular service at any

time, too fanciful to have captivated the solid reason of the

Church
lights,

any period, and yet

for

fragments, in scattered

in

by side-strokes, such theories do substantial work.

one sense nothing really dies of which the

into the

of the Church, however she

life

the line of reasoning by which the Author main-

is

tained the status quo

'

The preaching

I.

of John distinguished two baptisms,

These two are separ-

the one of Spirit, the other of Water.

When

able.

Name

Invocation

time

may

separated they are

The

fragments\
of the

is

still

integral

essence of Water-Baptism

of Christ

Power ;

even after the

prior to

be completed ^

error cannot destroy

It

which

it,

the Imposition of

Hands

gift

less salutary

unmeaning

the Invocation

of the Spirit, that

may

revive after

dormancy

in its ministrants
It

to

be worse

remains ineffective until

gives the Baptism of the Spirit

it

The Baptism

by the Divine Goodness.

is

is

not

a Beginning which in due

although for such as never attain this

it

has a virtue' which intellectual

which mistaken doctrines cannot

hindrances than immoral lives.

not be

has entered

may have outgrown

was accepted.

the stage at which the form

This

spirit

In

must be completed
of Blood, again, can-

than that of water, although to the heretic

nothing, because he suffers not in Christ, but only under

Name*.

Christ's

Invocation then, or Water-Baptism, must in order to

II.

become

effective

be completed for the heretically baptized by

the Spirit-Baptism of the Laying on of

1 Auctor cc.
1
5, with illustrations
from Scripture and from daily life.

cc. 6, 7.

Auctor

Thus he developes Acts

c. 10.

Hands^

17 'Those Gentiles on

xv.

13

Christ's

..

heretically

c. II.

whom

name has been invoked \iz.\& still to

"seek the Lord." The case of the
plated.'

baptized
12.

is

here

contem-

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS

III.

CYPRIAN'S

4OI

OBJECTIVE.

I.

Both the species of Baptism were represented on the

III.

Cross in their Unity, but two baptisms of one species would

be unendurable
IV. There are then three Baptisms

of Water, of Blood,

and these three are recognized by S. John*.

the Holy Spirit willingly imparts Himself even to

of the Spirit

And

We

the unworthy for certain ends.

Him

should therefore trust

so to do, adhering to the true rite; and

by a second Baptism

violence

Christ or to venerable custom'.'

his thesis*.

is

making him responsible

for the

whose handling

Seventh Council

the

arguments of

discrepant from that of his letters.

hand,

is

fair representative

we have

In examining the views of Cyprian,

in

Invocation of

either to the

Such

not doing

his partisans,

at

is

to avoid

times very

Firmilian, on the other

and sensible summariser.

Cyprian's arguments are of remarkable range and fulness.

He

And

ignores but one aspect of the question.

that one

is

capital.

The

objective entity of the Church, the objective presence

of the sanctifying Spirit, the subjectivity of the baptizer and

baptized are discussed

of the

historic

evidence,

biblical

declarations, casuistic difficulties are tested.

His

objective

grounds

may be

arranged thus

The unity of the Church demands (re)-Baptism. The

question with him broadened at once, as we have seen, from
(i)

the consideration of schism to the consideration of heresy.

the critical point these were identical.

Auctor

and make it deadly.

becomes 'another Sacrament.' The
fire mentioned in John's Baptism is

invalidate the rite

c. 14.

Jo. V. 6

It

8.

3 c. 15.
*

The

exception which follows

is

in-

what some
'The conjuring fire' which
sects were.
is shewn upon the water at Simonian
teresting in illustration of

Baptism
B.

is

an imposture

In

The demarcation of

sufficient

metaphoric.

But at the

of Pentecost

was symbolic, just

salus
is the symbol of

as

physical

first

effusion

fire

'

'

spiritual in miracles of healing,

to

26

c.

16.

'

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

402

Church from non-Church was

distinct'.

The

representation of

sacred acts outside the Church was no equivalent for the

reality of sacred acts within

One Lord

'

was not

'

his,

and claim
for the

The

it.

inviolate oneness

had no

Although the schismatic" might own

outlying dependencies.

'

One

Faith,' yet the

One Baptism

'

implied the

One Baptism
One Church,

which he renounced.

He

could not however claim even Unity of Belief/ OnQ

Faith,' whilst the Apostles' creed stood in its African form.
(2)

'

Dost thou believe the Forgiveness of Sins and the Life

Everlasting through Holy Church

V was

on

his lips null in

the very hour of baptism^

The remissory

(3)

shewed

it

to be a function of

it

the

So

being outside the Church*.

side

of the

virtue

respect of sin

in

rite

Holy Orders which had no

that from the ecclesiastical

might be said that the whole episcopal authority as the

bond of unity, and the whole dignity of the Divine economy

and organisation were involved in the question whether the
baptism of heretics was to be recognised ^ If it were, then
the Church had many centres, and rested not upon one Foundation-rock but upon

And

several.

if

that baptism were

recognised, untruly and untruthfully, then the unforgiven sins

of these strangers must be shared by those

into a

communion which behind

who

received them^

the earthly scene

knew them

not.
1

Ep.
Ep.
Ep.
Ep.

69. 3.

75. 14, 15, 24, 25.

Ep.
Ep.

75. 17.
73.

19

'...se

alienis

immo

Ep. 70. ^.
a view which the mind

Kternis peccatis communicare.' Augus-

of Fortunatus of Thuccaboris developes

Gorduba {Smtt. Epp. 40) goes far beyond Cyprian in alleging that such sins
must permeate the whole communion

'

69. 7;
73.

7,

into 'Jesus Christus...potestatem bapti-

zandi episcopis dedit,' Sentt. Epp.

17.

tine properly observes

that Victor of

Tertullian held the authority to baptize

with defilement [Aug. de Bapt.

to be derivable from bishops, but as a

vii. iv. (6, 7)],

matter of order not of essence

gitimate extension of Cyprian's view,

de Bapt.
*

Ep.

7.

72. I.

Tertull.

but

it is

c.

Donatt.

scarcely an

ille-

though inconsistent with other principles

of his.

VIII.

CYPRIAN'S

THE ARGUMENTS

III.

The

separatist

I.

OBJECTIVE.

teacher has surrendered^ the animating,

own could

unifying Spirit, and no personal earnestness of his

convey that

illustrates his principle

by the ingenious remark

Holy Ghost

the

that in order

John Baptist received the Holy

womb^; but

in his mother's

He

by baptizing them*.

Spirit to his followers

to the exercise of this function

Ghost

403

John did not impart

since

to his baptized crowds, he has to limit the

Lord

application to his baptism of our

and similarly he says

Apostles received the Spirit by the breathing of

that the

Christ, that they

might be enabled

to baptize

and give remis-

sion of sins,
(4) The admission of reconciled separatists to the Church
by imparting to them the Holy Ghost by imposition of hajids,

which

was a

the usage of even those

is

who

practical declaration that they

needed to

receive, that

recognised their baptism,

had not

Holy Ghost.

received, but

still

For the usage can never

be defended from the Apostles laying their hands on the bap-

was a confirming of work

tized Samaritans, since that

by

their

own Deacon*.

But

...amiserit Spiritum

Sanctum, Ep.

II.

'Qui non habet quo-

dat?' became a catchword of the

The

Donatists.

was

'

reply of the Catholics

Deum

esse

who

solves

tatus,

see

Op-

the question

with

datorem

'

^/. 69.

II ^...adhuc esset... in \x\.tro

matris constitutus.' Cf. Luc.

xotXlas
*

tJiT]Tp6s.

Ep.

i.

156-4 4k

Jo. XX. 21 23.

73. 9, in connection

with Ep.

aquam

id est unctione, esseuncius

in

se

gratiam

autem

mundari

et

sanctificari

prius a sacerdote ut possit bap-

Christi

eucharistia

Deiet habere
Porro

possit.

unde

est

baptizati

unguntur oleum in altari sanctificatum.

autem non potuit

turam qui nee

clesiam,

Ep.

18 'in

70.

altare
i, 2.

olei crea-

habuit nee ec-

Cf. Sedatus, Sentt.

quantum aqua

sacerdotis

prece in Ecclesia sanctificata abluit delicta, in

Oportet

apud quern sanctus spiritus

quoque necesse est eum

qui baptizatus est ut accepto chrismate,

^/'P-

69. 6.
'

et

est?...ungi

Sanctificare

laughter.
'

mundus est
non

Ep. 6g.

sanctify

or the unction of confirmation

70. 2.

modo

initiated

the schismatic admittedly had

Holy Ghost, how should he

not as yet received the

the very water for baptism

^

if

cancer

tantum

hseretico

sermone velut

infecta

cumulat

peccata.'

Tertullian

(a'l?

Bapt.

7)

the

In

unction

On

tismo suo peccata hominis qui baptizatur

gives the Christian his priesthood.

abluere...quomodo autem mundare

Aug. de Civ. Dei xx. 10, Enarr. II. (2)

in Ps. xxvi., Enarr. in Ps. xliv. 19, and

sanctificare

aquam

et

potest qui ipse im-

26

;
;

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

404
which

the sig^ of the Royalty and Priesthood of every

is

man

Christian

Above

all,

how

act of the Spirit

Nor yet

(5)

New

should he give the

Birth\ which as the essence of the sacrament

essentially the

is

could their Baptism be regarded as an inchoate

Sacrament, begun without the

but completed

Spirit,

in

Him'.

I
'

The washing
Judaizing^

of water without the Spirit

a mere carnal

is

Nay, applied as a deceiving semblance,

rite.

it

must be worse. It is a material pollution*. Under sentence,

and void of merit, the pretenders can neither 'justify nor

Who

but the living give

making

it

Priesthood, see

Dr A

Mason, Relation

to

And

171.

.J.

Baptism, 1893, pp.

popularly Prudentius,

of Confirmation

Psychotnachia, v. 361, 'unguentum regale.^

See Bunsen:

men's)

vow

sponded

'to the (catechu-

and death correunction as Priest and

for

the

life

must include

age, vol.

serve

pp.

II.

however

stitutions,

there

act,'

is

bk.

no

and

Hippolytus
120,

(1854).

among rd

\onrh. 't3r

'

argument of Cyprian would have been

futile.
1

Ep.

74. 5. 6.

Ep.
Ep.

75. 13.

'^

Ob-

74. 5.

Cf. Tert. de Bapt. 18.

Profanae aqure

labes,

Ep.

that in the Apostolic Con-

adultera et profana aqua, Ep. 73. i

said that if

profana aqua polluuntur, Ep. 69.

vii. c.

23,

oil for the

subsequent

hallow'.''

which were omitted

on that occasion, and which are distinguished from his neglect of confirmation by Cornel. Ep. ad Fab.
Euseb.
H. E. vi. 43.
If it were true the

his

it is

anointing before

the baptism, nor chrism (fwpov) for the

for both

this

X/wj p-eToKan^aveiv

King... The seal of a free pledge, of a

responsible

but the holy can

life\'*

Comnt. in Joel ii. 28 sqq.,

confer our Kingship and

Jerome,

87,

Who

bapt^zed^

their

sanctify'

water

anointing,

apxeZ C5wp koL wpbs

irpbs <T<ppayi8a.

It is

suffices

x/'^o'"' k-^

with Water that

words

this

72.
,

cf. 2 1

16.

becomes more revolting

In
in

Vote of Sedatus {Setttt. Epp. 18,

above p. 403, note 5), but the sense is
nowhere stronger than in Cyprian's
the

earliest

men

declaration

on

the

subject

the English Church seals the baptized

'

with the Signaculum Crucis, although

but rather are defiled; nor are their

the Royal Priesthood of the Laity would

sins

be more plainly expressed and taught

higher.'

if

we used
As to

the primitive anointing.

the

Hceret. Fab.
ists

account of Theodoret,

iii.

5,

that the Novatian-

used no unction,

it

is

possibly due

to the fact that Novatian himself

not received

it

in his 'clinical'

The

De

Ep.6^.

Unit. 11.

10,

effect

of

temple of God.

had

we

purged away but indeed are heaped

sandificareishtrtxaXhtr

to consecrate than technically to sanctify.

baptism

(Routh, R. S. vol. III. pp. 69, 70), for

are not cleansed in that baptism

Ep. 69.
Ep. 71.

2.
I.

it

is

Ep.

to

make a man a

T^. 12.

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS

III.

CYPRIAN'S

SUBJECTIVE.

2.

405

maintained that for an earnest though misin-

(6) Is it

formed convert the Presence and Sanctity of Christ Himself

of the ministrant ? Then, if

countervail the unworthiness

how should His

Christ be there,

the Spirit be absent, as our Imposition of

can we affirm that Christ

We

And if
Hands affirms, how
wanting

Spirit be

is present*.-*

have thus approached the

subjective basis

of the

Cyprianic argument.
(i) \{

Faith of the Recipient^

mere

blessing, a

To be

urged as the ground of the

own

faith in his

is

cannot be adequate.

faith

must be a true

effective a faith

faith of the schismatic

is

But while the

faith.

deficient in a cardinal point, namely,

the remission of sins through the Church, the faith of the

heretic
(2)

false

is

and often blasphemousl

But must not the Invocation of God

words be

effective

There seem

who understood baptism

Name

the

rare, if ever

it

says that although

still

in his

own
some

the Lord's
in

Africa

of Christ'

to be

This was evidently

was more than an exception.

many

ignorantly, and

in

have been

without the Trinal Invocation.

sufficient

very

'in

to

Augustine*

day many honest clergy prayed

erroneously, through their having pos-

sessed themselves unwittingly of copies of heretical devotions,

yet

that

it

baptizing

would probably be easier to

than

sect,

people

some non-

find

with

baptizing

mutilated

formula.

Stephen bestows no consideration,

upon such a

of Christ' he
persons

who

Christ.

He

When

form.
is

less

any approval,
'

in the

Name

using the words in a Scriptural sense, of

at least intended to

be baptized into the Faith of

assumes the ordinary correctness of baptisms

such respects.

Cyprian

it

of some^ kind of baptizing

^

still

he defends baptism

true argues against the validity

in the

Name

of Christ,' but only

^^S-

Bapt.

E'P- 75' 12-

Epp. n- V, U' 93 Epp. 73.4, S; 74-

is
'

'^^

(47)2.

in

Ep.

73. 18.

c.

Donatt. vi. xxv.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

406

just as he argues against the validity of some baptizing in the

Name

namely because another Christ and

another Trinity are understood by the baptizers.
of the Trinity,

Baptism in the Naine of Christ

alone.

necessary to look into this question with some care on account

It is

of A. Neander's bold assertion {General Hist, of the Christian Religion

and Church,

sect,

iii.,

vol.

pp. 446,

I.

and

7,

is

undeniably clear that the

Christian spirit' than

name

Roman party

the

first

De

maintained,

Rebaptismate

in

it

a more liberal

the objective validity of baptizing in Christ's

his,

alone, without the Invocation of the

It is in

Bohn) that from

notes,

Cyprian's letters and from the (contemporary) book

Holy

Trinity.

Rome

place unfair to attribute to

Author on Re-baptism who

certainly an African.

is

the views of the

But there

is

no sign

of his having held such a view.

1.

What

the Author on

Rebaptism says

is

(c.

while the

7) that,

Trinal Invocation was not only verum et recticm et omnibus 7nodis in

ecclesia observandum but was observari quoqne soliturn, 'we should con'

sider that Invocation of the

'by us

2l.s

futile'' (a

Name

of Jesus ought not to be looked on

nobis futilis videri):

might have a

'it

virtue capable of subsequent completion.'

sort of initial

debet invocatio haec nominis

Jesu quasi initium quoddam mysterii Dominici comtnune nobis

omnibus

accipi,

quod possit postmodum

not say what the residues res

residuis rebus impleri.

but since the

are,

'Name

et ceteris

He does

of Jesus'

is

the

only thing as yet 'common' to the Church and these persons, the residue
of the Invocation, the communion of the Father and the Spirit, cannot

be excluded from them.

In the title and first chapter of the book the expression 'semel in
nomine Domini fesu Christi tincti' is equivalent to 'Christian baptism,'
and does not mean one class of baptisms only, for it comprehends those

who

already were baptized in the

2.

What

the

'Roman

name

of the Trinity.

party' maintained can be gathered from the

arguments against them, but especially from certain clauses imbedded

in

those which are recognisable as fragmentary quotations from Stephen.

Stephen, Ep. 73. 16, is represented as
Such passages are these.
saying, 'In nomine Jesu Christi

ubicumque

et

quomodocumque

baptizati

gratiam baptismi sunt consecuti,' and Ep. 73. 18 'extra ecclesiam immo
'et contra ecclesiam modo {i.e. provided that it be) in nomine Jesu Christi
* cujuscumque et quomodocumque gentilem baptizatum remissionem pec' catorum consequi posse'
which is a version of the same citation, cicjuscumque' {sic lege) being Cyprian's paraphrase of Stephen's own word
:

'

ubicumque, and meaning whatever doctrine of the Person of Christ be

'

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS

Ill,

entertained

by the

*et baptismi

'Christi

fuerit

again the same passage

ubicumque

et

SUBJECTIVE.

407

muUum'

sanctificationem, ut

baptizatus

2.

The same passage Firmilian-Cyprian {^Ep. 75.

inquit 'proficit nomen Christi ad fidem

sect.'

18) quotes thus: 'sed in

CYPRIAN'S

is

quicumque

ubicumque

et

in

nomine

consequatur statim gratiam Christi.' And

quoted Ep. 74. 5 'qui in nomine Jesu Christi

quomodocumque

baptizantur.'

Now

this

one harped-on

only one) would have carried Meander's sense, had

the question been one oi comparing the value of two forms. But there is
quotation (for

it

no such question

is

stirring.

The question

baptize, all else being equal.

is whether a schismatic person can

Stephen uses 'baptized in the Name of

Chrisf in the New Testament sense as equivalent to Christian baptism

Origen explains Rom. vi. 3, 'baptized into Christy by reference
to the context to mean ordinary Christian baptism, 'cum utique non
habeatur legitimum baptisma nisi sub nomine Tri7iitatis^^ And that it
was only in this form that Stephen considered the Name of Christ to
be applied in baptism is plain from Firmilian's other quotation from him,
Ep. 75. 9 'non quaerendum esse quis sit ille qui baptizaverit eo quod qui
baptizatus sit gratiam consequi potuerit invocata Trinitate nominum

as

'

'

'

'

Patris

Firmilian indeed expressly assumes,

et Filii et Spiritus Sancti.'

Ep. 75. II, that Stephen would require the syTnbolum Trinitatis, even
though his principles would (as he supposes) allow, if it were correct in
that point and in the interrogations, a baptism by a demoniac or a
demon.
Looking then even to the letter of what Stephen wrote (though so
If we
little remains to us), Neander's account of it is not justified.
consider how strong Cyprian {Ep. 73. 18) was on this point,
Ipse
Christus jubet baptizari gentes in plena et adunata Trinitate, following
his Master who says Lex tinguendi itnposita est et forma prcBScripta
we shall see that had he conceived 'Baptism in
(Tert. de Bapt. 13)
Christ's Name' to imply the disregard of Christ's 'form,' he would have
been armed with an argument against Stephen which he could not have
We shall also observe, with Tillemont (Tom. iv., Note 39
failed to use.
sur S. Cyprien), that neither Eusebius, Augustine, Vincent of Lerins or
Facundus ever perceived in Stephen such false 'liberality' as Neander

would

fain discover in him.

In this view of Stephen, Fechtrup agrees, pp. 221 224. Tillemont,
attaching impossible force to the title of the pamphlet, thinks the Author's
On the ground of the passage
position was that which Neander takes.

of Augustine, quoted in the text,

sects

named by Gennadius

it

has been doubted whether

{de Ecclesiast.

dogmat. cap.

lii.)

all

the

really did

disuse the form.

While therefore Cyprian regards

^

this

Origen, Comment, in Epist. ad Rom.,

Form

lib. v. c. 8.

of Christ's

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

408

Institution *in the full

and united Trinity'

to be essential*,

he appeals beyond this to common reason to decide whether

one can be truly baptized into the Son, who denies the truth
of the Son's humanity, or one

God

of Creation and the

God

who

taught to believe the

is

of Israel to be an evil deity*.

Granting then that the true formula has been uttered by

people of such tenets^ he argues with force and dignity that
the

not a question of words

rite is

that the absent Christ, the

absent Spirit are not bound by them, as by a

~~~"

(3) Again,

what may be

incapable of definition.

is

effective

the part of the recipient ca7inot be secureJ^y the

faith ori

formula.
I

spell, to bless

Thus then an

broken charity.

untruth, unfaith,

Church

effective faith outside the

It is

no part of the Church's duty

or prerogative to graduate degrees of departure from

the

Since a death suffered in persecution for a spurious

truth.

creed ought clearly not to rank as martyrdom for the truth,

how can

there be ascribed to erroneous baptism a virtue that

denied even to the Baptism of

is

Blood*.''

But it is when he comes to the handling of the Historical

Proof that for a time Cyprian seems to have his adversary
in his grasp.

(i)

Ep.
Ep.

first

He

had pleaded 'Usage,' and Cyprian, with a

The Author on Rebaptism

73. 18.

and Ep. 74. i. The

appearance of his argument is in
73.

his 'Master' (Tert.a'^^a/^. c. 15),

Greek

in his

more
ls

had drawn
'Our God and

treatise

fully still.

not the same

nor

is

it

their

is

to say, not the

baptism

Ep.

Ep.

out

De

theirs

our Christ oncy

:

line of thought,

who

same accordingly
and ours is not one,
because not the same ; for as they have
it not duly and properly, they have it
not at all; and that cannot be taken
account of which is not had; and as
they have not they cannot receive.'
that

same

fire

follows the

c. 13.

75. 9.
73.

Unit.

21.

14,

De Dca.
19.

The

Orat. 24.

universality

of this judgment can scarcely be

il-

by the fact that

the broad churchman who wrote the
lustrated better than

"110.01

De /?edapiismate

in cc. 11, i^dis-

claims any doubt on the subject

'

as the

on another God and

on another Christ, he is a confessor
not of Christ, but in an unsubstantial

sufferer believed

{solitario)

nanle of Christ.'

VI 1 1.

THE ARGUMENTS

III.

CYPRIAN'S

3.

HISTORICAL. 409

caught from Tertullian\ argues that no lapse of time, no

extent of use can countervail Truth. Newest found Truth is

more precious than the most venerable error'. Usage may be

an apology for ignorance while ignorance lasts, but it cannot
be a reason against Reason'.
(2) Moreover the argument

Rome was

The

two-edged.

is

use of

not the universal use*.

(3) Again, it was argued that seceders from the Church

were not rebaptized upon their return to it, why then should
they in whose fellowship they had lived meantime be differ-

enced from them

He

they had once received

replies that

that one Baptism which was ever-availing to them as penitents for any sin. Their case was not parallel to that of a

heathen who had been made not a churchman at

first

but a

Tieretic^
(4) It

was

was argued that the

attested

by the

original practice of the

most divergent

fact that the

Church

heretical

bodies recognised each the baptism of the others, and required

no renewal of the sacrament upon transitions and so still (it

was said) the Church when they came home to her, had
:

Cyprian replied

nothing to require but a true confession*.

that the Church had nothing to learn from heresy

objection that his

own theory was

and to the

who

in fact Novatian's,

re-

baptized even his Catholic adherents, he answered' on a sound

principle* that accidental coincidence with heresy invalidated
Tert. de Vel. Virgg.

This meets the plea of Dr Peters

538) that Stephanus relied not on

(p.

i.

Usage but on Tradition. Cyprian required that Usage should be verified by

Reason and by Scripture before he
would allow it to be Tradition at.all.
3 Ep. 71. 3.
Ep. 73. 13.
* Ep. 71. 4, which was also true, as
Firmilian remarks, in other matters,

appealed to churchmen with such expressions as 'Estote Christiani,' 'Cai

aut

adhuc

(Optatus

...dicitis

^
^

paganus
iii.

11.)

es,

Op-

which affected

at the re-exorcism of Christians, 'vos

foras

of true Puritans, treated

Seia,

pagana.'

tatus speaks of the horror

him

e.g.

spirit

Caia

Sei,

in the celebration of Easter, Ep. 75. 6.

" The Novatianists and the Donatists,

an the

The former

Catholic Baptism as null.

!'

Deo

habitanti Maledicte, exi

iv. 6.

Ep. 74. 4.
Ep. 73. 2.
So Aug. de Bapt.

xi. (16).

c.

Donatt.

iii.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

410

no Church usage, and that indeed the Puritanic mimicry^ was

good as evidence of what Novatian had learnt in the Church.

For example, he

Church

'

t/ie

whom

met by him with genuine

Casuistic difficulties are

(5)

breadth.

is

is

asked,

thus essential, what

either term

has failed

'

If regeneration within

the position of those for

is

of

catechumens martyred

'before baptism*? of heretics received in time past without

'baptism and so deceased^?'

His theory,

Things

was

like his Master's,

narrow than the more

liberal

the most glorious of baptisms sanctified

such as having lived by the light they had

Church, though unbaptized

parted from her eternally.

for me,' says

less

would not (he knew) bar the

essential to earthly order

goodness of God

one point

in this

party might have fairly expected.

Augustine at

no man should
'

fear their being

is

enough

the midst of his refutations*.

like this,

Cyprian could yet more

abandonment of

effectively press the

asleep in the

Simplicity like this

this, in

Ready with an answer

fell

error

when

detected,

and despise mere scruples of conscience as to the unknown

first baptism have

consequences" of Rebaptism 'should the

been perchance valid

difficulties,

in

for instance

could even

now be

for casuistic

solemnity

professed

side.

What

said as to the validity of

baptisms performed by a demoniac

tian

As

the sight of God.'

such could be propounded on either

woman

prophetess

with every Chris-

who

foretold

and

claimed to have caused the earthquakes which led to the

who traversed frozen snows barewho had trains of followers for whom she

persecutions of A.D. 235,

footed and unhurt,

celebrated the eucharist with a form of

discredited*,'

Were
^
-

invocation not to be

and seduced a deacon and a country presbyter.^

her unexceptionable

'Simiarum more,'
Ep. 73. 22.
Ep. 73. 23.
Contra

'

Crescott.

ii.

./. 73. ?.

rites valid

'

'Invidia quadam.'

Ep.

73. 25.

Ep. 75. 10. A Cappadocian case

Cp. the liberty
given by Firmilian.
given to the wandering Prophets, roir
^

33. (41).

or no

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS

III.

The

CYPRIAN'S

4.

4II

BIBLICAL.

Author on Rebaptism, though he calls a

which fire was exhibited upon
the surface of the water, an adulterine, nay internecine rite,
liberal

certain Simonian Baptism, in

'

'

does not absolutely declare rebaptism necessary even then*.

Of

Cyprian's Biblical arguments the more familiar need

One
One Ark,' to which the Donatists added
One Circumcision,' One Deluge.'
There is the schismore than simple

scarcely
Loaf,'
*

'

One

Cup,'

There

mention.

the

is

'

'

'

matical (note, not heretical) gainsaying of Korah.

is

the inference that

on

whom

the Spirit had fallen*,

whom

at their

as when he explains^ the omission of the

from

of Baptism (Acts

S. Peter's injunction

observing that these neophytes were Jews

Son's

should those

it

neat ingenuity appears in his dealing with some of the

passages

Name

how much more

was confessed by the imposition of

reception that He had never fallen.

be baptized on

hands

There

the Apostle baptized the household

if

Name

38)

by

who needed but

the

supplement their antient Baptism

to

on Philippians

i.

18,

or when,

which was quoted* as shewing that even

an Apostle recognised the evangelizing work of

he points out that

Father's
ii.

their

his

opponents,

work was within the Church and

their

enmity personal not doctrinal.

Some

of his most constant and conclusive quotations are

strangely erroneous.

He

perhaps started the interpretation of

Qui baptizatur a mortuo quidproficit lavatione ejus^f He that is

washed after touching a dead body and toucheth it again, what
'profiteth he by his washing.'*' as if it meant 'He that is baptized
by one that is dead,' i.e. by a heretic. This is quoted in his
sense by Quintus (Quietus) in the Council; and constantly by
'

'

Petilianus, Cresconius,

hk

irpo(prjTai^

d^XovffLv.

Unum

iniTphrere evxcpiffretv oaa

Aidaxv T. tj3' 'Att. 10.

de Presbyteris rusticum

/.).
^

and other Donatists, against Augustine,

Auctor

c.

17.

^ sic

^.
Ep.
Ep.

72.

i.

73. 17.
73. 14.

Sir. 31 (34). 30.

Sentt.

Epp.

27.

Ep.

71,

I.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

412

who

at first

a heathen

was only able

priest, or

to reply that

'

and toucheth

he thought Donatus a

it

the

Dead

'

baptizer

is

a deified hero, rather than a heretic \ not

observing the omission of

saw

Fur

'

When lie

again.'

it

and yet

divini eloquii,'

again discovered that in most of the older African manu-

words were wanting, and retracted

scripts these

his strong

language".

A spurious passage as
Cyprian

and run as mischievous a

it,

in the First Council

andrine addition to Proverbs

water,

and

may have

well as a genuine one

spurious sense assigned to

course.

on Baptism, quotes the Alexix.

Keep

i8.

thee

from

alien

Since the Alex-

of the alien font drink thou not.

andrine Clement had already applied the further spurious

context So shalt thou cross alien water to

'

heretical baptism,'

and pass beyond an alien river to 'the ethnic and disordered

waves to which their pervert would be hurried,' it is possible
that Cyprian or one of his bishops (Tertullian does not quote

Firmilian adopts

thence learnt the application.

it)

it

from

them, and in the Third Council Nemesian of Thubunae (whose

unusually long speech shews that he read Tertullian as well as

Cyprian) makes the passage his own.

sense

Augustine's

not misled as to the meaning, but

is

its

common

authenticity he

does not question'.

Then again
13.
^

favourite passages are Jeremiah xv. i8

c.

Hit.

Pdiliani

They

are in

some

inserted in the citation

LXX.

Epp. 27.

ix.

i.

Crescon. n. xxv. (30).

-

(10),

Retractt.

i.

cf. c.

21, 3.

editions wrongly
by Quietus Sentt.

pairTi^d/ievos airb veKpov

Ep.

c. xix.

70. I.

Clem. Alex.

.S"/r<7w.

75. 23.

Sentt.

Epp.

Donatt. Ep. de Unit. EccL,

(65).

The Benedictine

I.

is

15.

They

are not in the Vulgate.

in the
te et

same form ab aqua

'

a fonte, alieno ne

sian 'ab

'

ab aqua aliena

alieno

ne

Latin

c. xxiii.

here.

Compare

quoted, but
v.

cott's article

of the

aliena abstine

biberis';

Nerae-

Bible.

The

Versions

'

' ;

Augustine

abstine te et de fonte

biberis.'

early

words as a version of Prov.

Cy-

aqua atitem aliena abstine nee

Aug.

5.

editors have not

observed that the forgery

treat the

B.

his second clause not even in

LXX. Ep.
c.

ii.

prian and Firmilian of course give them

de fonte extraneo biberis

KoX irdXiv airTd/j-evoi avroO.

*

and

Deceiving water and Broken cisterns are to Cyprian plain

are

varieties

of

illustrated

Tables in Bp. West-

Vulgata' in Smith's Diet.

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS

III.

address of Optatus to Parmenian,

literally the

futing his Cyprianic use of the

You

'

when

broken cisterns

after re-

he proceeds

'

such purpose that wherever you

to

word Water you conjure out of it some sense to

By the same verbal handling Cyprian

'find the
*

Law

batter the

413

We may apply to him almost

prophecies of heretical baptism.

STEPHEN'S.

our disadvantageV

furnished the Donatists with their pet absurdity,

my

sinner's oil anoint

Let not the

'

head,' as being David's denunciation of

heretical unction*.

There

no denying the poetic aptness of

is

his favourite

'The Garden enclosed.. the Fountain sealed.,

Paradise
with
its pomegranates V from the Canticles, nor
the
of his bold pressure of the New Birth* and Sonship of the
Christian who in Heresy can no more find a Mother, than
application of

Christ can find in her the spotless spouse^

The Answer

of Stephanus to this last was noble

that

Heresy was indeed an unnatural mother, who exposed her

children as soon as they were born, but that the Church's part

was to
Lord^

and bring them home and rear them

find

was on neither

the argument

Still

that Cyprian's scheme

is

developed

in

in

fragments

coherent, logical

his mind,

in

and

was

but was to him

shew

will

any one

but has to be worked out from his correspondence,

lie

her

side a matter of simile.

Whilst a glance through the references above given

not fully

for

place,

did not

it

intelligible,

revealed.

Against such a piece of Christian philosophy, held and

promulgated by one
^

Optatus

Ps.

Optatus
'

II

iv.

Cant.

iron

iv. 9.

cxl.

(cxli.)

Ep.

5.

70.

2.

12,

Epp.

13;

69. 2;

74.

Ep.

Ep.6g.2;

How

poetry

74. ii

Crescon.

may be

75. 15,
i.

answered

xxxiv.

(40).

turned into cast-

Epp.

33)

not

Ep.

is

Cyprian

Hartel

even

quoting.
*

Cyprian's

Felix bishop

{cautum) that ours

has

and

of

who

Bamsays

Christ has given us his security

natus.

75. 14.

c.

'

in

{^Sentt.

(privatus).'

75- IS-

by Aug.

mark

accora
that

7.

iv.

powers

of Cyprian's

75. 14.

/rrVa/'i?

at least

(small

noticed

blame
that

fountain

kept st^to

him)

Felix

is

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

414

by an army of prelates whom he rather removing as one man to his direction

yet with an independence which threw each upon himself for
his argument, how great was the triumph of Stephen

character, backed

strained than stimulated*,

No

council assembled to support him. Alexandria remon-

Cappadocia denounced*. His good cause was marred

by uncharity, passion, pretentiousness. Yet he triumphed,
and in him the Church of Rome triumphed, as she deserved.
For she was not the Church of Rome as modern Europe
has known her.
She was the liberal church then
the
strated

church

whom

secure

latitude,

the

Truth made

free

the representative of

comprehensiveness,

charitable

considerate

regulation.

This question she decided on one grand

principle,

rather

a grand instinct as yet, to be informed later into a principle.

For Stephen's theology was not sufficiently advanced to define

Nor was it formulated until Augustine's time. It was the

it.

principle which
establish

same

for

all

the four western doctors contributed to

the analogous case of ordination.

in

It

which the Church must ever be content to

was the
set aside

her ever-recurring temptations to discountenance error by

denying the grace of those who

err,

by

to assert her dignity

increasing severity, and to attract mankind, as Cyprian said

by

her very

'As there was much for a learned Cyprian to

there was something too for a teachable Cyprian

to learn,'

she would^

and

this

is

hardest to forego,

exclusiveness.

This must be our inference from

opening speech; they would have

liked well to 'pass judgment' on the
his

Bishop of

Rome

some would not only

have baptized but exorcized returning

heretics:

Epp.

Vincent of Thibaris [Sentt.

37) exclaimed

'

we know

heretics

to be worse than the heathen.'

-

Firmilian sprinkles over him such

flowers as 'Animosus, iracundus...quin

immo

tu hsereticis

teach, so

omnibus pejor

inhumanity was welcome

it

as...

'His

audacia, insolentia, imperitia.'

had brought

out the faith and wisdom of Cyprian,

even

the

as

brought

perfidy

!'

of

Judas

'A budding

Episcopus episcoporum

[it

title

had
of

had already

provoked the sarcasm of Tertullian]

protrudes
^

Ep.

itself.'

73. 24.

THE ARGUMENTS

VIII. IIL

STEPHEN'S.

415

says Augustine S criticizing his reproof of Stephen's indocile

The

temper.

was

which underlay Cyprian's convictions

fallacy

which had deceived Tertullian

really that

moved and maintained* the Donatists

they held to be

Treason

'

debarring power which

the grace-

cleric

had attributed

their fathers

later

extending to what

in

an orthodox

in

'

which

to schism

which made Wyclif deny the validity of Sacraments or

Orders given by a Bishop or Presbyter whilst in sin
led Calvin

and Knox to refuse baptism

which

to the infant children

of 'papists,' or the divines of Geneva to allow

upon a

it

hope that the 'grace which had adopted... the

great-grandfathers might not yet be so wholly extinct as that
charitable

'

the infants should

have

'lost

their

common

to the

right

seal*.'

Although

Cyprian*, and even as

in

Donatists, there

is

would seem

it

the

in

no trace of such teaching as that the moral

character of the priest affects the efficacy of the Sacrament, yet

dogma (compared

the Puritan
talism

sacrament

of the

may

be

De Bapt.

'To confront us with Cyprian's

writings as

if

cal authority.'
cf.

(40);
cent.;
*

'^

c.

Donatt. V. xxvi. (37).

they were bases of canoni-

Aug. ^.

Cr^jf^.

II.

xxxii.

Aug. ^/. 93.C. 10(38), ad Vinc. 3 (9), ad Macrob.

Aug. Ep. 108.

...Si episcopus vel sacerdos existat

in peccato viortali non ordinate conjicit,

nee baptizat

'

is

which some of
at the

a Wyclifite proposition
his disciples

renounced

Council of London, a.d. 1382,

and which was condemned at Constance

see Labbe (Mansi), vol. xxvi. col. 696
vol. XXVli. col. 1207.
*

with which any other sacerdo-

but shadowy) That the minister

is

Hooker, B.

III.

i.

Venet. 1784.
12.

Routh (vol. III. p. 151) strangely

accuses Erasmus of having written that
'Cyprian seems (in Ep. 67) to feel that
5

the sacrifice of a wicked priest avails

nothing but rather defiles the people,'

considered

to

implicitly

lie

Erasmus continues 'But he means,

for
I

of the substance

is

pointed by
bishop:

who
loc.

of a bishop ap-

the case

think, in

heretics^

his

rites

who

not a

is

do not

profit

Erasm.

support his impiety.'

Cypr.

The Donatist

real

those
afi?

limitation of

disqualification to the Traditores

setms

an
For Augustine
seems always able to reduce them to a
dilemma by asking whether 'secret
murders and adulteries were not an

arbitrary, but apparently existed in

unthought out fashion.

They

equal disqualification.

'

had not so

There

case

stated

it.

too in his c.

xxxv. (40)

'

You

that the people

litt.

Hooker,

III.

do not deny

a criminal priest

baptized) really were baptized.'

*

a special

Petiliani

{j:>on^\\?X.^)

(whom

therefore

is

v. Ixi. 4 n.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

4l6
in that

one proposition in which Cyprian diflfered from the

It was not until Augustine's time that a

of the West.

rest

was developed soundly to each separate

argument of Cyprian and his bishops so long did they
retain their seeming convincingness almost unbroken, nay had
categorical answer

become 'like Scripture'^ to their maintainers.

Yet the true solvent had evidently been perceived at once
by his opponents, although the minute fragments of Stephen's

own language which Cyprian gives us do not contain the

The grace of Baptism they said was
He who baptized did
'of Christ, not of the human baptizer.'
exact statement.

'

'

not give being or add force

'

Cyprian of their
they,

'

Baptism

when they

difficulty as to rebaptizing,

That oneness

One'.

is

This had

to the Sacrament.

been almost on the lips of the Numidians

is

first

told

because,' said

'

One Lord

of the

but they had allowed themselves to be put off with the superreply that

ficial

to

oneness was of the one Church, and that

its

admit non-Church baptism was to admit two baptisms or

more^

to recognise

The Author on Rebaptism

force,

so that

for so

many

P. 415, note

"

Fechtrup,

answer

it

is

subtleties this real

is

misled

by

Peters'

wrong

reference (p. 512) for his perfectly

right

statement.

Peters should

and Ep. 71.

other hand Peters is wrong
cited Ep. 70.

i.

the

in thinking

that Cyprian himself has this

key

There he

in

Ep.

answer^

69.

14.

prias,

to his

This
lib.

v.

well expressed by Optatus,

is

c.

ejusdem

See also 13 of the same Epistle. He

guards himself carefully.
^ Auctor
10 virorum optime, reddamus et permittamus virtutibus cae'

lestibus vires suas, et dignationi divinze

'Has

res unicuique

non

operarius sed credentis fides

rei

et Trinitas praestat.'

c.

'

...omnes qui

baptizant operarios esse, non dominos,

sacramenta perse esse sancta, non per

et

Baptism.

libenter ei adquies-

camus.'

homines....'

in

us, excellent

concedamus operationes proquantum in ea

'Christ in his Church' as giving equal

member of it

Let

intellegentes

et

does not speak of Christ simply, but of

grace to every

'

emolumentum

sit

have

On

own

error

with even scornful

it

majestatis

2.

p. 201, n. 2, in trying to

Peters

states

surprising that he should have let slip

cation

But

it

great

is

of Cyprian's arguments.

visible

name

gustine

Optatus answers by impli-

many

how

the power of his

forbade direct attack.

first

both meets him

reads the true lesson of his

formity amid Differences.

full
life,

Auand
Con-

VIII.
'sir,'

THE ARGUMENTSSTEPHEN'S.

III.

he writes

(as

417

believe against Cyprian himself), 'render

'and allow to the Powers of Heaven a might of their own,

and

'

'

its

suffer the condescension of the

independent operations.'

His conception of the

visible

been of more value than

asks,

'

What

is

indeed higher than

to apply

arguments

all his

some higher

unless

Church

how

Cyprian's, and had he learnt

he

Divine Majesty to have

it,

would have

besides.

'

What,'

principle modify the rigidity of

'

your

'

Christian multitude^ which dies without the imposition of

'

hands

formula

strict

.-''

'What

adds, 'who

and confirm such as sicken and die

to visit

fail

bishops themselves,' his irony

those

for

the portion reserved for the

is

in

'the outlying districts of their dioceses^?'

Thus on every

side,

he

even within the acknow-

infers,

ledged pale, even within the entrenched lines of saints and

martyrs, there

a vast verge beyond the operation in

lies

measure of that simple sacerdotal unity, which

is

full

nevertheless

essential to the general effectuation of the gospel.

And what

lies

beyond the pale

}^

It is in

the solemn con-

sensus which exists as to the adequate and complete sanctifi-

we

cation of that admitted verge or margin that

are to look

for analogies which shall solve the new-rising problems sug-

We

gested by the existence of heresy.

cannot subject

truth to the conclusions of a theory which

limits,

is

true

but which has limits beyond which nothing

is

up

all

to its

clear save

the Love and the Power*.

Cyprian's
to

'justify

demand

and

for

a sanctity

to sanctify'

revolted the Church of

Rome

the baptized^
as

it

Doubtless he took the terms

land.
1

Auctor,

Dispersis regionibus,

'

Compare Aug.

c.

IV. c. vii. (10)

c. 5.

de Bapt.

c.

Donatt.

'If within the closed

'

may

order

have

well

does the Church of Engin

a weaker sense than we.

flow out beyond

4 plerique.

garden of God there are thorns of the

Devil, why may not the Spring of Christ
B.

in the baptizer in

'Salvation

is

it?'

of the Church': True.

Nulla salus extra ecclesiam

' :

True,

if

the definition of Ecclesia be so wide as

to have
^

no

constitutional value.

Ep. 69.

10.

27

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

41

But they

at least

make

Stephen's invective

The

intelligible.

structure of the Church, the apostolic teaching, the personal

work of Christ seemed to him endangered*. And they were

had not theological science arisen to refrain such careless

so

modes of speech.
Stephen taught that as one who separates

Church does not

own church baptism by

his

forfeit

from

wandering, but when he returns will return

in

the
his

validity,

its

so neither in the meanwhile does he lose the 'power' which

man he

as a baptized

possessed of imparting Baptism ^o

others I

And

he taught that the child or the heathen who learns

Christ through the teaching of the heretic cannot be charged

with

defect or disorder

'

'

in the reception of that

to which he comes with fullest faith*, and which

of

God

from

'

Though he

to impart to every creature.

it is

the will

excluded

is

fellowship in holy duties with the visible Church,'

the beata vita as Augustine truly calls

Church he
with

sacrament

all

is still

its

a member.

Its true

variety of vessels,

including for awhile, nay

lievers only, but misdoers

it

yet

image

and the

is

of that visible

the great

House

Cornfield, capable of

even of producing, not misbe-

These teachings of Stephen on

*.

the lasting virtue of Baptism were reaffirmed by Augustine

with overflowing illustration, but there

that Baptism has

in

it

any

is

no thought

in either

spell to countervail separation.

That would be not liberality but superstition.

Whatever evil is in heresy or schism, or in any form or
origin of them, is no more purged by Baptism than any
^

Ep.

75. 25 '...pseudochristum, pseu-

Usurpare eum potestatem

zandi posse, Ep. 69.

3

'...homo ad

sacerdotem
erroris

quaerit, in

incurrit.'

bapti-

7.

Deum

veniens,

dum

sacrilegum fraude
quotation

(from

Stephen probably) which ought by

very wording to have softened Cyprian,

Ep.

doapostolum, dolosum operarium....'

its

70. 2.

Although these illustrations are not

quoted among the fragments of Stephen
Cyprian
yet they were already in use.
*

had perceived

their bearing

of the Lapsed, though he

apply them more widely.

on the case

now
Ep.

failed to

55. i-

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS

III.

unrenounced
if

it,

As

sin.

STEPHEN'S.

no step to

it is

419

salvation, but

away from

one obtains baptism by a feigned or inconsistent repent-

anceS so

if

another

baptized a foe" to Unity, to the Peace

is

of Christ, to Charity with His Church, these are not conditions

The innermost power

Remission of Sins.

for realising the

men

and hindered, until it matures in

Both need a change'. Both
alike must make a more truthful confession*.
But both alike
have received a consecration, and a 'Stamp of the Lord*,' which
protests to them, which makes for reconciliation. The change

of baptism

is in

both

let

fellowship and unity regained.

they need

is

not another Consecration, but a fulfilment of the

With

former.

that

begins not to be present, but to be

it

profitable, to minister to salvation; their sins melt

away

as

they enter within the bond of love^

If policy, convenience,

One Baptism

'

with him

taste, jealousy, self-will,

interest,

man who knows

carelessness or the like take a

there

but

is

it

from a separatist or to continue

in his separation,

those errors of the soul will work

to seek

'

their proper effect;

his

knowledge

will not

His Baptism

difference to unity.

excuse his

in-

not for his soul's

is

healths

But the

faithful believer

when

outside teacher
tized

who

The symbols

He

The

are lucid.

Aug. de Bapt. c.Donatt.

verbis

non

(18) 'quid,

vii. v. (8)

factis renuntiantes.'

si

ad ipsum Baptismum

i.

xii.

fictus

'

Ibid.

Ibid. VI. xiv. (23).

I. xiii.

wheat

haereticum...habentem dominicum characterem.'

*

De

Bapt.

incipit

c.

Donatt. vii.

Ibid. vi. v. (7).

/j^^, yil.

*quse consecratio reum quidem facit

/Wt/. vi. xl. (78).

I.

xii.

(ad

(103)

iii.

(5).

27

sed

(18) 'ad

salutem.'

'verax confessio.'

"^

98.

liv.

adesse quod deerat,

Bonifacium)

Aug. Ep.

Yet

for the garner'.

prodesse quod inerat.'

(21).

< Ibid. I. xii. (18)

and

flood which upbears the ark

'non

accessit?'

unbap-

to die

Heaven's rain feeds thorns and

tares for destruction as well as

'

is

loses nothing.

deathful to the despisers.

is

receives Baptism from the

only other choice

against Christ's word, has remission of his sins

other benefits.

all

his

'

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

420

Euphrates was not hedged

Eden flowed out into

The Church has
something which

river of

communion a

within every separated

By

her own'.

They

bears sons in them to herself.

When

The

Paradise.

the worlds

all

is

by

in

that something she

are not born to others.

they turn homeward they are wholly hers.

The only real blot which Cyprian struck was the

perhaps we ought to say the African, explanation

vulgar,

of the

laying on of hands in the act of restoration to the Church.

If
'J

it

had meant a

hands

imparting of the Holy Spirit which

first

(for unquestionably

might be

fairly

renewal.

But

explains

it

in

Spirit,

in

clares such an
this

it

reality

it

had no such meaning.

Stephen

clearly as a rite 'unto penitence": even Crescens

in penitence*.'

'

Child

It

was not the

was a renovation

it

Communion

of a repentant

For

Son of God

of God.'

of his

spite

time

for the first

an introduction to

and enlightened
throughout,

then

rite),

reasoned that their Baptism equally needed

imparting of the Spirit

by the

imposition of

they too used this

of Cirta as 'a reconciliation

,y

own

not impart by their

schismatics could

'

theological errors, Stephen de-

one to have been

in

the

full

And

sense^

it is

very expression which was most offensive at Carthage,

and which

is

cavilled at even in the synodic letter of their

second Council on baptism.

There were three intentions (besides that of ordination)

with which the imposition of hands was used.
for

I.

what we

of Penitents'^.

what Stephen
^

De Bapt.

Ibid.

c.

3.

Sentt.

'

Ep.

Confirmation.

Exorcism.

for

2.

Dottatt. vi. xxi. (37).

The second

74.

i.

Compare 75. 17.

74. 6.
Tunc enim demum plene sanctificari

et esse ^ filii Dei' possunt

si

sacramento

is

was used
Reception

of these

meaning

utroque nascantur,

Dei'

X. (14).

It

the

for

clearly brings out as its true

In poenitentiam, Ep.
Epp. 8.

"

I.

call

Ep.

evidently a

i^.

is

the

in

i:

'

filii

The

quotation.

two sacraments are baptism and laying

on of hands.
^ In which sense it is used in the
Apostolical Constitutions
x"/'*'^*'^^* '^^^

f^X^

viii.

c.

tit.

{>iripTui> iv nfxavol^.

VIII.

THE ARGUMENTS STEPHEN'S.

III.

reception of schismatics, while Cyprian

42I

maintained that

it

meant the first, and thereon built a logical claim to have

Baptism repeated as Confirmation was repeated.
Of his
extreme partisans, some would even have made it mean the
third*, and so treated the schismatic as a demoniac.

To some
exclude

'

has seemed not clear that Stephen meant to

it

Confirmation

'

from the

intention whatever to include

give to

it

fact that

idea.

The doubt

the other sense.

Still

he shews no

and he uses terms which

it;

arises

only from the

Cyprian* endeavours to fasten that sense upon him,

and that we have no reply from

and quite contrarily

infers unfairly,
ciple, that if

Baptism with

its

Similarly Firmilian

his side.

to Stephen's actual prin-

gracious gifts were

communi-

by heretics, no imposition of hands need be used, but

we might unite with them in their prayer-meetings and

cable
that

at the altar

and

sacrificel

its

Note on force 0/ Stephen's Nihil

^

innoT.>etur nisi^

Questions have arisen upon the phrase of Stephen 'Si qui ergo a
hseresi venient ad vos nihil in?tovetur nisi quod traditum est,

'quacunque

manus

illi imponatur in poenitentiam....'

Ep-. 74. i.
Does Stephen
contemplate a Renewal' (innovetur) of something for the convert,
but only such a renewal or repetition as Tradition warrants.'' or (2) does
he forbid 'Innovation' in the rites, and require Tradition to be main-

'ut

here

(i)

'

tained against

Mattes

it.''

Does the inttovari

Tubing. Quartalschrift,

the thing to

6)

that

xvi^^.w

'renovation' or 'innovation'.''

Fechtrup and
and argues that as Petiance\i2L.% not occurred before,
be renewed is Confirmation. So Hefele declares (B. i. c. i.,

Hefele) adopts the

849, p. 636, ap. Peters,

first,

the second could not

Epp. 7, 8, 3f, 37.

and so Nemesian, Sentt.
Epp. 5, and Secundinus Bp. of Carpos,
Sentt. Epp. 24.
I may remark that Tissot t. I. p. 164
would correct the name of this place
(which was nearly opposite to Carthage

have been expressed grammatically

Sentt.

others prove nothing.

"

Ep.

ity

73. 6,

on the gulf) to Carpi

citations

but one of his

from the maritime Itinerary

has a Carpos Carthaginem... and the

in

Cyprian

TheMS.

author-

Carpos, and an

offers

361 has kar pes

which Wilmanns would wrongly correct.
inscription a.d. 350

C.

I.

on

L. viii.

Cities,

graphers

p.

i.

n.

575

Kd/sTTTj

Ep.

75. 17,

See Appendix

994.
infra.

and

Carpitanus, Morcelli,
'

Greek geo-

KdpTriy.
I.

p. 121.

Adj.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

422

except by 'Nihil innovetur, sed quod traditum est observe tur: Peters
takes innovetur to mean renewal in the convert, answering to what
is implied in laying hands on the sick, in exorcism, and in penance, and

holds that

it is

called 'innovari' because of the imposition of

already in Baptism.

who

hands used
Grammatical' Fechtrup (p. 225),
manus imponatur in poenitentiam'' is the

This he says

sees that the clause 'ut

is

'

expansion of ^quod traditum

est,' and yet the act cannot be said *to be

renewed,' having never been done before, feels obliged to say that in the
*/ quod traditum est there is an incorrectness of expression, and that
*

even the best authors often write incorrectly.

the commentators

who

Fortunately

only

it is

grammar.

Both in Latin and Greek, particles denoting exception introduce not merely what is an exception under
some rule laid down, but also any contradiction of it, even the most
positive.

Thus

in

fail

in Vulg.

mittatur foras' does not

Matt.

mean

v.

13, 'ad

and can
*Et multi leprosi erant in Israel suhof Elisaeo propheta

purpose of being thrown away, but that

treated

so.'

nihilum valet ultra nisi ut

that vapid salt has a value for the one

'it is

no value

eorum mundatus

est nisi

Naaman

Syrus' (Luc.

iv. 27),

only be
et

nemo
was

';w Israelite

So Cyprian .]^. 63. 13 '...Sic vero

aqua sola aut vinum solum nisi utrumque sibi
misceatur, quo modo nee Corpus Domini potest esse farina sola aut aqua
'sola nisi utrumque adunatum fuerit.' 'Each element is not one substance
but a compound.' Hence the passage before us 'nihil innovetur nisi quod
traditum est' means, in accordance with usage, 'No innovation is to be
made, only tradition must be kept to.' Eusebius {H. E. vii. 3) also had
8e1v n
these very words before him when he described Stephen as
vedrepov napa ttjv Kpartjaaaav apx^jBev irapadocriv (iriKaivoTOHflv
olofifvos; and Cyprian thus sets them aside, 'quasi is innovet qui unum
'baptismauni ecclesiae vindicat, et non ille utique qui...mendacia profanae
cleansed, but a non-Israelite was.'
calix

'

Domini non

est

'

\jli)

'tinctionis usurpat.'

phrase as

'nihil

Vincent of Lerins [Conutionit. i. 6), who gives the

nisi quod traditum est,' explains it ^non sua

novandum

posteris tradere sed a majoribus accepta servare.'

We

conclude therefore

with certainty that innovetur does not refer to the renewal of anything,
rite, and that the Imposition of Hands which
was that which appertained to the Reception of a

but to innovations in the

'tradition' required

Penitent alone.
Hefele, in spite of his view of 'grammar,' admits (in a footnote) that
this is the interpretation of Christian Antiquity

understood became a dictum classicum.

and

that the

words so

VIII.

ECCLESIASTICAL RESULTS. L UNBROKEN UNITY. 423

IV.

IV.

Of

Ecclesiastical Results.

The Unbroken

I.

Unity.

the legacy of lessons which this remarkable story

all

leaves us, none

more

strike

home than

those which spring from

the observation that Cyprian had a real point of contact with

Novatianism.
perceived

The

We

have already seen that the Novatianists

it.

was that the Church must be

central idea with both

attainted by, and therefore cannot tolerate, the admixture of

elements foreign to her

Such inadmissible element the

spirit.

Novatianists found in those who, having tasted

forsook her and forswore them.

her

all

gifts,

In the case of the Lapsed,

He

however, Cyprian detected the fallacy.

would

not, like

Novatian, leave them to be reconciled in some unpenetrated

To him

region.

they were

still

dren not really such aliens as

;

To

the Church's reconcilable chil-

many wilful offenders within her\

himself however the bounds of the visible Church were

marked by

historic lines

lines

divinely drawn with perfect

definiteness and unfailingly preserved for the guidance

security of

all.

and

Without the action of the Catholic ministry

of the one episcopate there could be no effective Communion,

and no admission within even her outer

to admit

.-*

The moral

courts.

For who was

qualities or the correct beliefs of the

individual were irrelevant to the solely constitutional question,

Has he been made

According

to

member

Novatian,

of the visible Church

Renouncement of Communion

annulled membership for ever.

catholic

.-'

According

to Cyprian, un-

Baptism never conferred it. We are not required to

But the grand difference is here.

appraise the two errors.

Cyprian's historic

when

lines,

which misunderstood had

rightly interpreted corrected him.

baffled him,

Novatian with his

unsoftened character broke from them without remorse, laid

new ones down, and made

1

all

Ep.

converge upon himself.

55. 21.

The

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

424

ECCLESIASTICAL

Divine idea which Cyprian saw in History, the Unity and Love

which underlay the scheme of

opposing the claims of
single diocese,

see

and

its

much

would not

it,

less

with

where the

The
it

swept

sect

died after a while and

one

was inconceivable that he

The heart of Love kept him

it

mind went

logical

So Novatian became a
barren

him, though

However erroneously any

all.

prelate might decide,

should break with the brethren.

straight

suffer

heretics, to dissolve the ties with

astray.

not untruthful, but hard and

left

no seed.

great Church held her way, and every generation as

its

sands over Cyprian's error bore stronger witness to

Whilst he seems

the power of Cyprian's passion for unity.

almost dearer because he could not be perfect, the perfectness

of that passion of his

is still

unrealised,

and too often

Although the Roman Church took wider

unfelt.

views

than

Cyprian of so great a matter as Man's Sonship to God, yet, as

to the possibility and duty of union in diversity, he held a
practical theory

which

Augustine, who

Rome

never mastered.

says he never wearied of re-reading the

'peace-bestowing utterances" of the end of the Epistle to

Jubaian^ draws out the noble independence of thought and
action which Cyprian willed to maintain without bigotry or

exclusion

Every bishop

free to

judge

suffer separation for their thoughts

tender of the bond of peace.

for himself;

none to

therefore everyone to be

Salvo jure communionis diversa

sentirc.

The Baptismal Councils failed

2.

doctrinally

and why ?

Unity then was not broken. Yet what is the conclusion

drawn from the spectacle of these Carthaginian assem-

to be
blies

To some

Can
1

De

be

it

assemblies

it

might seem discouraging.

accounted

for

by the

incidents

Bapt.

c.

Donatt.

v. xvii. (ii).

Ep.

73. 26.

of

these

VIII.

THE COUNCILS FAILED.

RESULTS.

IV. 2.

may

Province

WHY?

425

be too large to form a real Synod.

There are Provinces of to-day whose very extent,

forbidding^

even attendances, throws decisions into the hands of a metropolitical party.

Bishops may be too numerous for the area. There may

be more positions of influence than there are men born or

drawn

to

In such cases the numbers outweigh the

them.

fill

able men, or they

leader

fall

who combines

under the power of

men.

politic

fervour with policy sweeps

them head-

long.

But the degree

Carthage

is

They were

in

which these causes as yet existed at

not sufficient to account for the doctrinal failure.

exceptionally modified

by the independence ex-

pected of the bishops and by the earnestness of the times.

The
cally,

Councils were neither deficient nor excessive numeri-

nor were they created for the sake of their suffrages,

They were under no

nor were they packed.

They were

The

not recalcitrating at any state tribunal.

They were

question was a broad one.

judging a

State pressure.

They were looking

leader.

not trying a teacher or

for principles.

could personal elements be so nearly eliminated.

Seldom

Again, they

Each bishop was the elect of

his flock.
None of the Councils was senile or too youthful.
The members were not drawn from seminary or cloister.
They were men of the world, who in a world of freest
discussion had become penetrated with Christian ideas

were

really representative.

seldom ordained, sometimes not Christianised

Their chief was one
rarely blended

in

rarely

whom

mental and

tempered with

till

late in

political ability

life.

were

holiness, self-discipline

and sweetness.

Such was
was

that house of bishops.

uncharitable,

anti-scriptural,

The

result

uncatholic

it

and

reached

was

it

unanimous.

A painful

issue.

us encouraging.

Yet

in

another respect, the moral

The mischief was

silently healed

is

for

and per-

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

426

And how ?

fectly.

By no

counter-council

merely register the reversal

but

for later decrees

by the simple working of

Life corrected the error of thought.

the Christian Society.

Is there

ECCLESIASTICAL

then no need of Christian assemblies

them, or of them

Is

no hope

in

the Church a polity unique in this

sense, that without counsel

it

can govern

itself,

without de-

liberation meet the changing needs of successive centuries

To how

great an extent even this

may

we read in
Nor can any-

hold true

the disappearance of the Cyprianic judgments.

thing be more consonant with our belief in the indwelling

Spirit of the

on bonds

Church

still

nothing more

full

of comfort as

we look

seemingly inextricable, and on steps as yet

irretraceable.

But nevertheless

no reasonable mind questions the neces-

if

sity of Councils, in spite of the

gloomy moral and

history of whole centuries of them,

may

it

doctrinal

be the case that

and that the so early

particular was a primaeval

their constitution has been incomplete,

ill

success of Cyprian's Councils in

warning of the defect

The Laity were silent. Yet we cannot but deem that it

was among them principally that there were in existence and
at

work those very

principles which so soon not only rose to

the surface but overruled for the general good the voices

of those councillors.

whose

Each Council was a parliament of head

a governing body composed of provincial governors,

officials;

irresponsibility, save in the

science,

forum of

their

own

con-

had more and more become Cyprian's axiom and

theirs.

Were

these bodies divinely constituted for the great object

of 'guidance into

truth'.''

were they the very Church

in its

Church to which The Presence

was promised ? It has been held that they were and ever are.
Yet whatever false strands have been inwoven with Catholic
doctrine have been introduced by such bodies alone. These

doctrinal capacity,' the living

particular

judgments were, according to the whole Church

VIII.

RESULTS.

IV. 2.

THE COUNCILS

FAILED.

They were even

Catholic, greatly perverse.

WHY?

427

then contrariant

Church opinion which surrounded them and quietly

That this was so may be inferred from
prevailed over them.
to the

several considerations:

i.

from the determined unanimity of

the eighty-seven

sentences voiced

the Council

oracle.

from the avowal of two

2.

among

only one

number

the

that

they were incompetent to form an opinion, yet they did not

abstain from voting, but voted with the majority.

Book on Rebaptism

the evidence which the

and informed opinion existing yet unrepresented.

ful

from

3.

gives of a power4.

from

the silent reversal of the decision.

It is true that in

and from the second century Synods of

But

Bishops were the

rule.

conclusion that

was no

it

'

all

that

we know tends

to the

derogation of antient custom to

admit others than bishops to be members of a synod \'

The

was dying out under Cyprianl It

had been no new experiment of his. The second and even
custom of admitting

laity

the third centuries preserved traces of their old admission.

and the into the text of the ConThe apostles and the presbyters
ciliar letter of Jerusalem,
and the brethren greeting...,' shews that at the time when they
The

intrusion of the

words

'

'

were added ^

it

did not

seem so impossible

have consulted even with apostles

that the laity should

that they had in reality

been consulted appears from the narrative,

It

'

was determined

by the apostles and the elders together with the whole Church^
unless this is thought to be rhetoric.
Irenaeus writes a very
^rave decision on the keeping of Easter
^

Hefele's assertion.

It

seems that

in later

cils seniores plebis

suited.

Introd. 4, 5.

African Coun-

were at times con-

This may be a

early usage, but the

of the facts only

relic

of the

shadowy character

illustrates its practical

Cann.

'

in the

Eccl. Afr.c. 100, cf. c. 91.

(Vienn. 1893), Appendix

^

Acts

he retained koX
Ed.

8,

and

it is

in

01.

vised Vers., with

ISo^e

22.

t^.

Ed.

198.

= Decretum

omits

7,

omitted by

Tregelles, Westcott

Primordia Eccl. Afr.

See Cod.
(Hafhise, 1829), pp. 41, 51.

Acta

Tischendorf although

xv. 23.

Miinter's view of the democratic aspect

that church.

the

Purgationis Felicis ap. Optat. ed. Ziwsa

disappearance, and does not support

of

name of

it

in

Lachmann,

and Hort, and Re-

ABX*CD,

Vulg.

est, Placuit,

all.

Acts xv.

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

428

whom

brethren

ECCLESIASTICAL

he presided over throughout Gaul\'

Is

it

A
supposed that he had not obtained their judgment?
very early writer' speaks of the formal condemnation of
The faithful throughout Asia
Montanism by Councils,
having met for this purpose, many times, and in many places
in Asia, and having examined the novel arguments, 'and
'

'

'demonstrated
heresy.'

'

It

include the

and

profanity,

their

seems impossible that

and the question

laity,

'

having

rejected

the faithful

'

of doctrine, subtle doc-

is

Origen, in a passage which would not be conclusive

trine.

stood alone, uses an expression which, side by side with

if it

by the

others, hints that the consultation of the laity

though disused

in his

day, had

of the past as well as in reason.

bishop in the present

day

Moses sought the counsel

But wJiat

condescends to take the counsel

much more

'of an inferior priest even,

He

'Gentile^?'

Gentiles'

was

bishops,,

place in the traditions

its

'of Jethro, though an alien to the Jewish race.

'

the

should not

of a layman, or a

has been showing that the 'counsel of the

to

be learnt from their great authors, and

apparently some practical

way

of consulting presbyters and

was not unknown to him.

But the earlier Cyprianic letters themselves are distinct as
the propriety and duty of recognising and including a not

laity

to

silent laity in the Councils of the

It

laity

Church.

cannot be admitted that Cyprian meant to consult the

on only personal, individual questions, such as enquiries

into the fitness of private persons to be restored to

munion ^
^

That

Euseb. H. E.

v.

24

very far from what he says when, for

is

U Trpoffunov

wv

Euseb.
^

i)ye'iT0KaTa.Ti]vTa\\iat>a.5e\tpwviin<rTl-

\aj, vapLffrarat rb deiv k.t.X.

aSeXcpol

throughout the context means the Christian

'^

body not the bishops.

Cited by

Church,

c.

Dr Pusey
II.

p.

53)

com-

{Councils of the

mistakenly as

Apollinarius of Hierapolis. Valesius on

v. 16

Orig.

made

/fom.

this clear.

xi.

in

Exod.

c.

'Quis autem hodie eorum qui populis

praesunt...' The version no doubt represents

irpoeffrdiTuv.

Cp.

note

on

310.

p.
*

Dr

c. ill.

Pusey, Councils of the Church,.

pp. 74sqq.

VIII.

THE COUNCILS FAILED,

RESULTS.

IV. 2.

instance, he thus addresses the presbyters

Carthage
*

'
:

from the

first

my

episcopate

private

grace

am come

you we

to

429

and deacons of

by myself,

all

for

resolved to transact

judgment without your counsel,

and without the consent of the

But when by God's

laity.

will treat in

common

of things

transacted or to be transacted, as the honour due

'either
'

outset of

my own

'nothing on

could give you no reply at

WHY?

At

from each to other requires\'

commencement of

the

had not

his episcopate the question of restoration

arisen.

Again, when he asks the laity to persuade the Lapsed to

patience until, 'convening our fellow-bishops,

'numbers

deferring

we may

in good
Lord and the

to the discipline of the

and your own opinion also be able to

'examine the letters and express desires of the blessed
'Confessors' presence

'

martyrs^'

it

is

the determination of the broad principle, not

the application to particular cases, in which the Laity are

called

to

assist.

Yet

questions proposed,

should

still

it

if

we narrowed

would be

little

have to ask where even

the utmost

to

to the

purpose

the

we

measure of consulta-

this

tion with the veritable laity appeared in the later Councils^?

It

was no mere question of the application of

was

investigation of individual cases, which

function
function

is

not necessarily conciliar.

may

It

be committed to delegates,

is

no

That
That

in view.

judicial.

may

it

rules,

be concen-

trated in a metropolitan, according to the constitution or the

use of the several churches.

had

in the early

Ep.
Ep.

'

Hefele,

Note

17. 3.

i2,givesathin

list

and he attaches quite as much

weight to them against his

own

opinion

The most notable is

Orange [Arausicanum II.] a.d. 529 in
which 14 bishops and 8 illustres viri sign
with the same formula consentiens or conas they deserve.

which Cyprian

sensi etsubscripsUX'dh'bQ, torn, v.c.%1^).

14. 4.

/i!rot/. 4.

this

days of his episcopate, and seconded as yet

of Councils in which laity have a serious

place,

was not

It

also the just complaint

made

January 1436 to Sigismund that at

the Council of Basle the decrees are

in

being
the

made by

laity,

present

the lower clergy

and

there being scarce 20 bishops

among 500

or

[Cp. Eugenius IV. Ep.

600 members.

ad Nuncios,

Baronius (Raynald),June 1436, i. xvi.]

Ambr. Traversari, Ep. ad Sigismund.

'

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

430

by the Roman

ECCLESIASTICAL

clergy, set out as the conciliar office of the

laity.

In so vast a business

'

him,
'

first

Roman

Presbytery to

also have yourself

recommended,

writes the

'

we approve what you

'

and so

to await the restoration of peace to the Church,

by united counsel with the

'after that,

bishops, presbyters,

'

deacons, confessors as well as the faithful

'

the treatment of the Lapsed ^'

individuals which

is

to consider

laity,

It is

not the treatment of the

in question here,

but the greatest question

of discipline which had ever arisen, the terms of the restoration

communion of the Church. The Roman

Confessors state in precisely the same way the views of Cyprian
and of themselves as to the body which has power to deter-

of apostates to the

mine

principles so great.

because

it

'to be, as

'

affects

moderation

'

ters,

'

in

'

the offence

almost the whole world

you yourself

'

It is because

write,

after counsel

'

that

'

is

it

so great

ought not

handled except with caution and

taken with

all

the bishops, presby-

deacons, confessors, and the faithful laity themselves, as

your

you yourself too

letters

'

timed wish to patch up ruins

'

other and greater ruins^'

through our

testify, lest

we may prove

ill-

to be preparing

It

cannot be argued with these passages before us that the

laity,

though present, were originally meant to be present

only,

and not

Cecconi, Stud.
Part

Firenze,
(Firenze,
'

to be consulted^

Storichi sul
l.

docum.

Cone,

di

76, p. cxcv.

1869).

...quanquam nobis

in tarn ingenti

negotio placeat quod et tu ipse tractasti,

prius ecclesise

inde

pacem sustinendam, decum epi-

conlatione consiliorum

sic

It

was Cyprian's purpose to

we

bishops assembling with clergy, the

faithful laity also

being present,

themselves too are to be had

in

in proportion to their faith

and

may
strict

be able to arrange
regard to

{communis

all

common

consilii

who

honour
fear,

things with
deliberation

The

religione)^

scopis presbyteris diaconis confessoribus

Bishops will decree but not without com-

pariter ac stantibus laicis facta lapsorum

mon

Ep.

tractare rationem.
2

Ep.

standers only

31. 6.

Ep. 19. 2 'This is what befits

both the modesty (verecundia) and dis"^

cipline

and the very

determination.

life

of us

To

interpret 'pra-

sente etiam stantium phbe''

30. 5.

all,

that

is

as

of by-

to contradict the other

passages and this also.

Yet Hefele can

write 'Thelaicswerescarcely more than

spectators.'

{Introd. 4. 5.)

But

if so.

VIII.

IV. 2.

consult

THE COUNCILS FAILED.

RESULTS.

WHY.!*

431

them and a purpose which the Roman clergy strongly

supported, not upon the administration of principles in individual cases, but on the formation and enunciation of those

The

principles.

who had

those

question

who had been

itself

as the

who had denied

of those

the second question,

But

doctrine*.'

communion

terms of communion

question was

first

the

not

is

it

faith,'

'

fair

namely

in the concrete.

would

It

'

scarcely be

But

latter

the admission of schismatic

and the former a more awful doctrinal

Apostatical Communion.'

and

thus to formulate one of the

and the other

practical matter,

penitents,'

a
for

matter of

be equally correct to reverse the phrases and to say the

'

'

the restoration

practical matter

that of heretical Baptism,

'

topics in the abstract

was a

for

'

schismatically baptized.

has been said that the

It

the terms of

'

lapsed from Christianity to heathenism

question as great in

those

was

in truth

point,

two questions could

more analogous as questions of dogmatic

dis-

cipline.
'

The

contrast

Cyprian's

true.

(it is

first

said)

very

is

striking.'

That

is

view disappeared from his mind.

early pledge was not redeemed.

But when we look

most
His

to the

ennobling success of his former Councils, and the collapse of

the later ones, rescued only

by the sweet grandeur of the man

from creating wide disunion, we cannot but think the change

disastrous^

The

course of History affirms this conclusion

of Christian reason.
what becomes of his other plea, viz. that
earlier precedent was departed from in
Cyprian's admission of them,
^

Dr

ibid.

Pusey, Councils 0/ the Church,

c. III. p. 87.
2

It

may

be

difficult to

be sure of the

he distinguishes the votum decisivum

which belongs in them to Bishops onlyfrom the votum consultativtim which
assigned to others.
Yet upon
that developed theory what becomes of

may be

the authority of so

exact meaning of Hefele's assertion that

which

'Bishops alone have the assistance of

priests,

the

of

Holy Spirit to govern

God' {Introd., 4, 11).

however

the

He

Church
speaks

in reference to Councils,

and

abbots,

religious

many

Councils, in

archdeacons,

cardinal deacons,
orders, doctors

cardinal

generals of
in

theology,

doctors in canon law, have admittedly

exercised the Tjotum decisivum}

(See

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION. ECCLESIASTICAL RESULTS.

432

The

3.

and

CatJwlic

Ultramontane estimate of Cyprian.

the

...rb fte/ivrjadai

tov dvSpbi ayiatrfiot.

Gregory Nazianzen.
of importance in the history of Christian character

It is

and of the gradual building up of that

spiritual expression of the consciousness

that

through the controversy

advance of

to

Rome

Worthy

contemporaries

his

formed by doctrine,

a clear idea of the conduct of Cyprian

we should have

in

as the

character,

catholic or uncanonical

or unworthy

behind or

in his attitude in relation

His language is not always free from severity, yet when

most severe it is in such contrast with Stephen's hard statement and arrogant threat in such contrast with the common
;

style, that

Augustine seldom refrains at mention of Cyprian's

name from some epithet of mildness, gentleness, sweetness,

His influence on Augustine's own
placability, peacefulness.
controversial tone
it

if

his pattern, and yet

How

probably inestimable.

is

would have been

different

Tertullian and not Cyprian had been

we

owe our very

largely

possession of

Tertullian to Cyprian's appreciation of him, and rendering

of his thoughts

was

this

into so quiet

and so sweet a

which made the dark half-heretic

style.'

It

intelligible

and

acceptable to Catholics who, but for the scholar, would have

shunned 'the

Master.'
is

Hefele, Introd. 4.

12.)

1 1,

His moderation much exceeds that

equal with that of Dionysius, whose very

of Firmilian and

If these

be

held, as they are, to be Councils as good

solitary episcopate,

[At the Council of the Nidd

it is

not

and valid as any, then the Divine Right of

clear whether the Archbishop of Canter-

the Episcopal Order exclusively to form

bury and ^Ifleda voted.

conciliar decisions
so,

what

given up.

But

if

lines separate those particular

ranks from the

clergy?

is

laity or the rest of the

The dilemma

the authority of

all

is

fatal either to

those Councils or

to the jus divinum in Councils of a

that with

Council

cum

eis

the Bishops

separately,

who

were

It

is

said

held the

aliquando

Archiepiscopus aliquando vera

sapientissima virgo /^IJleda.

de gest. Pontif.

lib. ill.]

Ex Malm,

VIII.

CATHOLIC versus ULTRAMONTANE VIEW.

IV. 3-

433

in

was the peacemaker's, not the combatant's. But it is

his conduct of business and in his public appearance that

he

rises to the highest tone.

office

Among

the causes of the extra-

we must reckon

ordinary unanimity of the Councils

candour and immediateness with which

larger

and larger

judges as the

circle of

the

he appeals to a

strife

waxes hotter

judges neither named by himself nor naturally biassed to-

wards him bishops first of one, then of two provinces, then

from beyond their border.
;

'

'

my

If

sins

do not disable me,

I will

from

learn, if I can,

Cyprian's writings, assisted by his prayers, with what peace

and what consolation the Lord governed His Church through

him

'.'

'The very remembrance of the Man is a sanctification'"*.'

Such were the judgments of Augustine and of Gregory.
Such has been the judgment of the whole Church. The
East, which knew little of him personally, accepted his
For the simple

tenet as a sort of inspiration.

conversion

it

substituted a supernatural tale,

him a supremacy

Carthage alone does he

preside,'

'

Not over
says

it

assigned

the Church of

Gregory Nazianzen

an oration delivered at Constantinople, nor yet over the

in

'

'

Church of Africa

'

for him, but over

'the
'

own.

his

all

detail of his

and

alone,

and

until

now from him and

the Western Church, nay and almost

all

Eastern Church

famous

itself,

north, wheresoever

and over the bounds of south

he

came

in

admiration.

Thus

Cyprian becomes our own^' But where the man was well
and thoroughly known, there even while this his doctrine and
discipline were fading away, his excellent political wisdom

'

and energy, and

Aug. de Bapt.

c.

still

more

Dnnatt. V. xvii.

Greg.

Naz.

Or.

24,

vii.,

De

S.

Cypriano.
^

Greg. Naz. Or. 24,

B.

c.

xii.

(oi)

fkp

and

rare union of

t^i KapxvSovluv vpOKaOi^erai fxbvov

K\T}<xlai)

(23).
*

his integrity

'E/c-

compare other expressions of

his

...rr^v KotvTjvXpia-Tiai'ui' (piXorifiLav...

rh

^i'^a. irori

t^s olKovfUvrp

KapxrjSovluv 6vofia vuv 5k

airdtrifs, c. vi.

28

434 THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

ECCLESIASTICAL RESULTS.

and moderation, made him

zeal

and

and

for ever the delight of the West*.

love, activity

For ever
the

dogma

in spite

at once

new malevolence, which since

has made it necessary for papal

of the

of Infallibility

advocates to bespatter each whitest robe that has not walked

the

in

Roman

method,
*

'

must

their deliberate

is

justify Stephen,

language.

both act and

we can succeed

If

drawn from the documents, we

not without irrefragable arguments treat the letter of

in this

'will

We

train.

by

representations

Firmilian as a forgery or a romance^'

We

have done justice to Stephen's correct judgment on

the particular point, and to the soundness of his reasons.

But that he claimed an authority which the great fathers

and churches disdained rather than discussed that he placed
the just custom of his church in an uncatholic form against
the tradition of other churches, that his best reasons were
;

unreasonably presented, that

accredited

of

reception

his

doctors was unchristianly harsh, has scarcely been questioned

till

of latel

For be

It is
it

counsel, of

the burden of the evidence.

first

all

observed that of

own

his

all

who asked

councillors, of

prelates

Cyprian's

assembled

from Africa, Numidia, Mauretania, of Firmilian and Dionysius

the Great, not one suggests the least deference to the

See^ nor mentions

its

estimate of

the question, or as a scruple to be borne in mind.

who marshals every argument

in

Roman

an element

itself as

in

Augustine,

refutation of his opinion,

never suggests that obedience to Rome's speaking would

'Doubtless present,' says Augustine,

'through the unity of the

spirit'

with

the Council which set aside his error.

See the whole of the beautiful language

olde Bapt. c. Donatt. V. xvii. (23).
-

Peters, p. 540.

See

for

prien, Artt.

149 f., 155

f.

In

Ep.

70.

xlix.,

vol.

IV.

pp.

the

reference

to

upon Peter of the one

Church having in this place no relation

to

Rome, corresponds with

the

absence of any such reference in the

genuine part of

example Tillemont, S. Cyxlvii.

the foundation

the

De

Unitate

c. 4.

word ratiom here occurring

haps gave

rise to

And
per-

the rationis and then

the orationis of the forgery.

VIII.

CATHOLIC versus ULTRAMONTANE VIEW.

IV. 3.

have saved him from his

error.

435

Gregory the Theologian had

not a suspicion that any authority could have been higher

than Cyprian's,

The

he presides over West and East'

and the

sole

ungrounded and

his

full

evidence shews Stephen's claim as

manner of stating

it

as intolerable.

But now the Ultramontane contention

'can never have contented himself with
'

because such a course

would be so evidently

must represent some elaborate

'

that Stephen
declaration,

rriere

The fragments which

'dispel prejudiced

is

lie

refutation

ineffective to
in Firmilian's

Augustine,

'

letter

'

unacquainted with that letter and with the treatise on Re-

^.

'

baptism, excuses Cyprian

ignorantly,

'

appealed only to custom

Cyprian's hard words shew that

'he presumed on victory*:

his third Council of Zy bishops

'

was summoned

'over Jubaian"^:
'

in the confidence

his

as

if

Stephen had

produced by

triumph

his

arguments exhibit partly wantonness,

partly a determined adroitness in avoiding the point

his

'

vindication of the independence of each bishop in unbroken

'

unity

'

of his practices from

is

a mere

"

turn " to forestall the expected prohibition

Rome^'

This wily worldly politician

for

he was no better

doctrine of unity was not the very pillar

'

or

may

not have retracted his

Rome

of his belief

if

may

'

He

error formally.

his

tmist

'

have done

'

placed him

'

memorated him

'

desisted from his practice without retracting, and this but

that

all

in

the
in

roll

required or she would never have

of

saints,

much

have com-

less

the canon of the mass.

Probably he

'shewed how holy Stephanus had taken the mildest way

'

of bringing back the venerable wanderer to the truth.

'

great the guilt of Cyprian

'

His other
1

services, his

Peters, p. 532.

^ Id.

pp. 540

3 Id. p.

538.

* Id. p. 511.

549.

had been

is

known only

martyrdom, atoned

for

God.

But who

it.

'

Id.

Id. p. 535 'mit welch

p. 515.

Gewandtheit...
'

to

How

vomehmer

vorbeizuschiffen.

Id. p. 514.

282

THE BAPTISMAL QUESTION.

436

and
error thought of the papal supremacy, a doctrine which

'would rely on what Cyprian

'of

in his hours of passion

'

Firmilian, though he tries to be sarcastic, does not seriously

'

question

And oh what
to

Cyprianic

merit,

'

doctrine

We

'

tunity of recanting

What an
lently from

a warning to

shun Cyprianic

who have not

opposition

to

that

perhaps might never be allowed the oppor-

exquisite picture

his

us,

Stephen smiling benevo-

throne on the passionate prodigal seated at

his feet, reclaimed

by

his gentleness, clothed

and

in his right

mind.

And what
known

love for historic truth

from the present

And what
That these

Roman

and method

Countless

hypotheses constructed backwards

facts rejected for

position.

oneness with the Catholicity of old

writers cannot be regarded as other than faithful exponents

of the doctrine, see

p.

322 note.

Peters, pp. 549, 550.

CHAPTER

IX.

expansion of christian feeling and energy

(resumed).

The Secret of Conduct.

I.

'Of the Good of Patience.'

Augustine
or

well-nigh adored Cyprian's 'Heart of over-

He

flowing love.'

dwells on

how he extended

to worldly

immoral colleagues the same loving patience that he

used

'

in tolerating

those good prelates

who

in turn tolerated

him' when through 'human temptation he was "otherwise

minded" on an obscure question\' Experience since Augusfinds antagonists on obscure questions harder to bear
with than worldlings especially when one is oneself on the
tine's

subtler side.

merits

all

But whichever alternative

is

the harder, Cyprian

the honour which even Augustine could bestow.

we saw how soon Cyprian recognised

new standing-point required a readjustment of ethical
views of old problems, whilst the position of the new people
daily created new problems.
Persecution could not do its
unequal work and rouse no Resentments. Old riddles of
In an earlier chapter

that the

Sorrow and Suffering grew

still

harder to the called and

chosen whose choice and calling landed them

all things.

The whole philosophy

^

Aug. de Bapt.

c.

in the loss of

of Probation had blossomed

Donatt. iv.

ix. {12).

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

43^

The philosophy of

out.

we have

eaciTof these he had written,

/ But

now

Worship was

Spiritual

to

his

On

seen how.

the seething tumult of Christian opinions on

^/questions of intense interest to the

ment

bud.

in

faith,

demanded,

supple-

in

philosophy of Unity, some Theory of Right

Feeling and Action amid Divergences apparently scarce less

vital

than those which separated catholic and heretic together

from their joint oppressors.

Cyprian did not find himself involved as by surprise

He

these considerations.

in

had understood Christianity to

be the doctrine of a new and true School

the last and ever-

Here was the Method of a heavenly Learning

whereby our School {secta) directs itself to the attainment
after a Divine manner of the reward of faith and hope
The scope of Paul's mission had been to ^form the nations
'

lasting.
'

'.'

'

'

that Apostle of Nations had

'

their philosophy

'

ialistic

mundV in

and empty

expressly witnessed 'against

fallacy, self-evolved

and mater-

secundum traditionefn hominum, secundum elementa

contrast to that

reality

which 'rested on the

person of Christ indwelt in by the fulness of deity V

^/'

To

develop and apply the influences of this fresh and

powerful factor to thought and action was a pressing necessity.

And

now, at the outset, what was befalling the very foun-

Love?
To say nothing of the threatening masses of heresy, was
this new controversy with Italy only a new field, such as
heathenism had never known, for Intolerance, Jealousy and
Hate ? Evidently the supremacy of a Power actively antagonistic to those Church-passions must be affirmed and
tain of the

new

The

enforced.

morality, the

Spirit of Charity or

old riddles were world-riddles of

Church-riddles injected no less perplexity into

Cyprian found the danger strong

among his partisans as fast

own action had awakened it.
>

De Bono

Patientue

i.

as
It

among
was

in

life.

himself

It

his adversaries.

his to find the

-

De B.

The

faith.

Pat.

2.

grew
His

remedy.

IX.

'DE BONO PATIENT!^'

SECRET OF CONDUCT

I.

439

Accordingly, writing to Jubaian', he says, 'So far as in

'

us

'

with

lies,

we

are not, for the sake of heretics, going to contend

colleagues

and fellow-bishops

we hold

gentleness

by

fast

charity of

them

with

'Divine concord and the Lord's peace

keep

In patience and

by the honour

spirit,

'

of our college, by the bond of faith, by concord within the

episcopate.

'To
*

'

end

this

have just composed a small book on

The Good of Patience, to the best of my small powers, under

the permission and inspiration of the Lord.'

Under

this simple heading,

and which

itself also*,

is

which appears

new chapter

of Tertullian's^ he develops his

Ethics.
its

Were

it

on

in eirenica

That

ful.

of Christian

least

provoking allusion

own teaching not always

its

might have

left

be reckoned

to

both motive and date doubt-

his auditors are subject to persecutions not

from Jews and Gentiles but from separatists also

No

reference to circumstances ^

of bishops

pamphlet

not thus dated and motived by himself*,

determined exclusion of the

an example of

in the

caught up from a passing touch

'

here, nor of

But what

is

word about the

any discord within

only

nearest

is its
'

college

it.

the ^Patience' which Cyprian desires to evoke?

Patience was that element which Cicero combines with

the Realisation of High Ideals, with Self-Reliance and with
Perseverance, to complete the notion of Fortitude.

thus defines

it"

'It

is

endurance of hardship and

'

usefulness.'
this

Ep.

De B.

'

Tert. de Pat.

tienti(E)

difficulty for ends of

honour and

what Cyprian longed to see becoming a more

'Unde

word.

73. 26.

mus?'

Pat. 19.
i.

Bonum

ejus {pa-

"

summoe

etiara qui cseci vivunt

virtutis appellatione honorant.'

*

he

the voluntary and long-continued

'

Was

And

Pontius alludes to

it

in

De
De

partes

a single

Patientiam discere-

sic

Vit. c. 7.

tientia,

B. Pat.
Inv.

21.

ii.

54

*Fortitudo...ejus

Magnificentia,

Perse verantia.'

Fidentia,

Pa-

440 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

active principle in the

Church

Martyrdom and Con-

No.

had more than fulfilled this ideal.

The Tracts and Epistles of Seneca are

fessorship

Cyprian's in their purpose of

And

society.

in

Seneca

spirituality, breaks in

He

sees

upon

tone of
certain

his Stoic

paradox on

the 'might of virtue

sides.

afflictions as

'

a true progeny

'

'

of

a lovingly severe edu-

'power of Patience' (endurance) that

their

is in

It

all

between God and good

'

regards the originally good as

God, and their worldly

cation.'

the moral

humanity, a

raising

certain

a kinship and a likeness

He

men.

unlike

not

is

shewn'; and

it

'by Patience that

is

contemn the power of evils \' But

the spirit
Seneca finds the perfection and the reward of Patience in
a habitual joyous Pride in self, with a pleasant contempt for

comes

at last to

He

undisciplined mindsl

man

paradox that herein

attains to the

has the advantage of

God

only outside the endurance of

'

that

evils,

God

while

man

stands

stands above that

endurance V

was something more than this antique virtue that

Cyprian perceived. There was a new thing in the world, a
It

gift of

nature,

God, the impartment of a something out of God's own

and so a certain seal of Sonship *. Patience is of the

Father, and
'

'

'

of the sons

Father

is

What

is

perfection

the restoration of the original likeness of the

in the manifestation of

Sonship'

in

The

the sons must not degenerate^

His patience.'

'

Perseverance

the imitation of the Father's patience.

then

is

the

new

spirit

which now enters into the

iv.

Sen. I?ia/.

I.

Cum Deo

virtus ista

old word^?

Seneca, Dial.

I.

i.

5;

ii.

4,

7;

6j 13.
2

Sen. Dial.

Iretusque
elatus.'

est,

xiv.

toUendus

est

11. ix.

3 'inde

tam erectus

Deo

gaudio

"'

'o quantus inter ista risus

inde

continue

quanta voluptate implen-

dus animus ex alienorum errorum

multu contemplanti quietem suam.'

tu-

auctore,

De B.
Dr

vi. 6.

De.

Pat.

communis...

Pat. 3;. ..Dei res, 5.

3, 5, 20.

Peters gives a wordy, incom-

petent account of this treatise, which

he characterizes as very easy to understand,

as

it

is,

if

the exceeding

diffi-

'

IX.

SECRET OF CONDUCT

I.

1;;

DE BONO PATIENTIM.' 44

Cyprian does not verbally distinguish the aspect of the

virtue regarded as

t/te

power which bears from that of th& power

which forbears ; the sufferance of calamity from the repression

Both unite

of the desire to avenge oneself

In the

New Testament we

these two aspects,

'

endurance

long-suffering, tolerance
'

The former

is

Patientia.

{hypomone), for the former

'

{macrothymia), for the

'

latter.

opposed to cowardice or despondency, the

The former is closely allied

commonly connected with mercy\'

'

other to wrath or revenge.

'

hope, the latter

But

in his

commonly have two words for

is

former

in Aristotle the

to

the child of unmanliness

is

or cowardice; and Cyprian points out that the philosophies,

whether Stoic or Cynic*, which exercised

did

it

not,

in

theory or in practice, aim at either htimility or mildness, but

But humility

were essentially self-satisfying and severe ^

and mildness

are to the Christian grace essential*.

The second
culty,

aspect of Patience {macrothymia) places itself

which Cyprian himself points out,

of correlating heathen and Christian

Bp. Lightfoot on Col.

that the distinction

is

i.

11,

adding

not without ex-

It

which TertuUian

Cynicism

is

has in view in the parallel passage of

his

De

Fat.

'

ii.

affectatio

humana

ca-

ninse aequanimitatis stupore formata.

De B.

'

Pat.

thus essential to
analysis

'The

far

its

Prof.

v. Vlii. p.

591 a:

Hunew dispensation

greater prominence (of

under

may be

from

on Ethics in En-

article

cyd. Brit, (ixth ed.),

the

partly

referred

to

the

ex-

press teaching and example of Christ

partly, in so far as the virtue is

fested

in

mani-

the renunciation of external

rank and dignity, or the glory of merely

2.

* Arist. J?Aet.

is

delicate

mility)

ception.
2

Humility

H. Sidgwick's

virtues, is ignored.
1

that

idea a

See

and acquirements, it is
one aspect of the unworldliness which
we have already noticed; while the

Tac.

Agric.

unius

deeper humility that represses the claim

praslii

fortuna veteri patkntue restituit.'

of personal merit even in the saint be-

7)

deiXlas

6 airb avavdpiai yap

ii.

viroixovT)...2.nA classical

i)

was never clear of the

/rWw/'/a

16

'

slur.

(Britanniam)

Cyprian [De B. Pat.

2)

pa-

derives both

these ideas, of the falsa sapientia

and

of the essential thought of Christian

Patience as humilis and mitis,

from

Tertullian's passing observations in his

c. xvi.

in

and

support

c. xii.

Let

me

here quote

of the view of Cyprian

secular gifts

longs to the
continual

strict

sense

self-examination, the

imperfection,

of

the

on strength not his own,

which characterize the inner moral life
utter reliance

of the Christian.

Humility

sense 'before God'

dition of

all truly

is

in this latter

an essential con-

Christian goodness.'

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

442
in

no contradiction to

man

Long-suffering

Justice.

as

'

Theophylact* describes 'The

justice

inflicting

deliberation, not in sharp haste, but tardily'

we may

a view which

from Plutarch's beautiful book

illustrate

abundant

after

'

Of God's

tardy judgments,' where he says that, as a means of pro-

ducing likeness to God, the contemplation of God's gentleness will not be ineffective, as one observes

'and leisurely

He

He

'

how

lingeringly

does justice even on the wicked, not

lest He should Himself chastise over

and have to repent, but because He would cure our
savagery and vehemence of vengeance, and teach us not

'that

afraid

is

'hastily
'

on those who hurt

'

to spring in anger

'

burns and throbs and

is

convulsed, as

orderly, regretfully,

'

is

'

least likely to

if

our wrath

we were

glutting

His mildness and delays,

'thirst or famine; but, imitating

'

us, whilst

and taking into our counsels Time, who

be visited with repentances, so to set our

hands to justice ^'

By

passage

this excellent

to the idea

we

see that

the resolution which,

is

what Cyprian adds

when we

ourselves suffer

commits the whole cause unreservedly

for conscience' sake,

and this it is which makes of Christian patience an

power and an attribute of deity. Tertullian, while
giving the same counsel, ends his treatise with one glance
to

God

active

at

'

the

fire

beneath

'

which awaits

'

false

patience

'

as

it

But to Cyprian such a thought

is not a hope but a dread certainty, and the God to whom
he bids the Christian commit his cause is, as he reminds
him, One Who has not yet thought it necessary to avenge
awaits

either

all

other

falsities.

Himself or His Slain Son or His persecuted Church.

We

proceed to speak of the

Form

in

which was brought

out the necessity of this fresh Virtue to the Church's

1

Theophylact.

Bulgar.

Ad

Galatt.

Plut. de sera nitminis vindicta, v.

...dXXd /ufwvjjjvovi

rrira Kal

ttji/ /jLiXXTjcriv,

^/i/u.eXeas,

V. 22.

TTjy

iKtlvov

irpq.b-

a6fievo

Cf.

ev rd^et Kai fier'

rbv IJKKTTa fieravolq. irpoaoi-

-xfidvov

Thuc.

life.

iv.

i8.

Ix*"''''*^

aiin^ovkou

IX.

SECRET OF CONDUCT

I.

Although

comes

it

devotional study

it

'

DE BONO PATIENTIM.'

to us in the shape of

443

an Essay

for

bears marks of having been originally

an Address to some audience \

begins with thoughts and illustrations derived from

It

his

Master's

'

'

tract

on the same subject, shuns

views, avoids his mistakes,

and misses

It is

charged with sweeter and truer notions of Life

And

in

way

hitherto,

when they seem

yWhile Tertullian

starts

God.

avoids verbal coin-

it

inevitable.

nature

*,

which

and

disqualifies

the topic, Cyprian begins with

and with the occasion

to speak, which they will find in

which

his audience,

for the virtue of

he

listening to himself

is

\>

from himself with a sharp gird

own feverish impatient

fits him to discourse on

at his

yet

in

unlike the specimens of remodelling

quite

which we have examined

cidences even

harsh

his

picturesqueness.

his

[Cyprian proceeds (as we saw) to indicate the need of a

new and

Christian doctrine concerning a virtue lauded and

misrepresented in other systems

about them which

fact

homage and

Tertullian in one breath accepts as

c. 2

resents as

impertinence '. j

But ours
tion

is

a Patience of Life, of Action, not of Specula-

part of God's

own Nature and

with His Divine Being into

Self which passes

His Sons, and belongs to

all

the restoration of the lost likeness.

Respondere Natalibus

Cyprian's motto as in the

still

is

days of the plague*, and as he lovingly presses

^

any editor has

If

an Epistola,
viii,

(22).

indicate

They
flat,

noted

this

it

Even Augustine calls it

c. Duas Epp. Pelagg. iv.

escapes me.

Yet the opening phrases

was orally delivered.

and would be too
a metaphor to readers.
De
that

it

are too fUU,

for

'

patientia locuturus, fratres dilectissimi,

et

utilitates

ejus

caturus, unde

et

commoda pmdiquam

potius incipiam,

quod nunc quoque ad audientiam

ves-

home

our

tram patientiam video esse necessariam,

ipsum quod auditis et discitis,

ut nee

sine

patientia

enim

facere

demum sermo

efficaciter

discitur,

dicitur andiatur.
^

Semper aeger

Tert. de Pat.

'

si

De

Tert. de Pat.

Pont. Vit. 9.

Tunc

ratio salutaris

patienter

B. Pat.

quod

i.

caloribus impatientiae.

i.

possitis.
et

c. i.

c.

c. 5

444 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

Sonship and

obligation,

its

he shews himself a better master

of motive than his Master, who, at this section of the subject,

only represents to us the obedient patience of our slaves and

our animals, and the suitableness of our rendering the

like to

the Giver of such comforts \

The

c. 4.

Patience of the Father

displayed through ages

the gifts of nature to the idolatrous nations,

in

delays,
c, 6.

is

all

the Son

is

the opportunities

shewn

in

He

allows

His eternal preparation

in

all

the

Patience of

the

for

man's

sal-

manhood and passion, full of

power as of suffering, power which (in exorcism) still visibly
tames the spiritual foe and is displayed too in the opening
wide of His Church to the return of the sinfidlest. In this
last clause we have not merely an allusion to his own con-

vation, in every act of His

c.

7.

c. 8.

broadening out of the

troversies, but a deliberate

TertuUian, from
c. 9.

God

is

'

whom

this

wholly derived ^

spirit

of

Of the Patience of
though much expanded.
He
argument

concludes this section by alleging from

S. Peter

and

S.

John

the immense necessity of an Imitation of Christ along with

c. 10.

the personal Types of His

patience offered by Abel and

by Joseph and Moses, by David in his

great and marvellous and Christian patience with Saul, and
by the Martyrs and Prophets of the old Covenant. Here then

the

Patriarchs,

'

'

we must

not miss his doctrine that, while ethnic patience

before Christ was worse than nothing, Jewish patience was

perfect to the

full

extent to which types can be perfect

Theirs was a prefiguring of His.

cc.

The next main

II 17.

and

division of the subject

Utility of Patience

Tert. de Pat.

in

iv.

victimam^

'a servo' [De B. Pat. 6) in the remark

reading of Es.

He

never betrayed Judas'

throughout his discipleship

(6)

the Necessity

the expression that

"Details of imitation crop up in

the statement of our Lord's baptism
that

is

under the conditions of Humanity

name

perhaps

{"]).

He was

however appears elsewhere

cf.

De B.

Seg. reads

led

'ad

levi.de Pat.\n.{y/h.\c\x

liii.

Pat. 23.

in Cyprian's

7 [Testitn. Ii.

15],

Hartel with Cod.

ad cruceni).

;;

IX.

THE 'PATIENCE' OF TERTULLIAN AND CYPRIAN.

I.

The

in its falP.

of troubles
Patience

in

initiate

fullest

tears of the

one prospect of dealing with them

his

is

new-born child

which the Christian has the

he find any other road to such special

dom

'

'

Truth

a state c n.
share

nor can

and

'

445

Free-

as are promised him, nor into that Faith, Hope,

and

Perseverance, which form the subjective part of his religion

nor yet find any other rampart of the Purity, Honesty, and

c.

14.

Innocence which he guards.

Of Charity which

Christianity in essence, and of the

is

Peacefulness, which so palpably differences

c. 15.

Christian from

heathen society ^ Patience and Tolerance are the substantial

substratum ^
This section of Cyprian's

Far
striking

is

is

on Tertullian.
more picturesque and

also built

and regular but

less orderly

far

Tert. de

Tertullian's handling. Tertullian finds the Necessity

for Patience in the obligations of accepting Christ's view of

riches,

juries,

and

bearing our losses

Christianly;

in the necessity

though here

his

hot

satisfaction in the surprise

our patience must

afflict

spirit

all

and disappointment with which

our enemies

of the Evil

One

*,

results

Augustine,

c.

in the necessity of
in the necessity for

of our

own

We

Dnas Epp.

we have

to

mild.'

Pelagg. iv.

points out the irreconcilable-

Tertullian uses

valent of 6

ttovt/p^j.

Malus

as the equi-

Certemus

igitur quae

ii)andofc. 17
as shewing what Cyprian understood by
'all have sinned' with any Pelagian

a Malo infliguntur sustinere.

opinion.

Domini

Compare Cyprian's first experience

of this in ad Donatum, 14, with this

magna

which

general see Bp. Lightfoot on Revision

ness of this passage

(c.

is

his last.

...patientiae et tolerantias firmitate.

{De B. Pat.

i6.)

Quaqua
aut

Again:

ex parte, aut erroribus nostris,

Mali

insidiis,

intervenit

merces....

aut

De

'dissecabatur Malus.'

of the N.T. (ed.

3),

admonitionibus

usus,

ejus

officii

Pat.

xi., cf. xiv.

On

the use in

App.

11.

ix.

x.

have

misdoing, the plots

and the corrections of God

become 'humble and

viii. (22),

vengeance into the hand of God.

to bear alike the

viii.

cannot forego a distinct

a nobler view of the death of friends

surrendering

our largesses

distributing

of taking Christ's view of in-

p. 294.

xi.

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

446

Peacefulness

Tert. de

Forgivingness, The continuance of Single

*,

life after Divorce, Earnestness in Repentance, are the steps

of the climax which, like his scholar, he finds and dwells

on with delight

And

Paul's perfect analysis of Charity*.

S.

in

then each has his characteristic corollary

strangely

that

we have

so far spoken

only of

Tertullian
'

a simple

uniform Patience, merely in the heart'; but that she further

has a
xiii.

'

multiform function

the Divine

in

the

body

This function

favour.'

through the

'

stint

'

and pure water, joining

'

and

sacrifice of humiliation

of rations

'

to

Asceticism.

'The

a placatory victim unto the Lord

'afflicting of the flesh is

'

toiling to deserve

is

the

Lord

offering squalor with

content with plain food

fast to fast,

growing

into sackcloth

ashes.'

Of

Nebuchadnezzar was an example,

this satisfaction

though not of the highest order

and throughout every stage

of pain, self-inflicted or enforced by the persecutor, patience

the minister of power.

is

This chapter with

its

extravagant

teachings finds no

counterpart in Cyprian, and while it indicates its author's

tendencies even in his orthodox years, it instances also how
uncatholic fashions in the Catholic Church arise not from

her true fathers, but are the inventions of sectarian geniuses.

While

Tertullian's corollary

maceration, Cyprian's

is

is

the very wildness of self-

that noble doctrine of Probation

of which the English Church philosopher has been the chief

c.

17.

exponent*.
*

Tertullian

(xii.)

speaks of the

diffi-

culty which a son of impatience finds

in forgiving seventy times seven times.

Cyprian
need

(16) passingly alludes

to

the

for forgiving not numerically but

Caritas

is

Cyprian's rendering, Di-

lectio Tertullian's in
3

venture to suggest

Tert. de Pat.

universally.
'

would surely be too violent for

even if he tolerated the
heathen metaphor of libation, which
he nowhere does, and surely could not.
sordes'

Tertullian,

Cor.

xiii. 4.

xiii. 'cum sordes cum

domino libat.'' ^Libare

Tert. de Pat.

angustia victus

c.

norem litabimus
Valent.

ii.

'

litat.

Compare

'Quem autem hoadv.

Domino Deo

x.

' ;

Infantes testimonium Christi

sanguine litaverunt.'
*

Cyprian's examples of patience are

IX.

THE patience' OF TERTULLIAN AND

The
and
or,

in

'

Necessity of Patience

Both assign

its

down

the

it,

'

same cause

The

'^*

'^^

Devil's

older writer dwells with acerbity on

All

in the Fall.

falls

to Israel's choice of

'

own

of the heretics in his

same

are traced to the

profane guiding gods",' to

the massacres of prophets, and (says Cyprian) to

falls

T. dc P. v.

Origin,' De B. P.

'Parentage,' of Impatience

to the

genesis

The

of Man.

woman's part
source

TertuUian prefaced,

in

is

'

Cyprian followed up, by an enquiry into the

as TertuUian has

Envy

CYPRIAN. 447

I.

day.

the

all

But TertuUian has ^ 1

de P.sS..

beautiful contrast of the genesis of Patience in the Faith of

Abraham and

of her perfecting in Christ's doctrine of the

Love of Enemies.
Yet again Cyprian,
and enlarges

rarely borrowing his words', follows De B. p.

his Master's list of the Effects of Patience in

^'deP.-av.

generating the altruism of the Christian communities and

their persevering

discouragement

At

the

the Master

all his writings,

Catherine of Raffaelle.
'

brow

'

to

'

pure,

pucker

downcast

the world through every keen

for

as 'sons of the Father.'

last,

passage in

work

'

into

rises

the most beautiful T.deP.xv.

impersonating her beauty

Her countenance

like a

and calm,

still

no wrinkledness from mourning or from anger

it,

eyebrows evenly smoothed

not unhappiness,

in lowliness

for joyousness, eyes

lips sealed

with

all

'the dignity of silence; her complexion that of free hearts

'

and innocent

'

threatens

'

folded close,

she shakes her head at the Accuser, her smile

him

about her bosom her amice

unpuffed, unruffled

theLord'spacificcalm,Stephen,Job,and

him

fine pathos, after calling

theEsaiasoftradition, Stephen, and Job.

Tertullian's details of the wife
/^/w/2 are

and the

borrowed by Cyprian.but not

his strange mistake that Job's children

were never replaced, and

that

he

as-

Satan's success through

Eve encouraged

et

in

pater

liberis

Exordia, Cyprian

Natales,

Ter-

tuUian.

'

that

dominus,

But with
him 'Dives in

wife.

he says 'nee dominus repente

nee pater est.' De B. Pat. 1^.

supposing

employ Job's

ditior,'

cannot

from

to

censu

cetically preferred to live alone. C)rprian

refrain

upon the

for she sitteth

Tobias; Tertullian's (De Pal.

xiv.) are

white and

lies

Profanos deos...itineris sui duces.

T. divitem temperat.

potentiam divitum.

C.

coercet


EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

448

who

throne of that gentlest, kindest Spirit

'

whirlwind, nor blackens in the cloud, but

'clearness,

rolls

not in the

ever of a tender

is

open and singlehearted, the Spirit whom

For where God is, there also

in

'third vision, Elias saw.

foster-child,

'

So he
f

'l.de Pat.

is

his

His

even Patience.'

writes,

and then, as

impatient of Patience herself,

if

he dashes suddenly into a wild invective against the 'patience

of the Gentiles of the earth a false, a criminal patience, taught

'

'
I

them by

Satan's

shame

Patient of every

emulating God.

self,

'for gold's sake, patient of rivals, plutocrats, dinner-givers

;

'impatient of

only

God

fire.

'

the patience of the

'

flesh

and of

spirit.'

We

flesh.

22.

'AH

may

as different as

is

be and as

by man. They
/ have held my peace : shall

retributions to be let alone

The silent Lamb of the Passion

who will not keep silence. He who avenges
Himself, who so long avenges not His slain Son shall

the Judge

is

spirit,

my peace for ever^f...

I hold
cc. 23, 24.

of the

believe in the resurrection of

De B.Pat, belong to God, saith Prophecy.

CC 2

this patience there waits

offer the patience

He ends.

Cyprian's conclusion
characteristic.

For

alone...'

we must

...'We,

riot

His

servants,

with

unblushful

unscrupulous,

He

vindicate themselves before

on, stedfast in tolerance,

and

is

vindicated

in the

"Day

.-'

precipitation

Rather, work

of Wrath-" stand

with the just and the godfearing.'

'Of Jealousy and Envy.'

2.

The Tractate

'of Jealousy

abroad as well as
^

Isai. xlii. 14.

time holden

my

and refrained

schwieg

E.

peace

myself.'

soil ich

at

home

V. 'I have long

;

have been

still

earliest theological use of this title.

it

H. Ewald: Ich
d. Alt.

Dies^

c.

is

the

Rom.

ii.

Is

5?

Epistola populis nota, Aug. d. Bapt.

Donn.

iv.

viii.

(11).

'...librum...

valde optimum,' Hieron. Comment, in

Ep. ad

v. 11. p. 420.

'///^ Irce et vindictae

taken from
^

'

auf ewig verstummen

an mich halten?' Die Propheten

Bundes. (1840),

and Envy,' which long remained

a famous and popular 'epistle^'

Galatt.

1. iii.

c. 5.

IX.

SECRET OF CONDUCT

2.

'

DE

tioned in the letter to Jubaian

although before the

This too

is

ET

LIVORE.'

449

but as it is unmencame out probably a little

recommencement of persecution \

belongs to nearly the same time

later,

ZEI.O

it

motived by the dread that

in the official life

of

commonplace passions.
Their outer activity might be checked by the rules of the
society, yet the religion would miss its end if it left Christian
hearts to be ridden over so secretly by that mysterious Being
whose energy Cyprian recognised in the constant depravation
of good as fast as it arose
These are some now visible effects of blinding jealousy.'
'There is a breaking of the bond of the Lord's peace, a
violence done to brotherly charity, there is a corrupting
of truth, a dividing of unity, a dashing into heresies and
the Church fresh fields were opening to

'

'

'

'

schisms, (and

'

ling at chief priests, this envying at the bishops,

any man

'

complaining aloud at not having been preferred

for conse-

'

cration, or disdaining to

'

one

'

crooked out of

'

the

"lifts

man

it

will

continue) so long as there

submit

Hence

rebels,

proud out of jealousy,

through enmity and envy not to

rivalry, a foe

Maximus,

office.'

this cavil-

to another's prelacy.

up the heel"; hence one

but to his

is

Felicissimus, Novatus,

more Novatian, may have passed before his mind's eye

it was the general condition of factiousness
which had to be probed in order to be healed. Such is the

still

as he wrote^; but

motive.

The purpose

then

is

in

continuance of his plan of analysing

and developing the new school of

treatise

he boldly

feels

after a

And

life.

in this his last

more searching and more

formative discipline of the conscience than

hitherto.

He

goes to the foundations of spiritual self-knowledge.

This

may be

fairly

inferred

from

the character of the exhortation in

16.
-

Will of Evil,
'

c.
c.

Observe

reference of

B.

in this treatise the constant

phenomena

to

a Living

This passage
12 (p.

(c.

6)

and that

454) below must

in

think be

taken as a grave incidental judgment on

Novatian's motives.

29


EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

450
c.

It is

I.

upon the 'dark and hidden devastation' which

unwary minds' that he focuses the new

'lurk-

ingly affects
c. 3.

'

The

'

hidden and clandestine the archery the more

'

us

7.

c. 9-

awake

thickest

to understand

it.'

The more

from the ambushes.

And

fatal

Let

it is.

so through the whole treatise.

unhappiness which

It is to 'the recesses of the mind,' 'the

c. 6.
c.

darts rain

light.

is

wounds deeply lodged

in the secret places of the heart,' 'the

'

within the hiding-places of the conscience,' that he directs

men's own observation.

And

which he applies.

the inner

It

is

so with the course of

which the great organizer addresses himself

Itisthe 'Deifica Disciplina'

c. 15.

which

remedy

of the conscience to

life

in the last issue.

the 'Discipline that divinises'

must, which only can, complete our soul's

'Birth

unto God.'

The
c. 16.

question,

first

'How am

to hold the grace once

given against the most secret and fatal of inner assaults.?'

he answers thus

By

meditations

by

exercises spiritual

Reading, Thought, Prayer, Works of Charity.

'

c.

17.

'

For not the

days of martyrdom alone are the days of coronation

Peace too has her crowns^'

'God's warriors.
attain

them

'

the next question,

is

have been long dominant

'

It is possible

still,'

he

Jealousy and

Envy

The inner accurate searchThe sweetening of bitterness.

replies.
.

'

of the Cross, with

imitation of good men,

if

in me'^?'

ing and weeding of the heart

The Sacrament

'

for

'But how to

or, if at

food and wine.. The

its

present that seems impossible,

sympathy with them, and delight in the happiness of others.'

So nearly and so effectively does he reach the idea of an
enchiridion

frequent

he concludes with suggesting topics for

that

reflection,

and especially that one which

times has been found most potent,

c.

18.

'

The

Practice

in

all

of the

Presence of God.'
Divina

(c.

15).

mus

(c.

nativitas.

Deifica disciplina

Corroborandus, firmandus ani16).

'^

...tu

etiam possis qui fueras zelo

livore possessus...

(c. 17).

et

IX.

SECRET OF CONDUCT

2.

Superficially unlike, this

Cyprianic of Cyprian's
it

defective in

is

'

DE ZELO ET

LIVORE."

respects the

45

most

It is

broadly practical, and

analysis

of the passion to be

tracts.

scientific

some

in

is

subdued, though he rightly, like Clement of Rome, detects

it

most

to be the

We
Livor

now ascertain his notion as to what Zehcs and

and conclude with his ideal of the opposite temper:
perhaps never more perfectly realised (never cer-

will

are,

an ideal

by any

tainly

fatal of all to Church-life.

The

controversialist) than in himself \

Title

De

'

Zelo et Livore

'

leads us to expect some-

But the

thing of logical distinction.

'

et Livore' proves to be

what sense he

rather a substitute for an epithet to explain in

means to use Zelus-.'

For in Aristotle Zelos has none but a good sense
'

reasonable quality in reasonable men,' for

pain at a visible presence of good and precious

'

for oneself to attain

'

when he*

well puts

'

ment of

'

resemble what

it

mean

good,' 'apart from

^

an enthusiastic move-

'

may

be depraved

this.

(c. 13)

et

zeli

ac

livoris

Cy-

fcrZ/a/ifw
fuerit

et

alienits.'

"

two ways,

in

by the mere

This antiently was

not.

any hope of obtaining

'eum posse
quisque magnanimus

benignus

it

passion of the mean,'

Augustine has caught

prian says
tenere,

it

so earnestly affects.'

base wish that the owner had

'

sense which

It is this classical

calls

desire to engross the perceived good, or

Phthonos, the

possible

towards something, with some attempt to

soul

But such noble emulation

by a

gifts,

a pain not because another hath them,

but because oneself hath not^'

CEcumenius

a kind of

'

is

it

'

'a

'

pain at another's

it"';

as Plutarch,

or,

D. Brutus, who was a lover of unwords, is seemingly the

fashionable

only prae-Augustan
Epistt.

ad Fatn.

xx.

who

uses livor (Cic.

10, i).

Augustine says, 'Vere decuit Cypria-

Rhet.

num de

CEcumen. Comment, in Ep. Cath.

et

zelo ac livore et arguere graviter

monere, a quo tarn mortifero malo cor

ejus penitus a//V; tanta cnVa/w abun-

dantia comprobavit
custodita, &c.'
viii.

II.

De

qua vigilantissime

Bapt.

c.

Donatt. IV.

Jacob,
^

iii.

ti.

ii.

14.

Aristot.

avrQ, dXXd.

/.

5i'

eV

dXXorptois

vii.

i.

c, and

ii.

iKelvovs.
a.ya.Boh.

10, yA) tvo.

Cf.

Diog.

(in).

29

...Xvtttjv

Laert.

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

452

'simply against those

who seem

who seem

in

proposed

advance

to

for clearness'

sake to

further cleared the definition

being

Again Cicero, who

call the active feeling invidentia,

by adding

that the envied well-

such as to be unhurtful to the envious*.

is

But amid the

duced

to prosper,... against those

excellence'.'

falling

for all qualities

esteem which the new ethics intro-

which tended

emphasize or even

to

pronounce that Ego, which had hitherto been the world's

the idea that was

centre,
S.

Paul

its

in

At once

Zeltis declined.

in

workings take rank with those of enmity and con-

Jerome still notes the double use, the noble and

But Cyprian had placed it wholly on the level of
He begins by coupling it with Livor and his first
Phthonos.
words run thus, To be jealous {zelare) of the good you see,
and to envy {invidere) better men is held by some a slight
tention ^

the base.

'

'

'and

trivial crime"*.'

In reality

one of the deadliest be-

it is

cause one of the most secret of our temptations.

c.

4.

he proceeds, like that of Impatience',

It

was the sight of the Image of God

occasion.

'

He, throned

in

'

c.

He

Wt

snatched from

immortality, and himself lost

Man had
mean,
It

in

Man which gave

to perish

it

was

Envy

down

the

'

in

of his imparted

the grace

that he once had been.'

caught the infection

was not
in

man
all

the

and to destroy...

brake out into Jealousy {zelus) through malevolent

{livor)...

5.

the will of Satan.

is

in

majesty, he well-pleasing

angel

'and dear to God, he was foremost

'

Its origin,

Cyprian seems to

yet, as

the first-fallen that

its

power appeared.

primal hatreds of fresh brotherhood

from Abel to the delivery of the Christ

'

'

and

through envy,'

Cyprian touches the great Jewish instances.

^

Plut. de Odio et Invidia, vi. ...roh

ImSXov
2

^jt'

dper-g

Tusc. Disp.

vpoUvai 8oKov<n.
iv. 8.

17

'

segritudinem

Cf.
^

iii.

9. 20.

^X^P"''

^/"S-

Gal. v. 20, on which

see Bishop Lightfoot.

Zelare

applied

susceptam propter alterius res secundas

quae nihil noceant invidenti ; nam si

things

quis doleat ejus rebus secundis a quo

virtutem...felicttatem

ipse laedatur,

non

recte dicitur invidere.'

''

is

indifferently

and persons, fratrem

De B.

(c.

Pat. 12, 19.

7).

(c.

to

ii),


IX.

SECRET OF CONDUCT

2.

'

DE ZELO ET LIVORE!

453

the evils of which, in the Church and in the

Then come
world, Jealousy

is

the

'

and here there

root';

classification.

They

and ambition,

(3) irreligion, as

again a trace of

is

are (i) hate and animosity, (2) avarice

overpowering the consider-

Day

ation of the Fear of God, the School of Christ and the

of Judgment,

(4)

discord, wrath, (6)

pride,

(5)

cruelty,

Church Divisions

Lightly to sketch the remainder

self- torment

dwells on the

of envy, on

the difficulty of eradicating

situations

creates',

it

impatience,

perfidy,

its

it,

of

its

the

treatise:

physical

It

symptoms

2,

the self-contradictions of the

contrariety alike to the Lowliness

and to the Light of Christ*, and to the whole Imitation of

Him. Yet is it curable by one master-thought of His duly
learnt.
He, when He taught that least is greatest, lopped
'emulation away, removing the material^ cause of envy
'

'

itself

next the pattern of a Christian as drawn by

It outlines

our Lord and Saint Paul, and this

may

well be quoted at

length on account of the perfect ideal which,

its

in its 'reality

healthfulnessV Cyprian set before himself

It is

and

scarcely

possible that a closer parallel could be found to the very

It

would seem from the above that

is

the ruin of J>ax and caritas, and

is

Cyprian, as a moralist, uses zelus as the

the contrary of the unanimis et viitis

most comprehensive term, livor (unkind)

or invidia (mean) as its immediate de-

character,

velopment, and amulatio as a specific

labiis

The

activity.

.Satan's first

following are illustrations.

emotion was zelus : then in-

vidia grassatur on earth, and

man

livore

periturus...diabolum qui zelat imitatur

(c.

Ab

4).

livoris ignibus

tenebrse,
tas

(c.

livor ex-

majus incendium

in

inardescit

nubilum

II).

nunquam

invidis

ponitur.../z'/a'^

(c.

7).

Zeli

livoris, invidice cseci-

Zelus

is

the opposite of

7nagnanimiias,livoroibenigniias{c. \^).

Again,

(i

Cor.

iii.

3) zelus is

found

only in infants in Christ: accordingly

it

"

Vultus minax

tremor

pallor in facie, in

c. 8.

Perseverans

malum

est

hominem

persequi ad Dei gratiam pertinentem,

calamitas sine remedio
licem.
*

c.

est

odisse

fe-

9.

Is the rather singular

phrase Qu?e

sunt Christi gere quia //jr ^/ a'zV^ C^rzj^wj

^^^ (c. 10)

qui lux

thegerm of the hymn

C/4r?V/^

es et dies ?

Omnem causam et materiam.

Per quem (Cypr.) ...Dominus vera-

c. 10.

cissima intonuit et salubria prsecepit.

Aug. de Bapt.

c.

Donatt. iv.

viii.

(11).

c. 6.

454

EXPANSION OF CHRISTIAN FEELING AND ENERGY.

character which Pontius and Augustine from acquaintance

c.

12.

and study describe as his own.

'We must remember by what name Christ calls His own
people, by what title He designates His own flock. Sheep He
names them, that Christian innocence may match the inno-

Lambs He

cence of sheep.

them, that their simplicity of

calls

mind may copy the lamb's simple

under sheep's clothing

Why

Christian falsely defame Christ's flock

Christ's

name and not walk by

Why

nature.

does one
?

lurks a wolf

calling himself a

To

Christ's way,

take upon one

what

is

this

but

the counterfeiting of a Divine name, an abandonment of

the road of salvation
"

teaching,

ments," and "he

"

is

he too

who

as Himself saith in His

who keepeth

he cometh unto Life

them," and
of heaven

Forasmuch

command-

the

wise that heareth His words and doeth

kingdom
shewing that, what

called the chief doctor in the

is

teacheth and so doeth,"

the preacher preacheth well and serviceably shall then profit

the preacher,

by his lips be fulfilled by

But what did the Lord oftener instil into

what

if

deeds following.

His

disciples

.-'

precepts, hath

what,

He

is

delivered

among

saving warnings and heavenly

bidden us more observe and keep than that

He loved His disciples, we

Now how doth he keep either

"with the same love wherewith

should also love one another".'*

who through

the peace of the Lord or charity,

of jealousy can neither be a peacemaker, nor be

From
the

this

remonstrance he

led

by

them,
c. 14.

He

Sonship to God.
about the

'

'

the

'If

New

Birth,

we have

Life,

in

'.-''

of

of the

and of our true

weaves together the Apostle's sayings

mortifying of the deeds of the

Spirit,'

coming

in charity

rises still in his delineation

unearthly spiritual idea of the Christian

change actually wrought by the

c. 13.

the

flesh,'

the

'

being

and being 'God's sons': he argues from

uplifted our eyes from earth to heaven,

raised to things above

and things Divine a heart

See p. 449,

n. 3.

full

of

and

God

IX.
'

SECRET OF

2.

and of

CONDUCT 'Z? ZELO ET LIVORE:

455

doing nothing but things worthy of

Christ, let us be

'God and of Christ' Again he quotes 'Risen with Christ...

minded of things above... life hid with Christ in God... Christ
'our life one day to appear, and we with Him,' and again he
argues, We then, who in baptism died and have been buried
as to the fleshly sins of the old man, who by heavenly
regeneration have risen with Christ, think we and do we the
'

'

things that are Christ's

of the earth and of the

The Apostle tells of " the first man

second man from heaven," of our

"bearing the image of the one

That heavenly image we

second."

present Christ's likeness in what

This

it is

begun

shall never

we have

wear unless we

already begun

have changed what you once were and

to

to be

and afterwards of the

first,

what you were

not

to he.

to

have

namely, that a Divine nativity

shines out in you, that a deifying education responds to your

Father God,
brightens

ifi

that, in the

and prepareth
of

honour and praise of

us,

into

us.'

Then

follow

passages in which the Sonship of the Christian

Then

the questions

about

it,

life

if

life

in these

to these

this likeness

his
is

.'*

favourite

worked

in ourselves

as this in the world

nothing yet has been effected

Of his answers
So

How to adapt

to such a

God

Lord shapeth

and the Son of God enwindeth

God His Father

necessary

living, the

the man... Unto this brightness the

out.

the world's

How to

set

.'*

we have already spoken.

two Papers Cyprian

lets

the world see what

he held to be at once the Secret of Conduct, the true way of

Church-Reform, and the Church's

Work

for the

Empire.

CHAPTER

X.

The Persecution of Valerian.

I.

'We

I,

The Edict and

its occasions.

stood together linked in a band of love and peace

against heretical wrong and Gentile pressure.'

This
wards.

is

Cyprian's reminiscence of the Council a year after-

It indicates

that externally there had been difficulties

way which have left no other trace in the correspondFrom indignant words of Pontius we must also infer
ence.
that some relics of the plague and the gallant service of the
Church had lasted through the Council up to the moment
in its

of Cyprian's banishment \

But

it

comes

as a surprise to find

Cyprian's next letter written from exile to exiled brothers of

the Council.

sudden blow has

Christian population

some died

early, the

fallen

upon a large proportion of the

renewal of persecution under which

heads of the society were expelled, and

the youth of neither sex was spared.

Dionysius the Great was already

Kephron by yEmilian himself ^

in

Just when

exile too, sent

to

Africa was the least

troubled part of the world, the success of the Third Council

on Baptism seems to have been a prelude to destruction.

We will shortly speak of the confused circumstances which
attended the outbreak.
^

Pontii Vit. ii.

The Acta Publica

fully

are quoted very

by Dionysius ap. Euseb. H. E.

vij.

ii.
See Note on Kephron and
Lands of Kolluthion, p. 463.

the

X.

MACRIANUS.

I.

I.

The new

457

persecuting phase of Valerian's

life

was ascribed

These were two remarkable men.

to the influence of Macrian*.

Valerian's purity and dignity of character had endeared him to

At Decius' fantastic revival

Decius.

even

if

primed

to choose him, did

'Pattern of old times,' 'Censor

of the censorship, the senate,

with such acclamations as

it

all his life,'

'Censor from a boy.'

Trebellius adds that he would have been elected imperator

by universal

suffrage

themselves safe
called

it

his

in

There were so many of

household, that they affectionately

Church of God^'

'a

In spite of a languid tempera-

ment he had been always admired

men

in selecting

of Macrian

he chose to

He was made
chequer.

for a characteristic insight

We

for great posts*.

whom

have

own sketch

his

the closest place to himself^

fill

Rationalis, Chancellor of the Imperial

Though

perhaps crippled

The

such voting power had existed^

if

Christian population honoured him.

delicate in health, of luxurious habits,

in person^,

force of character

and

Exand

Macrian was a man of the highest

fertility

of resource, of distinguished

soldiership and influence with the armies in several countries,

among them

Africa,

and of immense wealth.

sons were patterns of discipline.

his

time he was deeply impressed by the mysteries of the

Egyptian 'Magi,' and

which must

gogus,'

The family had

^

His martial

Like other agnostics of

Zonaras

xii.

is

called

at least

by Dionysius

mean an

their 'Archisyna-

intimate and a patron*.

long kept up a kind of cultus of Alexander

24 says his name was

Rationibus or Rationalis.

Macrinus and his son's Macrianus. But

the coins with the old bearded head

Euseb.

have MACRIANUS

as well as those with

ddrepov

ire-n-i/ipuTo tQiv (TKeKGiv

the young smooth

face.

haps

not a mere version of Dionysius

'

duo,

Trebell. Pollio, ed. Peter, Valeriani

Dionys. ap. Euseb.

Treb. Poll. Regilianus.

is

vii.

10.

a-wfian, Dionysius ap.

Zonaras

24 says

xii.

which per-

as he has independent information about

vii. 10.

Nearly

all

became emperors.

Treb. Poll. Macrianus.

kirl

{Dion.

a.va-Kr\pif ri^

the family.

c. 5.

'

his generals

tiv

KadoKov

ap.

Euseb.

\6yu)v
vii.

Dionysius, ap. Euseb.

or

Kpi<ji%.

As Dionysius was

10),

i.e.

in

have known what he was saying

is

Ttpbvoia.

his con-

Egypt he may
which
very unlike Gibbon's version 'As

temporary and lived

/Sao-tX^ws

10, says

vii.

he did not recognise any Divine

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

458

Great, wearing his portrait in their embroideries and

the

embossing

it

on their

plate.

As

there was at Alexandria a

ceremonial cultus of Alexander, this perhaps

between the

Magi

'

'

may

There was

a traditional connection with Egypt.

indicate

and the Christian Exorcists with

anti-daemoniac powers.

They enforced

common

the

tation of the deepening calamities of the Empire,

war

bitter

their

interpre-

and Macrian
His

prevailed on Valerian to be initiated in their mysteries\

on the reputation of Gallienus himself

later effect

is

com-

pared rather stiltedly by Dionysius to that of a cloud hiding

for awhile the sun''.

Valerian's son Gallienus, or the conception of him, was a

product of the times.

terrible

polished rhetorician, and

elegant composer, devoted personally to Plotinus^ a scientific

gardener withal, and a portent of heartless

His clever wicked face on the medals*

frivolity

in utter

is

and

sin.

contrast to

Yet he had early received

such impressions, strengthened possibly by a Christian marmassive head.

his father's clean

riage^ that the language of Dionysius about him, immediately

on the disappearance of Macrian, seems more than gratitude

for his instant action in the repeal of Valerian's edict^.

The

persecution thus begun by the virtuous and stayed by

Macrian was an enemy

to the Christians,

"^

Euseb.

they charged him with being a magi-

eTi/xija-av

irpofJLevos

amnion.,

ap.

p. ad Herin23, means
of Valerian by

in Dion.

Euseb.

vii.

no other betrayal
Macrian than the projecting him on
the evil policy which led to his fall.
The mistake arises from mixing up

rovjov ywi^ ZaXwvlva.

Porphyr.

Vit. Plot. xii.

See plate

Roman
'

Sup.

tributes

xlviii.

Grueber and Poole's

Medallions in British Museum.

p.

280

n. ,Orosius (vii. 22) at-

his action

to a sense of the

Divine judgment on Valerian. Accord-

cujusdam sui dtuis^ and

His

ing to Trebellius he was gratified by the

it

lius

'ductii

fancying Macrian to be meant.

other expression

Euseb.

ijirh

it

Ed. Dind.

event.

toijtov irpoaxOds

has the same sense;

vii. lo)

Syncellus quoting
ax^fis.

r;

UXut'wov ixaXicra

FaXi^i'is re 6 avTOKpdrwp

a spurious sentence in Trebel-

with

(ap.

koX

23.

5i t6v

K"-^ i(Ti<pdrj(jav

clan.'
^

vii.

has

iIiTr^

p. 719.

deoO irpo-

Euseb.

vii.

23 gives not Gallienus'

original edict but the rescript applying

it

to Egypt.

'Oaiwrepos Kal iptXodfwrepos,

in the light of the rest of the letter to

X.

THE 'UPRISING OF

I.

I.

NATIONS.'

459

the infamous einperor fulfilled for Dionysius, by help of the

key furnished

in its

exact apocalyptic duration of three and a

half years*, the vision of the Dragon's wrath

Woman. To Optatus

afterwards

it

seemed

against the

to be in connection

so close with Decius' persecution that together they

the

terrific

made up

'Lion' Vision of DanieP.

common

from a

toler-

ant policy except towards the end of a career, or unless

some

not

It is

to find so total a revulsion

strong personal influences concur with some public difficulty.

We

see both elements

at

inquiry edict and rescript

The

work when without warning or

upon the Church.

fell

calamities which Macrian explained in his

were indeed appalling.

In the

first

own way

triennium of Valerian

257) were felt the first death-pangs of the Empire.

This was The Uprising of Nations',' as Zonaras says

(254

'

truly,

The

raiders

confederate Franks

before
all

no more, but Peoples

by Aurelian

in

who had been

irresistible

met some years

first

Mayence, and from there

at

advance.

to the sea held

north of the Rhine, had streamed across Gaul, heeding no

and were entering Spain. And now the whole vast

moat of the Empire formed by Rhine and Danube, with
Hadrian's wall and foss between them, then continued by the
Black Sea and the Don, was overleapt and overswum at every
point.
The All-men and the March-men poured countdefeats,

'

'

lessly in, the

former soon to reach Milan thirty thousand'*

Hermamtnon, goes beyond

It is possible that

knew

no-

remains,

It

life.

problematical

believe,

official style.

Dionysius

thing of the personal

I

how

far

the

scandalous chronicles of the emperors

more than

represent

brutal

popular

imaginings.
1

Dr

'

'

death of Macrian.

suppose

to

from the

speaking only of the East and that

of

260.

count

Optat.

Zonaras

(?the rescript) in

eiri

A.D. 258, and infers that therefore the

the

no persecution there

'second edict'

Eastern

persecution

lasted

until

the

Besides,

the

persecution

have

to

begun by that time,

^

there was

counts

until Gallienus'

'

middle of 257 to
being himself
banished to Kephron a. D. -257, he might
end

until

is

edict

first

most natural

edict of toleration,

fairly

Peters, p. 574, thinks Dionysius

'

It is

Dionysius

that

iii.

8.

xii.

23

...eOvwv

ovv

rovrov yevofiivris ^jraz'ao-rdcrews

Zonar.

xii.

24.

/cat

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

460

The Goths

strong before any check came.

lonica^; a general defence of

Athens was

To

refortified,

the Isthmus walled across.

who mostly became Emperors

Generals

Gallienus committed Italy

were

infiltrated

they passed*,

imperilled Thessa-

Greece had to be organized;

itself,

with tribes which

Borani,

in their

Illyricum, and Thrace.

'

left

day

These

nothing unravaged

Gotthi, Carpi, Orugduni.

'

as

He went

himself to the protection of the Celtic tribes and found

it

expedient to marry a Teutonic chieftain's daughter', and to

surrender part of Pannonia,

making

the

first

Roman

cession*

to Barbarism.
A.D. 257.

1010. Coss. for

]^^'

About the middle of 257 Valerian marched to the East;

the same enterprising otherwise unknown Borani, whose
was the overthrow of the past,
Byzantium in flat boats which
Bosporan vessels, and scaring all the

sole contribution to civilisation

Licinius

came from

Valerianus

they there exchanged for

Germ

settlers

the Dniester to

of Pontus into the midlands and highlands struck

Max. mi. straight for the rich citv of Pityus.

^
'
^

With

all

the resources of

Imp.

them

Caesar P.

the great fort and harbour the baffling of

(iallienus

year was a great feat on the part of Successianus.

p. F.

A.

Max. Dae.
Max. III.

they were to take

for a single

Next year

and to take the populous Trapezus, to their

it,

own amazement, and they were

followed up by tribe after tribe

.....
bent only on the annihilation of 'all beauty and all greatness.

From

the East the Persians or Parthians were not like

the Northerners driven on from behind, but with a spontaneous

lust of rapine they

and

Africa for

Roman
^

swept Mesopotamia and Syria

Zos.

all its

Berber raids was the safest portion of the

world.

i.

29,

Zonar.

xii.

2^,

me
-

ixipoi ov5kv Tfi% 'IraX/as^TTjj'IXXupi-

.Sup. p. 300, n. 7.

Gallus in 252 had promised annual

subsidies to the Goths (i-T^o-xeTo, Zosim.

i.

24.;

exaggerated into airivSeTai. by

xii. 21), but in 238 the Goths

had already been receiving annual sHpcndia. See T. Hodgkin, Italy and her

Zonar.

questionable.

Soi KaToKiirbvTes ab-TjuTov ...,Zo%\m..

*

Sync.

Whether the fortification of Thermopylse was a fact seems

(Dindorf) p. 715.

to

for captives

spoil.

i.

31.

Invaders, (1892) vol.

I.

pp. 46 sqq.

X.

CHRISTIANS AGAINST UNITY.

I.

I.

The whole Empire was girt

of

No

fire.

barbarian might at any

hemmed in civilisamoment be anywhere and

Macrian then was not the one

the plague was everywhere.

He

persecutor.

The

as with an ever-contracting ring

worse time of misery has ever

The

tion.

461

was the voice and

spirit

of the Empire.

One army, one law,

essence of the Empire was unity.

one senate. The adoration of the majesty of the Emperor with

which no national or
which grew more

local

as

vital

The most

universal.

that in the midst of

worship interfered, was a necessity

the danger from without grew

tolerant of emperors could not

Another unity was growing

which defied the central unity.

up and growing everywhere which, as

Caesar,

men

could not,

deny

there was an ever-multiplying power,

all

would not adore

it

make common cause

The very usurpers were

thought, but

with the violators from without.

because their aim was at least to perpetuate

less traitorous

Whenever any

themselves the imperial unity.

imperial or popular attention

stir

in

directed

was

to the Christians, there

visible in them an anti-Roman and therefore anti-human

unity which was believed to compact itself by the darkest

and most compromising bonds.

In every district it had its

abandoned

their social

theory of an

'illicit

any

still

longer,

local chief about

whom

ad-

when they obediently

evening meetings^ even when the old

Everywhere, even

herents rallied.

religion' could not

be pressed consistently

everywhere unexplained

'

conventus

'

met

any individual who obeyed the magistrate by sacrificing to

the Majesty of Augustus evidently ceased to be a member of
their corporation

fascination for

who had
1

die

Pliit. et

ante

and everywhere the cemeteries had a weird

them

Traj. Epp. 96

lucem

especially

'

Soliti stato

convenirc.rursusque

coeundi ad capiendum cibum...quod

sum

if

there lay in

them agents

extreme penalty of the law.

suffered the

facere desiisse post edictum

ip-

meum,

quo secundum mandata tua hetaerias

esse vetueram.'
See W. M. Ramsay,
Church in Roman Empire,

ch. x.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

462

was June 257 when Valerian set out for the East, a
moment for an able and popular minister of Mac-

It

propitious

By

views political and spiritual.

rian's

him the

senate Valerian committed to

the

empha-

In his hands was placed an Edict which

the State\
sized

a despatch to the

military dispositions of

common law

of the Empire, by enforcing these

crucial particulars.

The

their chiefs, to give

up

Christians were to be parted from

meetings and never to

visit

the

at first intended to be bloodless-.

It

their

cemeteries.

was

Its operation

was thought that the removal of

among them would

ways^

natural

old-fatherly

governors as to

fall

back into their

Particulars were

who should be

men from

their influential

leave the people to

separated.

sent

Dionysius,

the

to

who was

brought before the Praefect of Egypt*, observed that Tamilian

did not at once order

ready

way

him

him

simplicity desired

no meetings^, but

to hold

to give

up being a Christian

in his

as

The

of ending the Christianity of the masses.

Proconsular Acts record that when the Praefect had dwelt

without
^

'

effect

on

unusual

the

Ego bellum Persicum gerens Ma-

which the

leniency with

proconsul or procurator, because Egypt

criano totam rem p. credidi quidem a

was incorporated abnormally

parte militari,' Treb. Pollio, Trig. Tyr.

Empire, and was administered by the

made from

personal staff of Augustus and his suc-

iff.

The appointment

is

the scene of war, not before Valerian's

departure.

It

does not seem to have

secut. v.).
it

much

Lactantius says Valerian 'shed

blood in a short time

But in the

'

{De

first

tnort.

Per-

years 257, 8

seems doubtful whether any blood

'

It is quite

touching to see in the

Acta of the early

trates

trials

how

the magis-

always think the pantheon gods

are the natural ones for

*

all

8i4ir(i)v TT)!' 7]yftoviav,

AipLiXiavbs de ovk etTri

[xr\

cvvaye.

Euseb.

fioi

vii.

Trporjyovii.

With him were convened (accord-

ing to the Acta Publico) the presbyter

Maximus, who succeeded him

see,

Faustus a martyr

in

H.E.

II, the viceroy in

in

the

extreme old
after-

wards Bishop of Laodicea, Chseremon,

three Deacons

who had

survived their

plague (sup. p. 244)

probably one of the

terrific service in the

and Marcellus,

men.

Euseb.

whose hand was the

whole civil and military power. It was
^nly in title that he was lower than
vii.

'

age under Diocletian, Eusebius

was shed.

the

cessors.

/xivw

weakened Gallienus.

in

Romans whom he mentions (Euseb. /.r.).

These seem
his exile,

also to have

accompanied

X.

THE EDICT.

I.

I.

THE CCEMETERIES.

Emperors were ready to condone

he gave him a
to enter

no

his past

if

463

he would conform,

injunction to convene no assemblies, and

final

Meantime without a day's

'so-called coemeteries'.'

malady he was to convey' himself to Kephron

a wretched place, whose very name was new to him, on the
edge of the Desert. There his people were at first chased and
respite for his

unpromising elements around them, with

pelted, but out of the

the help of a confluence of visitors from Egypt, they formed a

fresh mission.

He was

within reach

wanted again. This was

if

then brought nearer Alexandria, to be

luthion,' a disreputable place

caravans and freebooters

'

city,

who came and stayed with

They

held regular

and so opened yet another mission.

contrasts

fill

up

Synagogues

for us

calls

it

But he was also more acces-

posts,

'

The Lands of Kol-

on which account Dionysius

more Libyan than Kephronl

from the

'

on the high road, worried with

'

sible to friends

to

him.

there, as in other outlying

'

These details and

what happened about the same time to

Cyprian*, though there

is

no mention of the month

which

in

Dionysius was sentenced.

On Kephron and The Lands

of Kolluthion.

These places, unnamed by geographers, may be too insignificant to

be ever identified, but points about them which can be made out from
Eusebius {H. E. vii. 11) are of interest as touching life. Kephron was
outside Mareotes, which in Roman times was a nome (Bockh, C. I. G.
p. 316), and its chief place, Marea {Meri), on the west of the lake.
Kephron was eij to. fxeprj rqs At/3vjy. A poor village, so far from Alexandria
that people who wanted to follow Dionysius {ddfX<piv enofifvav) had to take
III.

Euseb. /.c: ovSafius di

Vfuv cure

eiffOai,

elffUvai.

dWots

riaiv

rj

^^^ffrat oUre

crwodovi

Trot-

Ets

It is curious that

KoKoij/xeva

as to the fact that (as he

the cemeteries were to them

-

note

On

KoWvdiuvoi.

KoifjLrjrrjpia

to.

knew)

much

else.

the penalty Deportatio see infr.

on 'Cyprian's

treatment.'

The

penalty was death for not going to

Digesta,

48, 19, 4.

In this phrase he possibly

et's

objects to the old-fashioned word, as

much

exile at the appointed time.

ret

Eusebius

vii.

11

assigns to this Valerian persecution the

rough transportation and rescue of Dionysius

rightly
vi.

40.

which he has himself quoted

under

the

Decian

visitation,

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

464
up

abode there

rjfuv tKK\T]<ria).
It was
7%^ Lands, or Paris, of Kolluthion^
Ta KoXXovd/wfor, were within the Mareotes. It was no place for residents
rougher and more Libyan than Kephron which refers less to mileage
than to wildness. For it was nearer Alexandria {...yurvM \uilK\ov tjj jrokfi,
&c.), and a frequented station (probably a night station) odotrropovvTcov
fvo)(Xi](rn on a high road, so that the Praefect could readily re-arrest
him, and his visitors could come easily and stay the night (dvajravcrotrrai).
He compares it to npoaoTfia, which were often miles from the head-place
(Valesius, no/e on Euseb. l.c.).
It was yvaptficorepos koI (rvmjdeffTfpos than
Kephron to the Exile. Now in the Decian persecution he had been

their

(...roXX^

ovvtneBijfirja-ev

convenient for other parts of Egypt.

'

'

'

exiled to a

dismal, dirty

'

place

(f'p^/iof /cat avxii^pos)

three miles east of

Paraetonium, and, though Eusebius confusedly quotes his letter about that

Lands of
somewhere on the same road from Alexandria to
Cyrene.
Nicephorus, H. E. vi. 10, has muddled Eusebius more.
Koluthus, Kolluthus, Kephron were Egyptian personal names (Giorgi,
Fragm. Copticuin ex actis S. Coluthi, 1781 de Miraculis S. Coluthi,

exile as if

it

Kolluthion

'

referred to this one, yet this fact suggests that the

may

lie

'

'

'

Epiphan. Hcer.

1793.

69).

curious that a pyramid

It is

is

called from Kephren, while a

paw

of

the Sphinx bears the inscription To KoXXu^i'tui/or irpoaKvvTjpxi (Letronne,

Inscr. Gr. et L. de VEgypte,

seems too

far

p. 478,

At Carthage Cyprian was

30.

(the

D.

That neighbourhood

xxxix.).

Treattnent of Cyprian.

2.

Aug.

ll.

off.

sent for on the 30th of August

day before the accession of Xystus

Proconsul's private office or Secretarium

at

Rome)

to the

a room of audience

now generally superseded the noisy

What was afterwards secured
basilica.
forum and crowded

which

for less popular trials

as a right to distinguished provincials, that they should be

seated, during their

1

Cod. Justin.

Christian

trials

trial, in

till

all

the

Secretarium,

in

Acts say that

Ruinart's Acta Sincera in

scene of the

trial is

Of

Cyprian's

3, 24, 3.

up

the secretarium of the judged was

named,

which the
it is

always

the forum, the tribunal, or before the

multitude.

Only

in

the case of the

Scillitan martyrs, a later Christian ac-

count says that the

trial

was held

in the

while
it

the

was 'statute

Proconsular
forensi con-

and 'Proconsul... sedens pro tribunali.' Montanus and his companions,

a few months after Cyprian, are taken to
andfroin the Forum till the 'Prases 'decides to hear them in the Secretarium.
ventu

'

(VMva3.x\.,PassioSS.Montani,Lucii...y'\)

X.

CYPRIAN AND PROCONSUL.

2.

I.

no doubt conceded much

any

by usage. Cyprian was at

though probably with

earlier

rate heard in this less public way,

An

open doors.

465

undoubtedly genuine document of the Pro-

consular Acts reports the following spirited and mutually

somewhat

sarcastic conversation

which was held there

The Proconsul Aspasius Paternus opened thus

The most sacred Emperors Valerian and Gallien have done
:

me

me

the honour to send

a Despatch

directed that persons not following the

conform'' to the

made

Roman

enquiries as to

ceremonies,

how you

which they have

have

in

yourself ^

call

religion

must

consequence

What answer

me ?

have you to give

Cyprian the Bishop said

am

in

Roman

a Christian, and a Bishop.

I know no other Gods

God who made heaven and earth, the
sea, and all that is in them.
He is the God whom we Christians wholly serve.
Him we supplicate night and day for
ourselves and for all men and for the safety of the Emperors
I

but the one and true

themselves.

In this purpose then you persevere?

Paternus.

That a good purpose, formed

Cyprian.

of God, should be altered

Paternus {sneering at Cyprian's

be

in

the knowledge

not possible.

is

last word).

Well, will

it

accordance with the directions^ of

Valerian and Gallien, to take your departure as an exile to
'

possible

for you, in

'

the city of Curubis

.-'

Cyprian did not condescend to meet the sneer with more

than one word

depart.

But Paternus wished

to

know something

done me the honour of writing

1

Pontius does not report

this,

ving 'sunt acta quje referant,'

2

Recognoscere

this stage of

prefix re does not at

language imply return

to,

Oxford translator has it.

De nomine tuo ; explained by the

as the
*

obser-

Vit. 11.

B.

me

to

else.

They have

not about bishops only,

answer.

PrcEceptum.

Act. Proc.

C. '...im-

non potest.
P. poteris ergo
secundum praeceptum...' pracipere a.nd.
mutari

/>r^(r</)/Mw the constant term.

SoPassio
SS. Pionii et sodoriim ejus,\n.{K\xaa.x\).

30

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

466

I would therefore know from you

who are the presbyters that reside in this city.
The old jurist had his turn. Cyprian. You have by your
own laws made good serviceable regulations against the very

but about presbyters too.

existence^ of informers.

Accordingly

and delate them.

to discover

it

is

not in

However they

my

power

be found

will

in

their several cities.

My

Patermis.

question refers to this day and this place.

Inasmuch

Cyprian.

any

as our discipline forbids

to offer

themselves spontaneously, and this would also go counter to

your

they are unable to offer themselves

legislation,

you search

for

Patermis.

but

if

them, they are to be found.

shall

have them found

and he added

'

They

'have directed further that no assemblies are to be held, and

So

any one

'

that they are not to enter cemeteries.

'

observe this salutary direction he will be capitally punished.'

Cyprian the Bishop replied,

Do

if

fails to

as you are directed.

Thereupon Paternus sentenced the Blessed Bishop Cyprian

to be 'deported

'

into exile^

This was a sentence which carried with

Provincial Governors could not

ship^
^

Trajan in his Rescript

to

Pliny

Epp. 97) allows Christians

to be delated (though not by anonymous
But Pliny
accusation) and punished.
{Plin.et Traj.

/'awd'^^r. 34, 35 gives

Hadrian ad Minuc. Fundan. orders

</t7rt/z

to

be punished

nious delatores

if

more

yustini mart, opera,

Euseb.

guilty, but

severely.
vol.

I.

p.

calum-

Otto, vol.
iv.

An

Ep. ad Commune

possibly preserving a

Asia

(fictitious,

fact),

orders the delator to be punished

and the delatus to be pardoned. M. Aurelius Ep. ad Senatum (also spurious)

Both are
similarly and more strongly.

pp. 244, -246. See Euseb.

says Melito quoted the

instance of the punishment of

Apollonius A.D. 188 under

Commodus.

Ruinart, de S. Apoll. Martyre,

^

Jussit

Proc.
*

Pius,

without special

a delator occurs in the martyrdom of

iv. 9.

M. Antoninus

I.

who

13,

former, but

Otto,

192

loss of citizen-

attached to Justin Martyr's Apologia:

an account of Tra-

jan's vengeance on dclatores in general.

it

inflict it

in

iv.

deportari.

exilium

Act.

2.

Ulpian ap. Digesta, 48, 19, 2; 48,

I hesitate to understand Ulpian

22, 6.
in

48,

tatem

22,
et

14

'

Deportatio

bona adimit

'

to

et

mean

Deportatio in every case involved

feiture

of goods ipso facto.

civi-

that
for-

For not

only does Marcian, Dig. 48, 22, 15, say

X.

CYPRIAN AT CURUBIS.

2.

I.

467

Paternus quoted the 'praecept'

direction from the Emperor.

of Valerian and Gallien for assigning him to Curubis, just

we saw

as

yEmilian

that

did

Dionysius to

sending

for

Deportation meant properly to an island.

Kephron*.

named

as in the case of Relegation, isolated places might be

and

as well as islands,

Egypt an

in

oasis, for the

But,

scene of

exile^

Cyprian was allowed time

September

arrangements and on

for his

Colonia

reached Curubis, an out-of-the-way, clean, cumbis.

pleasant, well-walled little coast town, about fifty miles from p^[^^^
14'

Carthage*, in a lonely, not savage

district, at

the back of the

great eastward promontory of the Gulf of Tunis.

a low

hill,

the shore'.

torrent beside

it

scooped out a

aqueduct, which

still

its

The town was some

north and twelve from Neapolis

civili caret,

t^s

gentium veroutitur. Itaqueemit, vendit,

vii.

libertatem retinet, et jure

locat, conducit, permutat, fcenus exercet

11.

Sed

et

passages Ulpian himself does not say

solitos relegare.

much, but speaks of

and I do not see

could

be

reconciled

condition, which

He

while in

is

with

citizenship

how

that

Cyprian's

an excellent case.

'r/,?/fr/'a/?o'

largely relieved

other sufferers (^Epp. 77, 78, 79), and by

own Horti,

order he returned to his

sunt

Eo

die

quo
13.

Roman
Cyprian is now
In the

One does

prassides

mansimus,

in exilii loco

c. 12.

id.

provincise,

scio

Digesta, 48, 22, 7.

eo die post exactum

die octava decima Kal.

Oct., Act. Proc. 3

partes

desertiores,

Pont. Vit.

annum,

eas

in

quae

only;

Euseb.

/ceXei/crews tCiv (re^acrrCov tjuQv,

aliaque similia,' but in the two former

as

harbour,

strides across the torrent bed.

however was great^

isolation

twenty miles from Clypea to

'

little

were completed by an

Its amenities

illimitable blue.

The

crowned

In front glowed the island of Kossyra, set

since silted up.

in

It

sunny and green, a quarter of an hour's walk from

and

\\th Sep.

6, i.e.

Kalendar, the feast of

See

Sept. i6th.

p. 620.

know where Dr

not

which had therefore not been confiscated

Peters

during his year of absence. Acta proc. ^\

Reise von Karthago bis hieher unge-

In his dream also, Pont.

he asks leave 'res meas legi-

Pont. Vit. 15.

Vit.

13,

tima ordinatione disponere.'

owm

expression in Ep. 76, which

likely

to

the Acta,
1

Cyprian's
is

be as technically precise as
is

'relegatum.'

TovTov ytp Tov rbtrov

^|eXe|d/*i;i' Ik

thinks

fahr vierzehn

Two

very

sufficed.

it

was

'

er

Tage gebraucht,

short

days

at

zur

hatte

'

p. 577.

the

most

Cf. infr. p. 479, note 3.

Tissot, vol.

'

Sir Grenville Temple, vol.

The Bishops, Ep.

II. p.

deserto loco' for all

its

134.
Ii.

77. 2, call

p. 13.
it

pleasantness.

302

'in

Libera
piin.
'^'^ '

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

468
to the south.

tum, and

had with them followed the lead of Hadrume-

It

made terms with

Roman

the

invaders at once, and

been dignified therefore as a Julian Colony.

Freedman

class rose easily to

tokens of their loyalty in

left

plain

Some

of.

and of course entire

Cyprian had no hardship to comthis,

of his household accompanied him, and his

devoted grandiloquent deacon Pontius, who

many

and have

improvements.

its

But beyond such loneliness as

uncertainty as to the future,

People of the

chief magistracy^,

its

tells

us through

affected lines that, though as Christians they

have equally enjoyed some place

like

would

Kephron, yet he found

the shore not too rocky nor too lonely nor too pathless, the

woods green and the waters wholesome, as sunny and as adequate a retreat as he could desire even for so great a man's
privacy, while constant visitors rejoiced to supply every need-.

He

cannot nevertheless

from

forbear

although to themselves exile was no

was extreme^ of those who

punishment on the innocent.

guilt

Among

remarking

that

penalty yet the

felt

inflicted

as

it

a severe

odd observations we catch flashes so like

we may count them as fragments of
To the heathen 'their country and their
conversation.
these

Cyprian's language that

his
'

'

uniting
if

name

this

world

is

far to

patriots.

It

is

against the Lord.'

own

explain

Maxims

city.'

why

To

the Christian

all
is

which, misunderstood,

Christians were fancied to be bad

was not possible yet

pagan polity as

'

'The sincere servant of God

one house.'

stranger in his
vv^ent

we recoil even from parents

are exceeding dear

their counsel

for

them to be at home in a
But Pontius himself

religious as their own.

dwells excellently on Cyprian's sense of civic obligation^

127

i.

pp.

oppidi totum ex saxo quadrate.

have had one

so-

Inscrr. Lat. viil.

Corp. Inscrr. Lat. vol. vili.

ff.

It

seems

to

called 'Duovir.'
^

Loci gratiam, &c., Pont. Vit.

apricumetcompetentem, 12 &c.

c. xi

Murum

i.

Ultimum crimen

Corp.

977.
et

pessimum

nefas.

Pont. Vit. ir.

*

Pont. Vit.

c.

ir

'illis

patria nimis

X.

I.

CYPRIAN'S DREAM.

2.

His love of conversation was strong as

might die talking

One

469

He

ever.

wished he

talking of God \
And

conversation Pontius gives word for word.

singular story

it

is

the authentic narrative of one of those

visions which he himself regarded,

and not unnaturally, with

deep reverence.
not surprising that on the

It is

slept in Curubis he
'

night on which he

first

dreamt about the Proconsul.

The day we stopped

at the place of banishment, before I

went fast asleep there stood before me a young man of

immensely superhuman stature. He led me as if to the Praetorium'^,

and

thought

began

to note

was brought up

As soon

sate the Proconsul.

down on

where

to the Tribunal

as he looked up at me, he at once

his tablet

some sentence

of which

knew nothing, for he had not asked me anything in the usual

way of enquiry. But the young man who stood behind him read
was that was entered there.
And as he could not speak with me from where he was, he set
forth by significant gestures what was going on in the way of
writing upon that said tablet. He opened out his hand quite flat
like a broadsword blade', and imitated the stroke given in an

with great attention whatever

He

ordinary execution.

it

derstand as well as with the clearest speech.

cara et
tibus]

commune nomen
nos

Dominum
The

et

est

[cum paren-

parentes ipsos,

contra

si

suaserint, abhorremus.'

H.

Some

dull

reading

interesting.

is

me

expressed what he meant

I

to un-

understood

it

meet the plague dwells most markedly

on Cyprian's zeal 'pro civitatis salute'
and for the good of 'respublica' and
to

'

patria.'

African, not catching the construction of

...cupido sermonis, Pont. Vii. 14.

the former clause and thinking that 'et

'^

The

parentes ipsos' required a previous men-

thage

tion of parents, inserted ctim parentes

eastern slope of the Byrsa.

after est, in
is

bold native syntax, which

the reading of

all

than he amended
Cf.

De

it

montibus Sina

imperatorem

et

the Mss.
into

aim

et Sion, c.

lam cum nomen

c.

duller

parentibus.

regem suum,'

vol.

8 'cum
9 'tabu-

regis Judceorum.'

Pontius in recalling his organization

is

I.

site

of the Praetorium at Car-

fairly to

pp. 649

called

the

from

used
its

loom.

See Tissot,

ff.

Spata, spatha (Pont.

broad sword
of

be identified on the

in

12),

the

executions

so

Vit.

shape like the

Thence

all

aird,dr)

Romance

words spada, espada, epee, and our

spade.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

470

would be sentence of death.

out stopping, that

began to ask and sue with-

might have even one day's reprieve

my

could arrange

allowed me,

till I

And

had frequently renewed

after I

make some

again to

my

with due method.

entreaties,

expression

his

mind was moved

gathered that

my

mine a reasonable

feeling

as

he began

However

note or other on his tablet.

from the calmness of

Judge's

affairs

had given

And besides, that same youth who awhile back

me the token of my passion ^ by gesture rather than

language,

now nodding

approach.

again and again on the

convey to me, by twisting

fingers together

his

morrow which

another, that the reprieve for the

was conceded.
read

hasted to

one behind
I

asked for

must say that though no sentence had been

recovered

sly,

my senses with

over the reprieve

a very glad heart of rejoicing

And

received.

yet through the dread of

uncertainty as to the interpretation

my

remains of the terror made

heart

trembled

still

so,

that the

throb with absolute

quivering.'

His candour about the

worthy witness to a
day year

it

came

borrowed

it

gave him shows a

remarkable dream,

trust-

for t/iat very

The Morrow became a housemeaning the day when he should

to pass.

hold word with them

suffer

fright

really

'

'

from the dream ^

waking was to a day of very

For

the

stern suffering

present

his

and business

cares.

There

is

no doubt that Cyprian's rank procured him

special exemptions, while

it

is

also certain that as yet there

was no general persecution, but rather a Roman confidence

in

a belief that the removal of the Bishops

moral decapitation
and the making examples of them would be the extinction
;

of Christian

life.

The

with which two years

the Clergy

later,

cruelty'

is

commented on

even before they had to

suffer,

were shut up while various temptations and

Passionis, Pont. Vit. 12.

Pont.

Vit.

'artistic

13

'proximabat

crastinus';
dies

15 'sed crastinus dies

vere crastinus.'

ille...

X.

I.

THE NUMIDIAN BISHOP-CONFESSORS.

3.

were applied to the

terrors

much sorrow

even

if it

layfolk*.

Cyprian must have

felt

over

the

was an exultant sorrow

whom

miseries and courage of brethren upon

so

much

by

attention both

magnifying of their

his Councils

he had drawn

and by

his constant

office.

Nii-midian Bishop-Confessors.

3.

Whether others were exiled

happened

471

at the

whom

to the Presbyters for

have no record ^

If

it

was

difficult to

same

what

time, or

Paternus asked,

we

when

the

be severe

Bishop of Carthage had fared so differently at his hands

from even the Bishop of Alexandria, under the Praefect of

Egypt, the lenity was

made up

And

extreme when the

for to the

Province after the Proconsul's death

under a Deputy.

fell

Numidia had no such scruples^

Nine* of the thirty-one Numidian bishops who had

the President of

Ruinart, Passio SS. Jacobi et

the friend

Ma-

This document, written by

riani..., x.

who

received these martyrs

Felici, Litteo, Pollano,

Dative,'
78, 79.

sat in

Victori, laderi.

cf. Epp.
-j-j,
These nine confessor bishops
think, probably all from Numi-

Ep.

&c.,

76,

with others in his

villa near Cirta, where

commemorative inscription is still
on the well-known rock, and the Passion
of Montanus and Lucius and other

were,

their

dian

sees.

Clergy of Carthage, partly written by

certainly were.

themselves just after Cyprian's death,

named Felix, one Lucius and one Victor.

Of seven named Felix in the Council two

are

full

of points of greatest interest.

Ruinart, Passio SS. Montani, Lucii et

all.

Mm.

Afr.

As

Theogenes

of

Hippo

most

likely

These

identifications

been

exiled

previously.

may

not amount

to certainty.
'

Passio

'

Montani

Nemesiano,

ii., iii.,

Felici,

vi.

Lucio, alteri

of

Thubunae,

lader of Midili and Dativus of

Two

Vada

Besides these, two were

had Numidian
cora.

was
martyred, as well as Successus of Abbir
germaniciana and Paulus of Obba, after
Cyprian (cp. Aug. Serm. 273, and
Passio Monlani xii. with Sentt. Epp.
14, i6, 47 and Epp. 76, 80), they had
'

Nemesian

Litteus of Gemellse, Polianus of Mileou,

sees,

Bagai and Bamac-

Lucii attended

it,

and one

of these had the Numidian see of Castra

Galbae.

of

There were two Victors, one

whom was

bishop of Octavu(s), and

name (or Octava)

Numidia, where was the massacre by

there was a see of that

in

Circumcellions

(Optatus

iii.

c.

4),

Octavum or Octavium
in the Byzacene.
Mark also that Felix
Jader and Polianus in Ep. 79 send
greeting to Eutychianus who was a
as

well as an

Numidian,

Ep.

70.

The

writers

of

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

472

the Council are seen a

little

later at chained labour in the

Their treatment had been severe and ignominious.

mines.

Some had

died under

it^,

some were

They had

in prison.

been beaten with cudgels, which gives the estimate of their

rank as below the middle class of

society".

Others were brought to Cirta for execution two years

later after having been a long while in banishment'.

Those

whom

to

smoke* of smelting
Ep.

furnaces, half-fed, half-clothed, half their

Victor, also speak as having been tried

before

the

Prajses,

of Numidia,

i.e.

choked with the

at piles of ore,

Nemesian, Dativus, Felix and

11,

administered

Montarii, Lucii...,\\.,
yacobi, Mariani...,

use of Prsses here

The

constantia.'

midia was used

calls

'

illustrates

Nominum

in-

Prases of Nu-

title

in this third century

under Septimius Severus

(or Caracalla),

I. L. vol. X. i. 6569, and also under

Alexander Severus, vol. viii. i. 2753,

8328

(cf.

Index, vol. viii.

p. 1067).

ii.

called

is

Prases in the contemporary Passio SS.

whereas Cyprian had been before the

The

time after the

for

it

death of Galerius Maximus

Proconsul of Africa.

what Mommsen

now

with presbyters and others Cyprian

writes toiled in the dark

Ep.

76.

Passio SS.

vi.

(Ruinart).

martyrii

'

iii.,

iii.

sui

consum-

matione.'
-

Fustibus

omnes

dumtaxat qui

non

76.

liberi sunt et

Non

2.

sed

hi

quidem

te-

solent,

csedi

nuiores homines
tibus

Ep.

csesi,

fustibus

honestiores vero fus-

subjiciuntur.../)?^. 48. 19. 28.

Flagella used for slaves only, together

Previously Numidia had been under a

with pcEna vinculorum,

Legatus Augttsti of consular or highest

As Cyprian speaks of traversaria

simply as making the feet cunctabimdi,
these are perhaps some kind of moveable stocks.
Ducange in his 19^^ Dis-

praetorian rank.

From Gordian to

Callus

was governed only by a procurator, a

knight. Again in our time under Valerian and Gallien the old status was

it

restored

Augg.

we have

pr. pr.;

viii.

2615 Leg.

i.

and 2634 Leg. Auggg.

pr. pr. in A.D. 253 (according to date

in

Mommsen's

Index,

does not

if this

rather belong to the time of Septimius

Prases

Severus).

was

again

in

use

under Constantine, with consular rank,

See Vlii. i. pp. xvi,
VIII. i. 2729.
xviii.

It

is

then interesting

to

presses here used as the habitual

though not appearing

monuments
In

the

officially

find

name,

on the

Province

curator (referred to

itself

sertation on

the

in the text)

48.

19.

JoinvilWs Life of S. Louis

(Glossarium,

[Niort.

6i\) describes

wide apart
^

1887, vol. X. p.

beam through
drawn

the feet were

in the torture of the cippus.

Secundinus

Sentt.

as

it

holes in which

Epp.

1 1

probably

of

Cedias

and Agapius 'jamdudum

in exsih'a submotos...ab exsilio perduce-

bantur.'

Passio SS. yacobi, Mariani...

iii.

Ep.

11. 3.

Cyprian seems to have

imagined them as gold and

Ep.

of this time.

Dig.

ID.

76. 2, but

Pro-

that region.

who

been.

silver mines,

none such are traced

in

Copper there may have

See Tissot,

vol.

l.

p. 258.

X,

THE NUMIDIAN BISHOP-CONFESSORS.

3,

I.

hair dipt

Dragged too from the

sleeping on the ground.

off,

473

bright towns elsewhere described, the cleanly

Romans

sadly-

by the

liber-

missed their baths*.

They were somewhat more than kept

ality of Cyprian, in

whom

Quirinus for

alive

banishment, and of his lay-friend

his

he compiled and

classified the Testimonia.

The
Maximus and Amantius, conveyed his letter and distributed
They brought back answers from three separated
the help.

sub-deacon Herennianus*, with three acolytes, Lucan,

One, the seventy-eighth,

groups of confessors.

dated from

is

the mine of Sigus about five-and-twenty miles south-south-

The

east of Cirta, in Numidia.

place

is

known though

well

was never important, but the mines have not yet been

it

rediscovered'.

The
been

seem not

lessons of the former persecution

There

lost.

though here

to have

no lament as yet over lapsed brethren,

is

was generals

at least the persecution

Parts of Cyprian's letter to

them

happy than any-

are less

thing he has written since the high-flown language addressed

to the

Humour seems

Decian martyrs.

amid

finds himself

practical pathos.

fort in the stocks to

It

to

fail

surely

have their suffering

him when he

was grim com-

feet apostrophized,

to be bidden forget the labour of extracting silver or gold

and

ores because they were themselves vessels of silver

and so were

home

at

in a gold mine.

fashionable quips, he

body and kingly

^

A characteristic

Ep.

through
supplies

11.

whom
the

heart,' the

touch, Ep. 76.

year

2.

Playfair,

ben Zekri.

C.

Several roads

many

I.

met

inscriptions,

p.

tine,

If

113, near Bordj

there,

it

captive

and the

1863, p. 21.

metallum Siguensem

is

right which

Hartel gives from a right valuation of

ix.

L. viii.

this humiliation

monuments which probably are not

Ann. Arch, de Constan-

Lucian

Respublica Siguitanorum, hod. Zi-

ganieh;

'

very ancient.

prisoners

later

Carthaginian

with food, Pass. Montan.

3

'body of

gold,

free of such

himself in his contrasts of

is

The same no doubt

3.

But once

i.

p.

552.

has yielded

and has megalithic

we have an African

MSS.
*

Ep. 76.6.

form,

Later on some

fell, re-

pented and were treated on Cyprian's

lines.

Passio

Montani

xiv.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

474

body of His

brightness,' the impossibility of binding the free

mind, or spoiling the shrines of the

And

Spirit.

nothing

is

nobler than the breadth with which he bids them not be

moved

at their inability to

'

offer

of God,' seeing that in their

'

His holy immaculate

and celebrate the

own

sacrifices

persons they actually are

victims.'

Their grateful answers are in a simple strain except when

they echo

They

his.

his exposition of

had been

'

hidden sacraments,' they

fortified for their

by reading the Acta of

At

Proconsul*.

sympathy, they value

feel his intense

own

him how they

hearing before the Prseses,

and behaviour before the

his trial

present they

tell

know him

to be

'

a desert

in

place in exileV

'Of Encouragement to Confessorship.'

4.

One occupation of the

we may trace with fair

forced leisure of Curubis,

think,

The Book commonly

certainty.

Of ENCOURAGEMENT TO CONFESSORSHIP^ but originally To FORTUNATUS, has been already considered in

called

place in Cyprian's philosophy of

its

be remembered that he calls

will

It is to

for treating.'

Manual

life*.
'

no

and fortitude

As

to

its

form

teachers.

It is

in persecution

Manuals of Communion.

as

He

a Compenditim of CapiUtla, passages arranged under

it

These

'

Titles

'

are

a
in

calls

Tititli,

most systematic, but the handling of them

not uniform nor compact.

is

it

treatise but material

meet the wants of

to sustain faith

placid times there are

it

At

the texts are neatly

first

woven together by a clever thread of connection

comment.
But the comments grow longer and more
and
and

briefly

Ep.

Ep. 77-2.

Il-

I,

Pammackium

2.

editions

De Exhortatione Martyrii

like Tertullian's
tatis.

It is

De

exhortatione casti-

quoted by Jerome, Ep. 48 ad

is

c.

19, but in

odd traceable blunder,

^

Sup.

c.

the older

attributed to Hilary

vi.

iii.

p. 264.

by an

X.

I.

and pass

diffuse

EXHORTATIONE MARTYRII.'

*I)E

4, 5-

argument and

into

475
on the

rhetoric, until

Maccabees, we have almost a sermon with a prefatory note

on the number Seven'
It contains no single expression which implies that the
storm of persecution had burst. But the atmosphere through'

out

is

charged with the feeling that persecution

and certain \ The

false certificates

are spoken of in the

way

of having sacrificed,

fit

libelli,

of warning, without mention of

people having accepted or refused them^

together seem to

imminent

is

These conditions

only the time after the

edict of

first

Valerian when, after a long peace, the persecution which had

begun with the bishops, could not be expected

itself to

them

when

stantial monition, but

Again, this

to confine

was need of a vigorous and sub-

there

no opportunity

very finished one.

for a

the last-mentioned subject of Cyprian's pen in

is

the quasi-catalogue of Pontius^

Accordingly, we

attribute

respite of Curubis with

5,

its

Accession

Rovie

On August the

of

this

'

Xystus and

'

is

Ad Fortiinat Pmf. c. \. The Church

.

incumbit,

c. 2

battle.

Cf.

praparare.

The Ci/Z'd'w^^r/awMw, which has been

edrted in juxtaposition with the ad
Forhinatum, was written under raging

The

persecution (ad Devietr. 12, 13).

'recent lesson' of defeat {ad
fits

On

Rome,

at
in

fell

after the Aug.

with the later

D.

c.

17)

the catastrophe of Decius, but not

of Valerian whose overthrow was followed by the cessation of persecution.

ad Fortun.

Libelli,

Pontii Vit.

The

notion has indeed

473, 477, and

Aug.

Dr

31.

24.

But

come down

Mgr. Freppel, pp.

Peters, p. 503.

In Acta Stephani (Bol-

land) the date given

Aug.

c. ii.

c. 6.

so late as to possess

'

is viiii.

Kal. Sept.,

this is inconsistent

with

more valuable Liberian Catalogue

which (corrected by the omission of
the two years
arising perhaps from
the

'

'

'

the 31st, the day after Aug.

Carthage, he was succeeded by XYSTUS^

an army in camp before

c. I

the

his immunity.

2nd Stephanus had died

notion that he was martyred*.

trial at

to

'

daily increasing danger.

Edict was out; a circumstance which

Cyprian's

Compendium

'

?,

"'
31.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

4/6

The

image of Xystus

traditional

memorial

An

a distinct one.

is

It is acutely

great Teacher*.

hymn, prayer and

in

Athenian, a philosopher, a

and learnedly maintained by

Dr Adolph Harnack

the eminent scholar

we have

that

example of that teaching in the nameless Epistle TO NOVATIAN.

The theory if just would throw
such light and colour upon his figure, although not upon the

hitherto unrecognised

immediate

crisis

we

are

that

in,

it

is

In his eleven months

the question for separate discussion I

Dionysius wrote Xystus

three

necessary to reserve

Baptism

on

epistles

one

representing the sentiments and decisions of the Eastern

Bishops and the unreasonable conduct of Stephanus towards

them

heretical baptism

repeat

counseP rather earnestly

again, asking his

and

a case of

in

which he himself had not thought well to

lastly giving

him a long

dissertation

on the

whole question*.

Xystus

no doubt

followed

Stephen's opinion, but

Pontius, not without a thrust at the dead lion, calls

good and

pacific

Priest^'

it

is

clear that he did

as

him

'a.

not hold

Stephen's language about Cyprian.

How

it

befel

that

the time

all

of the removal under

the Edict of other Bishops into banishment or degrading

'Xystus

ii.')

day of

xi /

vi

his

for

no doubt of the
See
death, Aug. 6, 258.

his

Lightfoot,

gives

There

episcopate.

is

Apostolic Fathers, P.

Clement of Rome, vol.

I.

p.

I.

290

S.

(ed.

tery of Praetextatus represented

in the chair he died (infra p. 490).

-

Ad

p. 52.

Novatianum, Hartel,
See Appendix below,

1890).

crvfi^ovX'^.

Thus the Sacramentanum LeoniaWMwviii. id. Aug. iii. (Muratori, t?/. cit.

His second,

I.39o)'quiadeandemgloriampromeren-

dam

him in
and

his chair with a hearer at his feet,

mal
*

letters,

Pont.

fifth

III.

and sixth Baptis-

Euseb. H. E.
Vit.

vol.

p. 557.

Dr

14.

vii. 5, 9.

with

Peters,

incitabat et quos

ultramontane penetration, thinks the ex-

erudiebat hortatu praeveniebat exemplo.'

pression must be due to Xystus' having

Ambrosian
Hymn (H. A. Daniel,
Thesaurus Hymnolog. 1855, ' "' XCI.)
'
Ortus Athenis et altus Philosophorum

informally reconciled Cyprian

doctrinae suae

'

studiis

filios

'

Mutavit artem artium Prseceptor

apostolicus.'

The

graffito in the

ceme-

to

the

Church, an event which must have occurred, though our

documents are

defective as to omit

it,

all

so

or else Cyprian

could never have been canonised.

X.

I.

AND

ACCESSION OF XYSTUS

5.

HIS IMMUNITY.

confinement Xystus was unmolested at Rome,

we know.

is

Concealment was then a part of church

477

more than
life.
Can

the magistracy have lain so long under the impression that,

through terror of the law whose appearance coincided so

nearly with Stephen's death, the See remained unfilled as

had done
had

under similar circumstances

for a longer interval

after Fabian's death

It is diflficult to

Yet when he afterwards repealed

edict so long suspended.

we

he took credit

observe that

However

previous protection of the Church \

Xystus was untouched, and even

shall see, until a

think that Gallienus

Macrian's presence to keep the

suflficient influence in

Valerian's laws

it

Rome

at

for

some

may be

that

not inactive, as we

new order was fulminated.

II.

The

I.

Fragments of two very

longing to the year 258 are

Byzantium, the other

Rescript.

different imperial
in

One was drawn

our hands.

generally,

is

it

documents be-

may

at

be groundlessly,

have been issued on the same occasion.

said to

The year

before Valerian

had promised

to

make Aurelian

and Ulpius Crinitus consuls on May 22, in the room of himself

and Gallien his son. At a brilliant review which he held at a.d.

258.

Byzantium he did make Aurelian consul, addressing him in ^-u-c.

the great Thermae in a fulsome yet deserved panegyric, and CossMemmius Tusc
r
conterrmg on him m the presence of his troops and the cus...Pom1

Palatine Staffs' decorations quadrupled and quintupled, to

match the allowances previously assigned him to enable him

'

as a poor
^

man

to support the consular burdens.

have pointed

this

out,

p.

304,

So

also Td|ts eKK\T](naa-TLKT^.]

intermediate sense of the word

n- 42

43.

For Ulpius

Officium Palatinum, Fl. Vopiscus

.(4r^//aMj-c. 13.

[Organized by Hadrian,

Aurel. Vict. Epit. xiv.

Td^is /3ao-t\iKij,

Ap. Scrr. Byzz.

Theophan. Contin.

iii.

occurs in Pliny Epp.

i.

venit in prastoris officio,'

ness room.'
c.

i.

Cf. Act.

(Ruinart).

5,

11,

i.e.

'

An

ojfficitttn

'me

con-

office, busi-

Maximiliani M.

Bassus.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

478

man

Crinitus, the richest

of his times, he did nothing that

day except make him adopt

that great soldier of fortune,

then fresh from his Gothic victories, as his son.

There

no subsequent

is

which Valerian could

interval in

have kept great state there, either when he was resettling

Antioch or while he was dragging about upon the chance of

on

lighting

'

Scythians.'

But

Memmius Tuscus was

in fact

with him there as Consul Ordinarius', and as he entered on

on the

his office

first

about the year'.

of January that year, there

If Valerian

is

no doubt

named
May 22. Vo-

kept to the day he had

our First Fragment

is

piscus extracted

from the Act Book of Acholius, Master

it

the 'Court Circular' of

of Presentations', or Lord Chamberlain, to the Emperor.

was an extraordinary levee of great captains, who

It

might scarcely have been expected

to leave their

Upon

charges even to receive Valerian.

of the

Praefect

medium

State' or

who

Praetorium,

tremendous

his right

as Principal

'

sat

the

Secretary of

of communication, and second person in

Empire ever since Titus held the office under his father*,
was always with the Court. This was now Baebius Macer.
the

Next

to

On
great

him
the

sat the Praeses of the East, Q. Ancarius.

left

sat in the russet tunics of their office^ the

Wardens of

the Marches, the Duces or special com-

manders of the Limites or

Dux

frontier of the

Thracian

As

East,

frontier,

of the Rhaetian
^

fortified frontiers.

distinct

lulius

Trypho

from the honorary con-

Vopiscus, Aurelianus,

Magister
c.

admissionum,

c. ii.

Vopisc.

himself as having already become what

now

to

and

be made, a Vir

Neither of them appears in

consularis.

lists,

and Valerian and Gallien

However the custom

did not resign.

already existed of creating consulares

who had

12.

Other indications seem to put the

day later, and Ulpius Crinitus speaks of
Aurelian was

Illyrian

above Trypho however sat the Praefect

consular

Aureliantis,

the

of

of the

Ulpius Crinitus himself; and Fulvius Boius

suls.
^ Fl.

There was the

of the Scythian frontier, Avulnius Saturninus

not been consuls.

Aurel. Victor, de CcEsar.

'? tunicas
Aurel.

c.

13.

ducales

9.

russas,

Vopisc.

X.

II.

THE RESCRIPT.

I.

479

Designate of Egypt, Murrentius Mauricius, and next below

him Maecius Brundisinus,

Corn-Supply {An-

Praefect of the

nond) of the East.

has been usually concluded that this Court at Byzan-

It

tium had something to do with altering the character and

increasing the severity of the persecution*.

Why,

is

hard to

This was not business which concerned a great Review.

see.

The Emperor's own

any point of

his

after the 6th of

Rome

Rescript could equally well emanate at

marches or

on the watch

cruel Rescript

been put

in force^

till

week

the Byzantine pageant

if

Rome

until well

good or not

is

to learn that a

we cannot suppose

22,

did not reach

Whether the date

was able

for

a decree

that

on

the

August^

in

former event,

we could allow for the dispatch

Emperor would be the first half

the earliest date which

Rescript by the

the

at

had arrived there and had instantly

Certainly then

was held on May

made

was not

It

for information,

new and

then

halts.

August that Cyprian, who had people

of
of

July.

The

process would be

or the idea

is

this.

Something happens

somehow motived

there that the Edict

acting strongly enough to reform the Christians.

moved

is

Pearson, ^a/. Cv/r. A. D. 258,

He

is

not

request

Brundisium and the Via Lavicana as

1222 or 1233

Roman

miles (by Via Prse-

its

nestina 1240 or 1251), according to the

Kincd., quas litleras cotidie spera-

Itinerarium Antonini, that gives 17 or

18 days' journey at 70 miles a day, which

itself

was yet only on

mtis venire, Ep. 80.

*

iv.

obtained the information while

document

way to

Rome,

Senate and sent to the Emperor, wherever he

in the

the

at

i.

R. L. Friedlaender, Darstellungen

aus der Sittengeschkhte Roms, Leipz.

is

not excessive for the transmission of

posts as compared with travelling.

of extraordinary travelling at the rate

which reached Rome on Aug. 4

need not have left Byzantium before July

of TOO miles or more a day for six and

18 or 19.

1881, vol.

II.,

eight days.

pp. 17,

99, gives instances

Travellers

who

put up for

the nights travelled from 30 to 36 miles

a day.

If

Byzantium

we
to

rescript

Despatches were carried by the

gionary

'

count the distance from

vocant

Rome

emetientes spatium,' Livy xxxi. 24.

by Dyrrhachium,

le-

hemerodromos
Grseci ingens die uno cursu
spectdatores,

'

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

480

may

would

be, that he

think

comment

interpret,

on, or, as he may-

assert the principle of the Edict.

fit,

Pliny asked Trajan to express his mind as to

Valerian writes back to the Senate.

law should be worked.

And

was thus that

It

how the common

'Second Fragment,' called also

an Oration S as representing the oration which the Emperor,
if present, would have addressed to the Senate, runs as
his said Rescript, our

follows

'That Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons be incontiSenators however and men of

nently punished with death^

high rank and knights of

further, divested of their

means* they

of their

punished

tally

Rome

goods

forfeit their dignity':

and

if

be,

after being deprived

persist in being Christians,

be also capi-

that matrons* be deprived of their goods and

relegated into exile

and that

who have

Caesarians

all

either

confessed before or confess now, suffer confiscation, be put in

bonds, entered

in the slave-lists^

and sent

work on

to

Caesar's

estates'.'

Whoever
final.

Rank

meant them

to be

or sex were no longer to protect any one.

It is

inspired these novel orders

plain that the higher ranks were

felt to

be honeycombed by

Christianity, while the special provision about the Caesarians,

Ep.

80.

Ulpianus,

I.

'Haec

Dig.

Cf.

24,

I,

ratio et oratione im-

peratoris nostri Antonini Augusti electa

est

nam

ita ait,'

Animadvertantur = capite damnen-

Habere gladii potestatem ad animadvertendum in facinorosos homines,'

tur.

tors

Manuale,

had long been

Sena-

styled 'Clarissimi.'

was inserted between 'Clarissimatus'

and 'Egregiatus.'
Ademptis facultatibus.
Matronce as used

in

Descripti,

law apparently

s.v.

sic

'branded,' Mart.
''

(as

the

power

Set Diet. Gk.

'matrimonium.'
not

lege,

viii.

inscripti

75, 9.

was a punishment even for slaves

removed from the familia urbana

It

to be

and sent

s.v.

'^r^ow already 'a dignity.'

Later on the rank of 'Perfectissimatus'

and Rom. Antt.

'

ap. Dirksen,

in

(waM5) of the husband.

^

&c.

means wives not

still

into the rustica.

Csesariani were not '/'(2/<w/3^aw/^

Schwarze

p.

115,

Peters p.

574,

Freppel officiers de sa tnaison^ p. 485,

say), but inferior ofiicials of the Fiscus
'

under the Rationalis or Procurator Csesaris.

In Cod. Justin.

10,

are employed in distraints.

i,

5 they

They had

CEMETEKIES ON THE

il

Londo:

E.

N & ARDEATINE WAYS.

BOVrLLAS.
&^

CL'f

Stanford's G^g'rstab^

X.

II.

THE RESCRIPT.

I.

48

or lower officials of the Revenue, illustrates the kind of

ployments into which, as

whole body of the

But

idolatrous

taint,

emthe

Cyprian notes the inclusion of the

crowded.

Christians

from

free

clergy*.

comprised more fearful news. The

had without a moment's pause begun

his intelligence

Prefects in the city"

Not only

the confiscations and the executions'.

Xystus*

so,

himself had on Sunday the sixth instant been found in the

forbidden

cemetery

'

'

and then and there put

to

death along

with four out of the seven Deacons of Rome.

Rome.

2.

The

exclusion

from

the Cemeteries.

Archaeology has few episodes able to compare for unexpected interest with the light and confirmation

and receives from Cyprian's

it

throws upon

news about the Rescript.

direct

This we shall see presently with the assistance of

as to the

But

there are two points on which

some elucidation from

of Cemeteries

areas

capital?

It

was not merely

worship.

They had many

opportunities of enriching

oppressively and
e.g.

be admitted

to the

themselves

rank of per-

fectissimatus, ducena, centena, egregiatus,

but might

less character

if

Ep.

80.

I,

they retired with spot-

so Constantine enacts,

Cod. Theod. 10,

7,

i ;

agonis constitute'
2

Ihid.

'

prsetorio.'

B.

was the entrance

legal rights

As

and other

Fabricce, as

importance grew

its civil

were from time

last four.

one

at

made

their assembling for

stituted the latter office, there

were two.
vast, there

to time three,

There was sure

to

and

at

be at least

home, while Valerian had one

in

attendance so long a time and so far

away.
^

cf. 10, 7, 2.

'universi clerici sub ictu

The mere

'si

qui sibi oblati fuerint

animadvertantur,' Ep. 80.

r,

looks as

if

enquiry were not too minute.

I suppose
and a 'praefectus

Praefecti in urbe.'

'prsefectus urbanus'

by

to stop

Basilicce

were under checks,

we may ourselves

Why

facts.

hitherto secured

they might not, while they held

office,

Rossi

martyrdom and memorials of Xystus.

first

look for

De

Under Augustus, who

'

Xistus

Vit. 14

'

in

Ep.

80,

and Pontius

(H artel).

in-

31

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

482

we know from

And why

the history of Fabian.

the sudden

access of severity in the Rescript ?

Caius (whom
reason

believe

to

an early essay Bp. Lightfoot shewed

in

be Hippolytus himself) says,

to

Dialogue with Proclus,

'

But
you

'

of the Apostles.

For

'

Ostian Road you

will find

'founded

if

can shew you the trophies

will

go to the Vatican or to the

the trophies (tombs) of those

This

this Church'.'

is

the earliest account

of the remains of the two Apostles.

of Zephyrinus A.D. 199

The same
together

'

critic

appear

in

document addressed

The

much

the

to,

identity of

forbear to judge.

Until

martyrdom

more

is

one of the two parties

opinion has no place

doubt that

in

there,

known two
upon

and the

religious considerafacts ever

will discover that religious

There

the discussion.

is

remains of

at that early period the

believed to be on the Aurelian

opposite con-

Should the

tions remote from the matter in hand.

clearer,

in the

a non-Cyprianic question which

clusions will be maintained, mainly

grow

Roman Church

as well as in the earliest

Roman Church after their death ^'

historic certainty of their

their relics is

two Apostles

later that the

connection with the

'

belongs to the time

It

document emanating from,

earliest

who

we have

217.

observed

'

the

in

Way

however no

S. Peter

and those of

were

Paul on

S.

the Ostian.

There

is

no more doubt that shortly afterwards they were

believed to be together in the 'Catacombs',' under the apse of

S. Sebastian, three miles

burg Itinerary
1

along the Appian Way.

in the first half

Ap. Euseb. H. E. ii. 25. See LightCambridge Journal of Philology,

foot in
vol.
2

I.

p. 98, 1868.

Clem. Rom. ad Corinth,

ad Rom.

iv.

v.,

Ignat.

on

the latter passage.

3

Catacumbas, properly two words,

cata cumbas,

i.e.

was

'at the sleeping places,'

(as is well

term as
this

see Lightfoot's note

The

Salz-

of the seventh century and the

yet,

known) not a general

but was long the

particular

cemetery.

course indeclinable and

falsely

formed.

indict, xii.

dicitur

30,

name

It

its

cases were

Gregory, Epp.
correctly

Cata Cumbas.'

'

of

was of
lib.

in loco

iv.

qui

X.

PETER AND PAUL MOVED TO CATACUMBAS. 483

SS.

II. 2.

rather later Epitome,

speak of

'

Of

Sebastian's^

S.

the places of the

i.e.

Martyrs,'

the Catacombs, as the

where the two Apostles rested forty years

There were eccentric

Holy

stories

place

a symbolic date.

account for this

to

fact.

Eastern Christians had tried shortly after the martyrdoms to

convey the bodies to Palestine, had been arrested by God

and man, and had left them here on the way^ Long after
they had been replaced in or near their

first homes Gregory

them to the Empress Constanon the plea of other phenomena and particularly of these

the Great refused relics from

tina

But they are attempts to account for the relics having

when both before and after they were

stories.

certainly been there,

elsewhere.

Another curious early attempt

pened

is

decipher what hap-

to

the account in the VitcB Papariim of the Felician

Catalogue^ that Cornelius took the bodies from the

combs,' and that Lucina
in legends) restored

nelius laid

S.

(a standing

name

of Christian ladies

Paul to the Ostian Way, while Cor-

Peter once more on the Vatican.

S.

great anachronism, but

it

shews that

when they

there was a time

it

was

and has a stone

Crisiiana,

I.

Kossi,

pp. i8o

Roma

Sotterranea

L. Duchesne,

i.

Liber Pontificalisji.cw

cvii.

thinks the

40 years might represent from A.D. 1^%

to soon after Constantine's defeat of Maxentius, 313.

The apocryphal Acts

of

V.

iii.

new tombs were

"

Acta Petri

Acta

Apostt.

et

Pauli,

apocrypha,

Tischendorf,

pp. i%,i(),
Pseudo-Marcellus, de Actibus Petri et
\%ii\,

it

a pit

is

\oxtnX\ni,VeiusHus

530)

N.T.
Mar-

in.

Lipsius,

op.

cit.

p.

275.
*

Damasus...*et in Catacumbas ubi

jacuerant corpora sanctorum apostolo-

mam

resting-places.

p.653.

(a.d.

rum

time during which the

It is irregular

tyrol. (Lucae, 1668), p.

Peterand Paul and the Pseudo-Marcellus

first

that

Fault, ap. Fabricium Cod. Apocr.

give a year and seven months for the

preparing in their

known

well

In the middle of

settle.

SoalsoWilliamofMalmesburyinthe

ith centuiy

is

rested in the 'Catacombs.'

called Platonia* under the apse of S. Sebastian.

This

384) adorned the half-underground chamber

Damasus(366
in shape,

Cata-

'

Petri et Pauli, in

quo loco plato-

(platoniam) ipsam ubi jacuerunt

corpora sancta

versibus

exomavit,'...

Duchesne, Lib. Pontific. vol.

I.

p. 212.

'Rivestimentidilastre marmoree.'
tonia,

cioe

Rossi,

Rom.

'

Pla-

grande lastra marmorea;'

Sott. Ii. pp. 22, 33.

312

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

484

same depth, with

through the pavement. Damasus paved

six or seven feet square, and of about the

an opening into

it

chamber, and lined the sides with marble,

this

There remains

a yard high to the walls.

slab dividing the pit into two,

For

this place

he wrote one of

making

adhering

still

also a large

marble

a 'locus bisomus'^'

it

It exists in

his Inscriptions.

several antient collections, as copied from here,

and here

it

began to be replaced by a thirteenth century hand, but breaks

word of the

off before the last

third line^

It

begins

Here thou must know the saints beforetime dwelt,

Whoe'er dost ask for Peter and for Paul'.

We

now understand why

and

Rome

on the same day.

at three places
Through

There

is

A photograph
^

it

for the

as kept in

they keep the sacred Martyrs' Feast*,

an interesting paper by

by Lanciani, Le

Grisar, translated

Paul speaks of

S.

the great city's round the dense crowds stream along.

Upon Three Roads

H.

Hymn

the Ambrosian

Festival of S. Peter

of

it is

Tombe Apostoliche

di

Roma

(Typ. Vat.

1892), see p. 36.

in Parker's Catacombs, plate xxi.

Hie habitasse prius sanctos cognoscere debes,

Nomina quisque

Petri pariter Paulique requiris.

Discipulos oriens misit quod sponte fatemur.

Sanguinis ob meritum Christumque per astra secuti,

/Etherios petiere sinus regnaque pionim.

Roma

suos potius meruit defendere cives.

Hasc Damasus vestras

De

Rossi,

Inscriptiones

Urbis Romce, vol.

Duchesne, Lib.

Damasi

Rome

11.

Christiatia

pp. 32, 65, 89, 105.

Pontific.

I.

p. civ.

C>/!iMJ^M/a^/6^'j/a, ed.

S.

Merenda,

nova sidera laudes.

origin,

and that the story of the Greeks

defeated in the attempt to appropriate

them

arose

from

these

misunderstood.
Fathers, part

1754, pp. 226, 136, 249.

H- p- 500.

result p. 491, n. 2.

On

V.

6 Bp. Lightfoot thinks that

it

meant only that Rome claimed them as

Roman

citizens in spite of their

Eastern

Tantse per urbis ambitum Stipata

tendunt agmina.

Trinis celebratur viis

Festum sacrorum martyrum.

Daniel,
xc.

Apostolic

Clement of Rome,\o\.
See a similar cause and
i. 3".

It

words being

Lightfoot,

z/.

5 ^<^a^^ need not be amendwould not have offended the ear

Cf. Carm. 3, Angelus
of Damasus.
Carm. 4, In rebus
hsec verba cecinit.
tantis Trina conjunctio mundi.

In

ed.

referat

Thesaurus

Lips. 1855.

H. A.

Hymnologicus^

I.

X.

SS.

II. 2.

PETER AND PAUL MOVED TO CATACUMBAS. 485

the Three Roads being the Aurelian and the Ostian, where

they suffered, and the Appian which passes Catacumbas.

And now we come

to the interesting link

which

rivets

these facts to our story.

One

of those entries in the Kalendar called Hieronymian,

which exhibit the Use of

On

Rome

in the fourth century, is this

Rome,

the twenty-ninth of June at

Birthday of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul,

of Peter on the Vatican the Aurelian Way,

Way,

but of Paul on the Ostian

of both in Catacumbas;

they suffered under Nero,

Bassus and Tuscus being Consuls^.

The day seems

But

martyrdom.

day

is

at first as if

in the early

named, much

suggests

it

supposed to be

afterwards
Depositio

less the

once that

itself at

Martirmn of

as a Deposition

were that of

it

their joint

mentions of their deaths no

same day

the

for both.

It

then

the day of a Deposition,

is

day of martyrdom.

The

354 registers the day correctly

though the scribe, probably thinking that

A.D.

Catacumbas applied to the Vatican, and knowing that now

S. Paul was on the Ostian Way, has confused the
entry by inserting the word Osteiise^. The Consulship named
again

shews that

But

is

it

could have nothing to do with the deaths.

it

when

the very year 258 A.D.,

the severe Rescript

We

appeared following the Edict about the Cemeteries.

may
^

be tolerably sure then that June 29, A.D. 258, was the

'lllkal.jul.

Romse natale sanctorum

apostolorum Petri

et

Pauli

Petri

Vaticano via Aurelia: Pauli vero

Ostensi

utriusque

in

in

in via

Catacumbas

Passi sub Nerone, Basso et Tusco consulibus,'

^

Duchesne, Lib. Pontif.

'ill kl. lul. Petri in

i.

p. cv.

Catacumbas

et

hist. Classe,

sch.

Konigl. Sachsisch. Gesell-

Wissenschaften Leipz.

d.

Biicherian catalogue {calendar) from the

Pope who ordered

the

first

editor. It

sius also

Bischofe (1869)

martinim.
Mommsen's Uber den Chronographen

revised from

vom Jahre 354 (Abhandl.

S.

Catalogue

Depositio

d. philolog.-

byBp.

it,

is

the compiler

and

edited by R. A.Lip-

Chronologie der Rotniscken

Pauli Ostense Tusco et Basso cons.' Libe-

rian

1850,

p. 632), called Liberian, Filocalian or

all

and the List of Popes

is

the published material

Lightfoot, ^/oj//. /a/^^j, part

Clement of Rome

l.

p. 201 sqq.

I.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

486

day when both were removed

in the
It

we

to their temporary hiding-place

Catacumbas.

scarcely

is

venturing into too minute a coincidence should

observe, that,

a fortnight sufficed, as

if

probably did,

it

for

the government couriers to transmit dispatches between Rome

and Byzantium, there was a good margin of time between
June 29 and August 6 to communicate to Valerian, even if

he were further

afield,

what the Christians were about, and

The removal from

receive his reply.

to

their place of execution

of the remains of notorious leaders of a dangerous section,

which

it

was always necessary

to suspect

and impossible to

understand, was probably noted, and invested, as

in

Europe to-day, with

political significance.

it

The

would be
graves of

those criminal Jewish agitators had not ceased to be visited,

and now the modern leaders were somehow turning the old
names to account. Xystus in this same year translated to
the Cemetery of Callistus the Virgin Lucilla and her father
Nemesius the Deacon, who had been

laid on the Via Latina

by Stephen in 2 57\ It is tempting to think that the Emperor
may have been induced to sharpen his decree by tidings of

the translation.

It

could not be

unknown

that the 'trophies'

and the cemeteries were tampered with by the Christians

after they had been warned off from places dear and long
legally secured to them.

'

You know even

'

meetings,' says TertuUian^ and so we are

'

apprehended and

'

'

in

the days of our

laid wait for

these actual secret congregations

we

and
are

arrested.'

The whole proceeding wears the aspect of precaution.

There was no knowing what violence might be at hand. And
if it could be shewn that the blocking up of passages, the
breaking away of staircases, the opening of secret galleries out
into the sandpits, which are such

marked

facts in the history

of the cemeteries, belonged partly to the days of Valerian's

1
ArchcBol. of Borne,
J, H. Parker,
vol. XII. The Catacombs, p. 73.

Ad Naiiones,

1. i.

7.

X.

II.

UNDER XYSTUS.

3-

487

would be

persecution, as well as to those of Diocletian, there

However

may

this

Rome would

of

meaning of that proceeding.

or no doubt of the

little

we cannot doubt

be

have his share

that the Bishop

removal of

in directing the

the sacred forms and any other measures of precaution or

And

reverence.

where apply

we may

Roman

as legislation about cemeteries

anything

like the extent that

that such

sure

feel

had

legislation

could

did at

it

no-

Rome,

origin

its

in

difficulties.

Memorials of Xystus and his Martyrdom.

3.

We

to

have

learnt,

was martyred

from Cyprian's own

letter,

that Xystus

cemetery on the sixth of August^ and

in a

with him four- (of the seven) Deacons of Rome.

There

De

is

no uncertainty

Rossi's researches,

and

complicated

insight

Callistus

There

as to the place of this tragedy.

and what he himself

comment,'

calls his

earliest

Coemeterium

'

still

Roman

of

list

Callisti

ad

'extended

of knowledge,

a masterpiece

and patience, have cleared up endless

The

I.

now

difficulties^

cemeteries calls that of

Via Appia*.'

S. Xystiim

stands above ground a small chapel, originally

a Schola, in plan a square, with large apses on three sides

its front,

Xystus

Lipsius,
vii.

sat 11

like

months 12 (?6) days,

Eusebius, /T. ^.

aV. p. 213.

27 has (in the same error noticed

already

him

<?/.

open antiently

as

in

other

many

instances)

years.

seems to speak of him

edict of restoration.

So

in

assigned
vii.

14 he

as overliving the

Another error

repeated from him by

Jerome,

is

who

assigns eight years to Xystus. {Interpret.

Chronic. Euseb. ad Ann. D. 258.)

-

Ep.

80.

adopted

by

'

Appia-

Pamele, Fell.
*

The

following are the chief refer-

ences to

De

Cristiana

Rossi,

vol.

i.

Roma

'S. Sistus

and

chapel

vol. Ii.p. 4,

S. Cecilia'; vol. II. p. 20,

Crypt of S. Sistus;
chre,

Sotterranea

p. 247, Xystus'

inCemeteryofPraetextatus;

vol. II. p. 87,

Sepul-

monuments and companions of

Sistus; vol.
.Sistus

Quartus for quattuor,

unwarrantable alteration

an exhedra, to the Via

and

III.

p. 468,

S. Cecilia.

S.

Tricora of S.

See Lanciani,

Pagan and Christian Rome,

* Rom. Sotl. vol. 11. p. 6.

p. 117.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

488

The lower masonry and

Ardeatina^'

been rased nearly

make

stantine

it

the fact that

ground and

to the

probable that

has

it

under Con-

rebuilt

was one of the 'many

by Fabian*, and

it

fabrics' placed 'throughout the cemeteries'

removed as a conventictdum by Diocletian. From very early

times it has been called the Church of S. Xystus, of S. Caecilia,
Pilgrims halt at

or of both.

before descending one of the

it

two flights of steps which lead to the crypt of S. Sisto', in

which the popes of the third century were usually buried, and
Xystus became the chief and central
to that of S. Caecilia.
sanctity of this crypt.
is

The

plaster over the door of the crypt

scored with invocations of

'

Sustus,' graffiti* so early that

they are mutilated by the changes

made by Damasus

in the

fourth century, although Celerinus and Lucianus in the be-

ginning of our story would, with

exaggerations about

all their

Within

martyrs, have revolted from them.

was placed the

it

very chair in which he was teaching when he was martyred.

For the whole cemetery Damasus wrote an inscription

and cut it on marble in this chapel,
the whole in above lOO fragalmost
found
where De Rossi
in his best hexameters,

ments and with surprising

refitted

skill

them together

into

the appearance of some delicate net^

They

are to this effect

Here

The

closely lie a

crowd of Holy ones

aweful graves their sacred Bodies keep

Heaven's palace hath caught up the soaring

1 The Cross-road which connects the
Appia and Ardeatina (see map) is so
called by De Rossi. The names of

Roma,

Sign.

Lanciani

names,

as

thrown some light on the

question, the memoirs by Christian

having

lately

Huelsan, sulla porta Ardeatina in Mittheilungen, 1894, pp. 320

327, Taf.

ix.

V. p. 635; Lipsius,

Rom.

'

cripta

&c.

comunale

di

Mommsen,

S.

headed 'La

p. 27,

Sisto

op.

V. p. 267.

fu

il

sepolcreto

papi nel secolo

horationes Aureliu Repentinu.'

san

Romassetti, Scoperte Suburbane, in Boll.

Arch,

Sott. II.

<?/.

III.'

'Sante Suste in mente habeas in

Commiss.

di

ordinario dei

(Roemische Abtheilung\ rnd by Gius.

della

1895, p. 162.

Liberian Catalogue,

these roads are as yet matter of controversy.

souls.

'

utae

Libera
te

.'

'Suste

'Sane

abe in oratione

Rom. Sott. II. p. 17.

Rom. Sott. 11. tav. ii.

',

X.

MEMORIALS OF XYSTUS.

II. 3-

489

Here Xystus' comrades who the trophies won,

Here many Peers who at Christ's altars watch.
Here lies the Priest who lived a lengthened Peace,
Here the Confessor Saints whom Grsecia sent,
Here Youths, old men yet boys, and grandsons pure

Who

willed to keep their Virgin Modesty.

Here would I Damasus have laid my limbs

But feared to vex the ashes of the Just^.

This epigram

itself

witnesses to the pre-eminent honour

of Xystus^ as does Hkewise the inscription placed above the

Chair by Damasus, of which also minute fragments were

found.

purport was as follows

Its

What

time the sword pierced through the Mother's heart.

Set here as Pilot I taught heaven's decrees.

Sudden they came and took me

as I sate.

The
The

peoples gave their necks to the soldiery.

Not

suffering savagery to strike at large.

Elder marked one who would fain have snatch'd

His palm; but first he offered his own head,

Christ with His bounteous gifts of

The

life

assigns

Shepherd's wage, and folds the flock Himself ^

Hie congesta

jacet quseris

si

turba piorum

Corpora sanctorum retinent veneranda sepulcra

Sublimes animas rapuit

Hie
Hie
Hie
Hie
Hie

sibi regia caeli

comites Xysti portant qui ex hoste tropaea

numerus procerum servat qui

altaria Christi

positus longa vixit qui in pace sacerdos

confessores sancti quos Graecia misit

juvenes puerique senes castique nepotes

Quis mage virgineum placuit retinere pudorem.

Hie
Sed

fateor

Damasus

volui

Text preserved \n Sylloge Turmiensis,

and Corp. Laureshamensis Sylloge,

23,

4ta,
*

ap. Rossi, Inscr. Chr.

43,

He

is

said to be the only

^

mea condere membra

cineres timui sanctos vexare piorum.

Rorme,

II.

pp. 66, 105.

of S. Xystus,

Rom.

View

of Crypt

Soft. ll. tav.

i.

Urb.

Roman

Tempore quo
Hie positus Rector

martyr admitted into the Syriac Kalendar.

gladius secuit pia viscera matris

cselestia jussa

Adveniunt subito rapiunt qui

docebam

forte sedentem.

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

490

Yet

2.

solemn place of

this

his sepulture

not 'the

is

where Xystus was beheaded',' though often

church

little

confused with

it.

Opposite to the Cemetery of Callistus along the Appian

Way

little

further south,

and towards the antient temple

now St Urban's Church, was found

of Ceres,

Cemetery of Praetextatus.
great family

who were not

to let Christians use

Here

all

the

is

Christians

1848 the

in

name

of a

when they began

it.

a painting of

is

Praetextatus

'

Sustus

'

with his name.

Here was

a graffito of a Cathedra, another of a Doctor seated

Cathedra with a hearer at his

Here

feet.

is

seen

in

still

the

inscription
...mi refrigeri^ Januarius

The Liber

Pontificalis

Agatopus Felicissimus martyres^.

records

with Xystus were

that

Deacons, Felicissimus, Agapitus, Januarius, Magnus,

slain six

Vincentius, Stephanus, also that the Deacons were buried here

on

VIII id. Aug.*, while

Xystus was

laid with his predecessors

Militibus missis populi tunc colla dedere;

Mox

sibi

cognovit senior quis tollere vellet

Palmam, seque suumque caput

Impatiens

feritas posset

prior obtulit ipse

ne laEDere quenquam.

Ostendit Christus, reddit qui PRaemia

Pastoris

Text

Duchesne, Z. F.

in

preserved in
4ta, 60.

taw.

I.

inscription,

and

in the crypt

is

to a

II.

tav.

2.

see

iii.

p. 156:

Sylloge,

Rom.

Sott.

The fragment found

of a third inscription,

no. 8, no doubt belong

letter cutting is less beauti-

'

vitas

ipse tuetur.

Ecclesia parva ubi decollatus est S.

Salzburg Itinerary,

Xystus.'

Rom.

Sott.

p- 180.

I.

= refrigeret.

Refrigeri

'

Rossi, Boll. Arch. Crist. 1863, p. 3.

situation of

Damasian epigram on the events,

though the
ful.

I.

indicated by capitals.

The fragments
R. S.

v.

Lauresh.

For probable

Chair and
II.

Corp.

Rossi, Inscr. Chr. U. Ronuz,

p. 108.

II.

meritum numerum gREGis

R-

S.

I.

p. 251,

11.

p. 89,

Agathopus

the form for Agapitus in apparently

is

all

codices of the Hieronymian Cata-

logue.
^

R. S.

11.

pp. 41, 47.

Duchesne, Z./".

date

is

viii id.

I.

Aug.

p. 155.

Cyprian's

X.

MEMORIALS OF XYSTUS.

II. 3-

in the

Cemetery of

49

His Chair

Callistus*, just across the road.

went with him.

Over two of the Deacons Damasus wrote

for the

Cemetery

of Praetextatus
Comrades and Servers of the unconquered Cross
They followed their pure Pastor's Faith and Works.
Damasus to Felicissimus and Agapitus".

dialogue of some dramatic power with some shreds

of authenticity

is

by Ambrose, as having been held

recited

way

with Laurentius', another Deacon, by Xystus on his

to

execution.

This story seems

count of his beheading

the observation of

Romans

with the ac-

at first sight irreconcilable

De

in

But we cannot

the Chair.

Rossi^ that

it

is

set aside

impossible that seven

should have been simply murdered without

a gang of soldiers

that they

may have been

the judge, and

trial by
must have been taken before

sent back to the place where

they were apprehended as law-breakers to be put to death^

'Sepultus est in cymiterio Calesti

Appia nam vi diaconi ejus in cymitirio Praetextati via Appia via id. Aug.'

via

Hi

Duchesne, Z/^J./'owA

pp. 68,

I.

9(2'.^. first

edition of L. P. as represented in Feli-

cian abridgment).

crucis invictse comites pariterque ministri

Rectoris sancti meritumque fidemque secuti.

Felicissimo et Agapito Damasus.

Rossi,

Inscr.

Ch.

epigram probably
op.

cit.

p. 223)

11.

p.

This

66.

(as Lipsius suggests,

gave birth

Hne of

to the

legends in which Xystus himself

is

cruci-

Amhros. de Off. Ministrorum, I. x\\.

Ambrosian Hymn ap. H. A. Daniel,
Tkes. H. I. xc. I.
Prudent. Peristeph.

fied.

'

'

ii.

21
^

26.

Lipsius regards Laurence as histori-

though archidiaconns (not in Ambrose) is an anachronism, 0/. V. p. 120.

fine story of Laurence, with the

circle of

heroes

was

It

Pope's martyrdom in

who

obliterated after a

gathered round
time

it,

the recollec-

tion that the Chair belonged to Xystus,

whose name was not mentioned

in

the

it,

enriched by the

account of blood shed over

as the nearest

it,

unmartyred

to Stephen
pontiff,

spite of his not appearing in the

sitio

Martiru7n but

(Mommsen,
p. 631),

it.

transferred with the story of a

Episcoporum

cal,

The

epigram of Damasus placed over

Chrott. v.

liii

in

the

in the Liberian

in

Defo-

Depositio

Catalogue

Jahren^,

op.

cit.

non. Atigustas Sleffani in

The Chair was bestowed by

Calisti.

Innocent XII. on Cosmo III. and taken

to Pisa (Merenda,
*

'

R.

S.

11.

Damasus,

p. i).

pp. 91, 92.

Lib. Pontif. (ist ed.), Duchesne, p.

69,'truncatisuntcapite'

solemn Roman

THE PERSECUTION OF VALERIAN.

492
for a

warning to those who persisted

Upon

teries.

may have been

This conjecture

led

'

is

urges the

some such conversation

rapiunt' of Damasus.

'

away

Rossi

edition of the Liber Pontificalis^

Xystus was apprehended by Valerian['s

'

De

supported by a passage which

The second

does not notice.

says

He

held.

frequenting the ceme-

in

the road, he suggests,

He

to sacrifice to the demons.

and

officers]

scorned the precepts

^'

and was beheaded

There is no reason to doubt the incidents which Damasus
carefully notes
how he was found teaching in his Chair, how
the people offered themselves to die for him or with him, how
'of Valerian

anxiety was to prevent them from provoking the soldiers,

his

man

and how the old

anticipated the self-devotion of one

by stretching out

faithful follower

own neck

his

to receive

the blow.

The
the

And

of the history, the monuments, the epigrams,

relics

letter,

are wonderfully yet not too absolutely in accord*.

as to the scene itself

quieter and

what more natural than that the

more protected chapel of Praetextatus should have

been resorted to by the bishop, deacons and people, when

made dangerous by the

the larger and less private ones were

edict

Cyprian's word animadver-

execution.

swn is more often than

lation,
tulit.^

not used of decol-

and there is Damasus' caput obThe Leonian Sacramentary also

^

preserves 'intrepida cervice,' Muratori,

op. cit.

I.

c.

390.

This has seven

Duchesne,

Lib.

Pont.

turn

technical

word,

p. ex,

18 sacro

11

prsecepto;

1.

as

in

24; ex,

prsecepcxii

10

prseceptum, &c.
^

The

gives

it

up with

'

comites

De Rossi,

distress

needs amendment.

and
But

155;

Xystus

cxi 8 proeceperunt,

est,

fF.

Z?i5. /"<?/.

Callisti.

only three are claimed for Praetextatus

ut sacrificaret.

Acta Proc. ap. Hartel,

12;

p. 91

Cxm.

'

Ductus

Prseceptum,

1.

p.

i.

II.

says

in

by the Invocation and Damasus, whose

epigram for this place shews that he
did not understand a// the comrades of

69.

p.

Damasus' epigram saying that

XystV were

tnisste

for his day.

cf.

cannot apparently be reconciled with

in Cctm. Prcetextati

to

be at Callistus.

worth while here

through

the

It

is

not

to pursue the question

Perhaps

Kalendars.

Cyprian's statement that four Deacons

died with him {cum eo)
ray.

Lib. Pontif. entry of all six

Deacons as buried

'

later.

If there

were

six

may
two

lend a
suffered

CHAPTER

XI.

The Birthday.
Quod nomen

frequentat Ecclesia id

sic

Martyrum

est

Natales, ut Natales vocet pretiosas

AUG. Serm.

mortes.

310,

c.

i.

It was (as we have seen) Cyprian himself who with his

constant promptitude and his
the very

accompanied by an imperial
of Provinces, was

gence of

still

on

secured probably

skill

official

news which reached

first

The

Africa.

circular addressed to

its

way when he

Rescript,

Governors

sent the intelli-

approach to Successus to be circulated. Successus

its

of Abbir Germaniciana, near Curubis, was one of the Senior

In a few months he was to follow Cyprian to

Bishops.

martyrdom\

His

He

world.

Successus

letter to

There

from Carthage.

is

'

attitude

anticipates

deathlessness,*

'

and

80.

The

for

ninth

seventh in Ep. 67,

Sentt.

rash

'

could leave the

deprecates

were

his character-

them.

name

in

sixteenth

Ep.

Ep. 80.

in

Ep.

Epp. Ruinart, Passio SS. Man-

tani, Lticii, alioruniy xxi.

'

He

'Not death, but

confessions'.

no dread, only gladness

watchwords

Ep.

the clergy

no defection, no lapse now*.

only excitement

'

body being placed under the death stroke.'

of all was, he says, one of hope and devotion.

He

57,

of being in the

it

the whole

The

istic

apparently written

mentions the derangement of his correspondence

caused by the fact that none of

place,

is

a sound about

81.

De Exhortatione Martyrii

only gives a warning beforehand against

libelli.

Supra,

p. 475.

THE BIRTHDAY.

494

He came to Carthage because Galerius Maximus, who

had succeeded Paternus as Proconsul, had, upon receiving the
Imperial Rescript, suddenly ended his year of exile by a
summons to appear before him. But when he came, Galerius,
owing probably to ill-health detaining him at Utica, could
not hear him, and ordered him to retire to his own countryhouse^ by Carthage and there confine himself The beautiful
HortP, full of memories of the days of his pagan eloquence

and eminence, where, glowing with the

light

and joy of his

Baptism, he had held his colloquy with Donatus

home which he had

in early

days sold

the dear

for the benefit of the

poor, but from which his great friends would not allow

repurchasing them and presenting them

him to
him

to

be separated,
it was a strange chance (so to speak) which gave
afresh,
him the quiet days there, of which he expected each, as it

came, to be the

High
and

last'.

officials

even, as well as people of senatorial rank

of the great families*, certainly not all of

now urged

flight

upon

their old friend^

But he recognized no

safe retreats.

He

ing to compliance.

to substitute in men's

them

Christians,

and offered him various

sign,

and no inner prompt-

felt only a fresh stimulus to teach,

minds the sanctions of the life to come

He was so filled with

for the ordinary motives of the world.

the passion of teaching that he trusted the stroke might

to

him
at

still

He
1

alone
Act.

it

knew

Proc.

1.

the special contents of the private dispatch

Pontius {Vit.

15)

Proc.
*

speaks of him as at the Horti without

mentioning
2

It

come

had come to Xystus) in that very act. Galerius,

Utica, was naturally anxious to obey the Rescript.

(as

will

how he came

to be there.
be remembered that the

2.

Pliires egregii et clarissimi ordinis

sanguinis sed et saeculi

et

generosi.

Pont.

nobilitate

Vit. 14.

men were important

'

Consilio carissimorum.

features of the topography of

Rome and

"

Audituri ab eo (proconsule) quid

On

what they

'HortV of
still

great

more of Carthage.

imperatores

implied see Professor Mayor's stores of

corum

quotation on Juvenal

verint...

i.

75.

Quotidie sperabat veniri ad

se.

Act.

et

super

j>. 81.

Christianorum

lai-

episcoporum nomine manda-

Ep. 81.

XL

THE BIRTHDAY.

to the Governors,

495

and presently he sent two of

his military

clerks^ to fetch the Bishop quietly over to Utica.

But now acting with the coolness of a person used to take

his

own course

even with magistrates, Cyprian was

was gone to one of the offered conceal-

in details,

He

not to be found.

ments

there

come

to Carthage.

to stay until the Proconsul should be able to

He was

And

meant death.

sure that the

had

although he

summons
no

fear

to Utica

of death,

Cyprian had deliberate views as to the scene of his death.

This was no new impulse, no new prudence. Years before

he had congratulated Lucius on

Rome**,

most

die

to

likely

from exile to

his return

on

there,

very ground

this

because 'the victim which has to set before the brother-

'hood the pattern of manliness and of

'offered

up

his retreat

ought to be

faith

So now from
Deacons and Commons,

in the presence of his brethren.'

he writes to

his Presbyters,

that he only awaits the Proconsul's visit to Carthage, because

'

the City in which he presides over the Church of the Lord

'the place where a Bishop ought to confess his

Commons by

'

glorify his

whole

'

prelate

their presence.'

in

So

Lord and

the confession of their

to confess, there

stant

Beyond

prayer ^

this,

he

fully

Divine might be breathed into the

Bishop.

Commentarii or

suffer,

his con-

something

words of a Confessor-

last

who kept

Commentarienses
in the Proconsul's

turion would have been sent, and this

was done the second time, after the

the journals of pro-

present

ceedings.

Their position was among

yacobi

the highest

/'r/tj)>a/if5,

or officers

One

the rank of Centurion.

duties was, as

we

see

by

below

of their

later

laws

(a.d. 371, 380), to schedule prisoners,

their offences,

rank and age

were responsible

and they

for their safe-keeping.

failure.

Legion
2613;

Mariani,

there.
cf.

2586.

any

Ep. 61.

Ep. 81.

9,

4,

4,

5).

If

Cf.

Ruinart,

Pass.

At Lambasse
an altar is erected by ...I'vs. Severmj
a coUMKVr xriis m. va/ERl Etrvj
/eg. AvG. Pr. Pr (a.D. 152); another
names the Commentanus of the Ilird
et

had been apprehended a cen-

(Codex Justin.
difficulty

that

own

Confession was more after God's mind than the best

were military clerks

Office

felt

to

now

thence to take his departure to his Lord, was

is

to

iv.

Corp. Inscrr. Lt. Vlll.

i.

'

THE BIRTHDAY.

496

The

professions.

indwelling

God Himself might perhaps

use

such a moment'.
Doubtless the Decian persecution had known such inspirations,

and there are striking contemporary examples of what

In the year after Cyprian's

they were understood to be.

death Marianus at Cirta, waiting blindfold with

many

others

'now filled with the prophetic spirit,'

strengthened the envy with which these holy deaths were
viewed, by foretelling the approach of God's avenging
the stroke, and

for

'

'

scourges.

When,
Montanus

same

at that

time, the clergy of Carthage suffered,

He that sacrificeth to any

rooted out' He then charged

cried with prophetic voice,

'

Gods but the Lord alone will be

Heretics to mark the abundance of her Martyrs
of the true Church

Cyprianic discipline
all

the Virgins to maintain their constancy;

among themselves

bond of the
'

to be in obedience to the Bishops

tain

laity.

Christ's sake,

as a sure note

he charged the Lapsed to submit to the

He

the Bishops to main-

the Cyprianic Unity as the one true

ended,

'

This

is

namely, to copy Christ

the true suffering for

in discourse,

and

own person the great proof of t/ie faith!

Now, should God give Cyprian any such message

to be

'in one's

be not for Cyprian's sake but

for

his

people's,

it

would

and they

Whenever therefore the Proconsul came, then

he would be found. The Proconsul came, and Cyprian was
The Proconsul of course knew
at home in his Horti at once.
should hear

it.

nothing of the motives of his movement, and naturally deter-

mining not to be again eluded, ordered a sudden descent''

upon the house.

The Thascian

gardens, as they would be called, lay doubt-

which has been

less in the vast beautiful quarter

Ep. 8i. It is to this dying inspiand not to the apologia at the

ration,
trial,

58,

that

in

the Epistle to Thibaris

Cyprian applies Matth.

x.

19

all

gardens

'in ilia hora.'

^

his

Pontius

own

Vii.

15 has a platitude

'repente

Proconsular Acts

c.

subitavit'

and

on
the

2 give the 'repente.

XL

THE BIRTHDAY.

and

497

Roman, Arab, European, ever

villas,

the 'rare,'

since

'sparse' native kraals called Mapalia disappeared from

yet

left their

name

behind.

seen the great bare

and flowers have

Its rich trees

piled with marble Carthage, then

hill

stripped to build Tunis or shipped to Pisa, and they are

there

Proconsul

still

The Thascian gardens then cannot

their glory.

in

have been very

it,

from the Villa of Sextus where the sick

far

lay.

Early on the 13th September an unexpected chariot drove

through them to the

villa door,

The

vented other egress\

important

officer of the

own

consul's

chariot brought two

chief

they were styled,

as

him

and was,

legion,

The

They

into their chariot

Principes'

'

One was

centurions.

equerry.

strator or

to the prison department.

out, lifted

while a guard of soldiers pre-

a very

besides, the Pro-

other was

attached

quietly fetched

Cyprian

and drove away with him

between them*.
1

This only can have been the use of

bringing soldiers to the

-

...principes

duo unus

Maximi

Galerii

strator officii

proconsulis

struck with the exact-

more general but

A da 2, and

quite correct usage

The second

in Pontius.

was called/rm^z?

centurion of a

coho7-tis prhueps

prior or prtnceps prcEtorii, C.

i.

2917,

ii.

L. HI.

I.

5293, ox %\m^\y princeps.

His

duties required the assistance of an ad-

jutor, a librarius and an

VIII.

i.

2555.

in his hands.

consideration.

The

Here we

optio.

C. I. L.

tabula inilitares were

He was an officer of much

C. I. L. viii.

i.

2676,

to

perial provinces

and the

tached to them

who were

but not so Proconsuls,

that capacity. (Ulpian, ap. Dig.

'

Nemo

B.

16, 4,

bere potest sed vice eorum milites ministerio in provinces funguntur.')

shew that the dignity of

was valued and the title retained
the function was laid down. Com-

Inscriptions
strator
after

pare Gruteri, Corp. Itiscrr.

VIII.

Rome

i,

proconsulum stratores suos ha-

the Princeps of the 3rd legion 'vix. an.

at

of im-

Prasfect of the

required to employ soldiers in

sidis stratores,' 2957,

mausoleum

assisted

preetorium had stratores personally at-

a temple to Invictus Augustus 'jere

sue a solo' at Lambsese. Ibid. 2841,
built a

and

The Governors

mount.

8, 'strator consulis.'

and

him

house for the night.

the Princeps of the 3rd Legion builds

LX...'

find

strator originally saddled {sternere)

the great officer's horse

him

ness of the terms used in the

legion

officii.

2.

Anyone must be
the

in his

alius

et

equistrator a custodiis ejusdem

Acta Proc.

'in praediis suis.'

able to receive Cyprian and his friends

villa.

'strator consularis'

ii.

I.

p. 631, n.

C. I. L. vii. 78,
viii.

i.

2748, 'prae-

'istra/or lega/i';

9002, 'strator ejus,'

sc.

Prseses of both Mauritanias.

32

of the

THE BIRTHDAY.

498
Everything had

among

die

his usual

fallen in with Cyprian's plan.

As he

his people.

serious joyousness

'

'

door

left his

He

should

for the last

time

of expression was transfigured

by the manful heart to a lofty eagerness and almost mirthwhich was indeed to break out, like Sir Thomas
fulness*
More's, as the hour drew near.
When they reached the Proconsul's they found he was
again too ill to proceed with the case^ He remanded the
*

'

prisoner

till

home

his

next day, but would not risk his returning to

He was

or even going upon bail to friends.

mitted to the courteous 'free custody' of the

and

himself,

in his

own household

the household of a Roman gentleman as

and with other intimate

well as Bishop of Carthage

was expressly assigned

It

the

to

monument

proconsul to settle {cestimare) whether

erected 'J. Flavio Sereno perfectis-

persons afterarrest should be imprisoned,

p. 2'2, a

denza Archeol. i86o,

is

friends*.

Corrispon-

Bollett. dell. Instil, di

In

Princeps

house within the city* spent the evening

Deacons and with the higher members of

as usual with his

his

first

com-

simo viro a cognitionibus Augusti...' by

C. I. L. viil.
his 'amici et stratores.'

monument

2792, a 'signifer' erects a

to his brother, a 'strator.'
i.

i.e.

attached to the department

So Codex Justin.

of prisons.

those

describes

'qui

and

officio'

able to

inflict suflFering

9, 4, i,

fun-

stratorwxa.

eorum' as

'ministri

guntur

on prisoners and
This one

to protract their detention.

the

first,

Pont.

as the character of the charge. Digesta,

48, 3. I^

In vico qui dicitur Satumi, between

Act. Proc.

2.

We

ought indeed to be

able to identify a site noted for us so

carefully

and near to two

if

not three of

the chief temples of Carthage.

But the

museum

objects, even if the advertisements of 'Terrains k vendre, a batir are

prseferens

and

vultu

15,

corde

fruitless,

sequel shews that Pontius, Vit.

15

was hard upon him

to

laziness or caprice

which he saw a

in setting

the

down

remand

special providence.

in

must long preclude the develop-

ment of sites.
Receptum eum tamen
*

The

'

the Via Venerea and the Via Salutaris.'

'

Vit.

virtutem.'
2

office,

person as well

crown of the Byrsa and the pursuit of

Compare

hilaritatem

bound

the

consideration

and Pontius only mentions

whose house he was enter-

tained for the night.

1

houses, and he was

into

construction of a vast precinct on the

first,

in

to take

to sureties, to soldiers, or to

in a very different position

was however
from the

own

their

estate, or dignity of the

With this Princeps... Strator... Officii

came another, princeps Eqtiistrator a
custodiis,

committed

'

principis constitutum

et in

domo

una nocte continuit

custodia delicata, ita ut convivse ejus et

cari in

Pont.

contubemio ex more fuerimus.'

Vit. 15.

Several interesting points

XL

THE BIRTHDAY.

The

499

convoy had passed so quickly through a quiet

first

quarter to the Proconsul's, that none were aware of

until

it,

Cyprian was again on his way to the house of the Princeps.

Then the rumour

ran

Thascius the famous orator, the

fast.

benefactor in the plagueS was in custody.

was a spectacle

It

A vast

of regret to the pagans, of veneration to the faithful.

The whole

multitude assembled.

was

said,

watched the house

Christian

'

Commons,' so

it

movement should

lest the least

Afterwards they realized that they had been

escape them.

One message they

keeping the Vigil of the Martyr.

received

from within in the course of the night, a charge that the

maidens who were abroad should be well cared

The morrow
sky without
turned

away

rose with the broad pure blaze of the African

fleck of cloud.

mingled with

fire.

The bay was

to the north-west.

it

on

a sea of glass

wonderful walk lay before him as he

The crush

on the High Byrsa, the narrow streets of

down from

for*.

all sides,

of public buildings
tall

houses falling

the mass and the fierce colouring

of the immense temples, the vast palaces of base and savage

amusement how long would this order of things last what

would become of it, face to face with the Bishops and
Councils when they should come to their strength, as even
now they represented a New Order well begun ? The City of
God rose before him more solid than those material amazing
bulwarks, grander than the majesty of Roman Law, more real
.''

than the immeasurable force behind

it.

His path led across the Stadium.

Receptum

appear.

as here

merely

(technical

word)

i,

2) or

in custodiam (ibid. 10).

Not

in carcerem

{Digesta, 48,

libera

custodia'

3,

but delicata,

Con-

which

refers to the entertainment.

viv(E,

in its post-classical sense, of the

higher rank of the people of a great

household.

Ex

more,

the style and

As he

Pont. FiV. 15;

boni aliquid pro

'

crossed

cf. ii,

it

his

illequi fecerat

civitatis saluti.

This was the subject within half a

century of a special canon.

Cone. Eli-

berit. can. xxxv.

Labbe, Mansi, Flor.

" ^^'

" -^"S- Serm. 309,

marked instance of

1759,
4,

^-

treats this as a

'pastoral wakefulness.'

habit of Cyprian.

322

THE BIRTHDAY.

SOO
companions thought,

he did not, of a race run and an ex-

if

He had

pectant crown.

left

the Chief Centurion's threshold,

looking like a Chief Centurion himself* with a Diviner com-

He moved

mission*.

and

soldiers, followed

in

the centre of the guard of officers

by an endlessly gathering army, who

if they were on the march to

looked, says the eyewitness, as

'

take Death by storm.'

The Proconsul had

summoned

actually

the populace to

the villa of Sextus', so resolved was he that a great blow

should be struck, a great example made.

The smooth paved

road

was

deep

and

silent

with

emerged from the dark close streets on the

luxuriant plain. Among the date palms ripening for the
gathering, and high above the silver olives, on whose fruit the
dust, as they

final

and

bloom was

The

still.

just appearing, the cypresses

towered black

stubble of the reaped corn was standing deep,

the vines had been relieved of their burdens, the grassy slopes

were white with the long summer, and the vast carpets of
dazzling flowers had faded,

all

but the invincible dark green

asphodel.

Beyond the wide and

glowing

peerless tract of vegetation were the

dense with brushwood of cistus and cytisus,

hills,

myrtle and lentisk, gaps opening into the world's cornfields,

and the solemn aqueduct bringing

water from

rivers of living

mountains leagues away.

How much
know

not

of natural things

he was beyond caring

we
man

the old man's eye

filled

for little things,

but no

knows whether those things are little. Certainly he had not

lost that humorous observation which has sometimes caught
us unexpectedly in gravest moments.
^

Egressus est

Christi et

domum

Principis sed

Dei Princeps, Pont.

compare i8.
2 Ex omni parte

Vit. i6;

Sexti,

Maximi

Vit.

3,

multa turba convenit

later on,

as in Bede's

Martyrology (i8 Kal. Oct.) and

where,

Acta Proc.

secundum proeceptum Galeiii

proconsulis.

This became
vallatus, Pont.

i6.
2

ad

'sexto

juxta mare.'

milliario

else-

a Carthagine

'

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.

$01

They reached the Praetorium. The crowd was great.

The hearing was appointed for an open colonnaded court
Again the Proconsul was unable
called Atrium Sauciolum}.
to receive him at once and a more retired room was at his
service to rest in. The seat, so it happened, was covered with
His

a white linen cloth like a bishop's chair in the apse.

and through with perspiration

from such a walk. One of the officers^ whose business was
to carry the Proconsul's passwords to the posts, offered him a

clothes were soaked through

change of

Humanely

clothes.

He was

disinterestedly.

a Lapsed Christian and

yet innocent store set by

replied,

day

'

Cures

for

but, Pontius thought, not quite

knew

the

Cyprian himself only

Relics'.

maybe

complaints that will be over

in the

At
ushered
sitting

hastily

and was face to face with the great governor

in

his

in

He was

the Proconsul asked for him.

last

civil

dress between the high officers of his

and leading provincials who formed his council behind

him six lictors with the rods and axes*; before him a small
tripod, or a chafing dish with live coals in it, and a box
staff

of incense.
rational.

As

It

He

was a

Roman

brief trial, for

courts were

was arraigned on the one count of

Sacrilege.

Sacrilege legally covered every violation of or careless

Criminals would not

^ Atrium Sancioliim.
Acta Proc. 3.
The only illustration I know of this
mysterious name was pointed out by

be beheaded within the house.

Bp. Fell. In the great Frankish Council

chamber must have been altogether

at

Macon under king Guntramn,

A.D.

585, any Cleric is forbidden to attend

'ad locum examinationis reorum' {i.e.
place of torture,

martyria

fidei

cf.

Tert. Scorpiace,

qualitate

quispiam

'neque
pro reatus sui

examinatoria)

intersit atrio saueiolo iibi

7,

iiiterficiendus

est.'

Cone. Matisconense, ii. can. xix. ap.

Labbe, Mansi, Florentise, 1763, t. IX.
No Roman court would bear
col. 956.
a

name meaning

'place of execution';

Galerius's atrium sauciolum

'

'

was clearly

not such a place.

appropriation of the

name

The

to a death-

later.
^

'

Quidam ex

Tesserariis, ' Pont. Vit.

and Rom. Antt.

vol.

Pontius too, Vit. 16, 'sudores

jam

16; see Diet. Gk.

i.

pp. 377, 801.

^

sanguineos
*

'

is

a curious exaggeration.

Acta Proc.

Cf. Digesta,

On

i,

3,

4.

Pont.

Vit.

16.

16, 14.

the curious insignia ('symbola')

which belonged to the Proconsul of

Africa, see Revue Africaine, vol. viii.
p. 323.

THE BIRTHDAY.

$02

Law, which Law included expresno Christian lawyer would quibble

the term or pretend that he was not daily and wilfully guilty

offence against the Divine

sions of the Emperor's will,

at

of it\

The

imperial note had as before particularized Cyprian.

You

Galerius spoke.
Cyprian.

am.

You have

Galerius.

are Thascius Cyprianus

lent yourself to

be a pope to persons

of sacrilegious views.
Cyprian.

perform the

to

have.

The most hallowed emperors have ordered you

Galerius.

rite.

do not

Cyprian.

Galerius.

Do consider yourself.
Do what you are charged

Cyprian.

offer.

so straightforward there

That was

make

to

luctant

nothing to consider^.

is

The Proconsul

all.

conferred with his council

And

the process technically correct ^

and a very

In a matter

to do.

ailing

man, he with

then, a re-

difficulty yet with

the new criminality and

new and necessary penalty. It was simply for
being the Bishop of the modern and spreading union that he

concurrence, explained

sternest

justified the

was
1

to suffer*.

Qui Divinae

sanctitatem aut

legis

nesciendo confundunt
violant

et

negligendo

aut

com-

offendunt sacrilegium

mittunt.-.Disputari de principali judicio

non oportet
dubitare an
imperator.

This
ciple

is

sacrilegii

is

dignus

29,

9,

i,

2.

a later exposition of the prin-

(Graizan),

Consule

Ada

instar est

quern elegerit

Cod. yust.

but

earlier definitions are

2

enim

sit

Proc.

the

more

tibi... nulla est

3.

Quod

well-known

He

word.

consultatio,

caro et sanguis

sacrificial

moniari elsewhere].
^

Any

grave decision had to be pro-

nounced de

consilii sententia.

The

pro-

consul was bound to consult them but

opinions.
*

Ada

V/wr

dicere subdole, Aug. Serm. 309,

...quod

to

the

burn incense.

not bound even by a majority of their

severe.

Certain translations seem

is

refuses to

In r^ ^aw y/w/rt, 'regular, ordinary': so

justum iter, j. anni, statttra, altitudo
miiri\\ do not know the word cari-

diceret stolide (noverat) hoc diabolum

it

Facio

observations.

5.

make

well to offer these merely grammatical

Proc. 4.

disciplina.'

'Sanguine tuo san-

So Pontius,

Vit.

17,

sanguine ejus inciperet disci-

plina sanciri.

tyrii primitias

'

Prior in provincia mar-

dedicavit,'

which

in 19

XL

THE BIRTHDAY.

He

said,

'Your

503

life has long been led in a sacrilegious

you have associated yourself with a very

'

mode

of thought

large

number of persons

'

constituted yourself an antagonist to the gods of

'

to their sacred observances.

'

hallowed princes, Valerian and Gallien the Augusti, and

in criminal complicity

Nor have our

you have

Rome and

pious and most

'Valerian the most noble Caesar^ been able to recal you to

the obedience

'

of

own

their

And

ceremonial.

therefore,

'whereas you have been clearly detected^ as the instigator

and standard-bearer

'

in

very bad offences, you shall

in

own person be a lesson to those they were present

'

'

your own associated with you.

'

you have by

'

pline shall be ratified with your blood.'

guilt of

prepared tablet and read,

'

He

Our pleasure

is

'

your

whom
Disci-

then took the

that

Thascius

Cyprianus be executed with the sword.'

'

Thanks be

To

to God,' said Cyprian.

the bosom friends

revealed

'

morrow

and

'

who had

realized that this

this the sentence

suspended

was the
in the

dream a year ago, every word of the judge seemed beyond

himself and spiritual and prophetic in the manner of Caiaphas.
'standard-bearer' he was 'foe of the gods'
It was all true
he was, and a fresh 'discipline' of martyrdom was inaugu-

rated, consecrated.

But the Christian multitude broke out

he

expands

'sacerdotales coronas

in

Africa primus imbueret,' &c.

^

gave him the

tomb

his

This passage answers Eckhel,

says (vol. vii. p. 427) that the

who

young

perator.
c.

at

in a

title

of Augustus, and on

Milan he was called Im-

Treb.

Poll.

The young

8.

more human

Valeriani Duo,

Valerian was 'forma

Valerian never became either Augustus

conspicuus, verecundia probabilis, eru-

Museum

ditione pro setate clarus, moribus perju-

a beautiful medallion of these

cundus,' a contrast to his half-brother

or Csesar.

there

is

But

in the British

three heads with

'

Salonina,

inscribed

Gallien.

Pietas Augustorum, Concordia Augus-

Grueber,

torum.'

Roman

Br. Mus.

pi.

xlvii.

of dates

255

260

names

in

Codex

4.

are

Medallions,

Several laws

under

Justinianus.

their

Gallienus

'Deprehensus,' Acta Proc. 4: Cod.

Theodos.
rit,

Smtt.
3,

<),

16,

11, quicuraque...audie-

deprehenderit, occupaverit.
2,

26, 2, deprehenderit.

Paul.

Gaius,

198, in ipso dehcto deprehendere.

'

THE BIRTHDAY.

504
cry,

And

us be beheaded too

let

was something

along with

him.'

beginning of a disturbance*.

like the

the great company, whose presence had been invited,

There

And
moved

onwards with him as he left the doors, guarded by a detachment of the famous Third Legion, with its centurions and
tribunes on either side of him.

Their short march,

within the grounds of Sextus, was

still

to a level space surrounded with steep high slopes thick with

trees.

It

was an amphitheatre^ but on a

while below the multitude was one mass.

seeing,

distinct

sympathy (and there were many besides

with the great old citizen and friend of the

Many who were

in

the Christians^)

had climbed

city

They saw the

He

into the trees to see the end.

halt.

They saw the

legionaries enclose a space

midst of which stood Cyprian with his Deacons, Pontius

in the

and

scale too large for

and Julian the Subdeacon.

others, the Presbyter Julian

undid his shoulder-clasp and took off his white woollen

cape

then at once knelt on the ground, and prostrated himself

When

in prayer.

he rose this seemed the

moment

in

which the

looked-for prophecy would be uttered.

He had

longed, and he had himself expected that his last

words on earth would be given to him from above. But now he

spoke not. He quietly took off his dalmatic, and gave it to his
deacons, and stood upright and silent in his long white and

We

girdled tunic of linen.

if

we did not think how

his

No man

of his people.

know him very

should

imperfectly

yearning went out to the yearning

was more capable of simple moving

speech rich with the truth he had loved, and fraught with the
significance of that hour
in that

if,

''Ada
exortus
"^

and

Proc.

5,

'

hwmltiis

fratrum

est.

prrebeat.'

this sense

Hist. iv.

For spedacuhun

of 'aseeing-place,'

I,

full

would have been no wonder

exalted frame of mind, the thoughts that gathered

Pont. Vit. 18, 'Ut... sublime specta-

culum

it

'...Tarentini

cf.

in

Orosius,

Romanam

clas-

sem

forte prsetereuntem, j/^^/acw/i? the-

atri

prospectam, hostiliter invaserunt.*

So spedacula

is

constantly the blocks

of seats.
^

'

Personae faventes,' Pont. Vit. i^.

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.

$0$

him had presented themselves to him as the expected message of God. Nothing could so perpetuate the Unity
which he had lived for in the Church as that he should place
the seal upon it now\ But nothing came to him which he
could distinguish from the working of his own mind, nothing
thick upon

which he could recognize as

He knew

that his every

And

spiration.

he was

'

given him

word would be accepted

He

silent.

moment.

that

in

'

as an in-

might disappoint them

but he would not delude them for their good.

There was a delay

When

the arrival of the executioner-.

in

he appeared Cyprian with his usual largeness of ideas

about money desired his friends to give him twenty-five gold

The

pieces ^

Christian

was now strewn by the

grass before his feet

bystanders

who

nearest with linen

stood

cloths

and handkerchiefs*.

He

took a handkerchief, perhaps one of these

and covered

his eyes

with

it,

^
So the Martyr Montanus re-enundated Cyprian's principles, Ruinart,
Pnssio Montani.

"

The form

Speculator.

^^A
and

/Vi?r. 5, is
is

due

to a

spictdator in

wrong derivation

not found in the Inscriptions.

Livyxxxi. 24, using the word to represent

'

/i^w^t^^ww^j ingens uno die emetientes

spatium

'

incidentally

derivation, a specula

gives

the

a look-out

true

officer.

and began
avrod,
ei>

ry

(pvXaK-^.

In

the speculator
p. 506, n. 2

it

to tie the ends, but

direXdwv

/cat

folded

is

c/e

Ira,

16

i.

the executioner

on centurion and

At Lambffise

avrov

d.iriK(p6.\i(Xiv

Senec.

(infr.

speculator).

are three inscriptions

Inscrr. Latt. viii.

i.

on

Cmp.

speculatorcs of the Third Legion,

2603, 2890, 2989;

another, 4381, at Seriana calls one of

the same legion rarissivius filius.

3

-phe aureus, equivalent under

Au-

There were to each legion ten such

gustus to the forty-sixth part of a libra

rank ^principales,' next

or 126 English grains of gold, had sunk

below centurions, who carried the dispatches very rapidly, and as alert
athletic men were also the usual execu-

by Gallienus' time to about 70 grains

Troy, which in English money would
be about iis. 8d., so that the fee which
Cyprian gave was nearly ;[^ 15. Maxi-

officers of the

tioners.

in

They carried

state to the

Caius' dispatches

Senate on his absurd

conquest of Britain, Suet. Calig. 44, and

brought to Vitellius the news of the

submission of the East from Syria and

73.

For the other

capacity.seeMarkvi. 27,

28... (TTreKouXa-

Judaea, Tac. Hist.

ii.

Topa kiriTa^ev hexOrivai.

T-qv

Ke<pa\rtv

gave

milian

the

speculator

his

military suit, Ruinart, Acta Sti.

miliani
*

iii.

Acta Proc.

5,

linteamina et manu-

Manualis, not a classical word.

alia.

See

M.

new

Maxi-

infr.

cinicE

The

dress of Cyprian, 4, la-

manuales,

p. 516.

THE BIRTHDAY.

$06

was not

this
it

and the two Julians

easy,

He

to his eyes*.

tied them, while he held

something to quicken the movements

said

Then occurred a

of the soldier.

singular circumstance, missed

every rendering of the event which

in

at the good-will expressed to

such an

office,

have seenl Astonished

him by

so generous a gift for

or touched with the sight of so venerable

and

unusual a figure awaiting his stroke, or moved by the sur-

rounding sympathy, or

it

may be by

a secret leaning towards

the faith, the headsman dropped his hand and could scarcely
close his trembling fingers on the hilt of his broadsword.

Seeing him utterly unnerved the centurion

the party stepped forward, and, to those

very ripeness of the hour of

the promised

this,

a preternatural strength seemed to be

'And

^'

way

a conventional

in

what Pontius means by

is

Morrow,'

of the populace was remarkable.

indeed speaks

This

'

his

of

for the

one stroked

in his

so suffered the blessed Cyprian

The demeanour
tine'

command

in

who waited

Augus'savage

of the

speculator to be the centurion.

Pontius,

slight note of correction to the Acta.

who was

Up

what happened, here again completes

the Acts, which say only 'ita beatus Cy-

to this point Pontius has left out all

from the moment that Cyprian

detail

entered the 'convallis,' because, as he

says in

sunt Acta qtue

ii,

c.

Buthere the ^c/j,

nus

manu

lacinias
set,

sua oculos

manuales

'beatus Cypria-

sibi texit,

ligare sibi

qui

non

cum

potuis-

Julianus presbyter et Julianus sub-

diaconus

was

5, say,

referatit.

ei

Pontius,

ligaverunt.'

who

close to him, does not wish this to be

understood, as

it

merely placed

might be, that Cyprian

his

hand over

his eyes,

while his friends put on the handkerchief,

and so says
oculis

'

he held

it

they tied
All

these

mark
-

mamts suas
own hands
down while

(18) 'ligatis/<?r

with the help of

his

from slipping

it,

which he could not do.

little

touches put

together

the genuineness of the account.

Marshall, Tillemont, Rettberg, C.

Thornton, Wallis and

all

imagine the

close to

prianus passus

enough;

if

them and saw exactly

est.'

only

it

He
is

relates clearly

known

that the

speculator, or 'camifex,' 'cujus

ferrum,'

est

munus

and the centurion were

of utterly different grade and

officers

The headsman

position.

failing,

his

superior officer acted so as to close the

painful scene {Vit. 18).
hhi n.
i-

16,

See note, p.
and compare Seneca, de Ira,
'Tunc centurio, supplicio prse2,

positus, condere gladium speculatorem

jubet.'
^

'

Clarificationis

hora matura'... con'

cesso desuper vigore,' Pont. Vit. 18.

*

Acta Proc.

5.

Aug. .SVr///. 310, 2. ^Calcabatur^

however is metaphorical, as it is in his
'

S.

next sermon.

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.

$0/

multitude as contrasted with the communions of after years

'

held on that same ground.

triumph, no molestation.

But

There was evident

they wished to gaze more closely on the

acknowledged benefactor
assured) was a deadly

was no

at the time there

and yet

to the city,

enemy of the

And

surprise.

man who had been an

(so they

were

State, head in all Africa of

an unfathomable society whose unity was coextensive with

the unity of the Empire a man who would sooner die than
;

consider whether he could honour the gods.

They came and went while daylight

the night the Christians,
lights

and

torches, with

still
'

unhindered \ bore him with

its

wax

prayer and a great triumph,' to the

cemetery of Macrobius Candidianus.

former Procurator as

Through

lasted.

name

Bearing the

owner or founder,

of a

this resting-place

can scarcely have been appropriated yet by Christians.

It

lay within the beautiful region of the Mapalia, yet close to

the busy street and gate of the city proper^ and near to the

Maalka

cisterns of
its

into

which the enormous aqueduct poured

ceaseless river.

The

upon the Christian multitude assembled by

Galerius was the reverse of what he contemplated. Their
effect

Martyr had
the

first

he resolved, among them.

fallen as

believed, of Proconsular Africa^ since

Apostolic age.

mediate likeness to Christ's Passion

The Proconsul

time have refused,

up the body.
officio

if

as they

or,

foundation in the

its

he would, to give

Ulpianus,

his

being carried to

apparitors*, the Zacchaeuses

could not at this

proconsulis, 'Corpora

natorum,' Digesta, 48, 24,

De

libro ix. de

eorum qui

capite damnantur cognatis ipsorum

neganda non sunt'; but Paulus says,
'Corpora animadversorum quibuslibet
petentibus ad sepulturam danda sunt.'
Ulpian adds, Nonnunquam non permittitur maxime majestatis causa dam'

he was

There grew on them also touches of im-

judgment between the two

^

And

Martyr Bishop of the Church of Carthage,

'^

Rossi, Bollettino, ann.

I

venture here to

i,

11.

3.

who
(See

p. 27.)

assert

vi^hat

think can be shewn; see p. 509.

^

We

have Pontius' clear statement

of this, Vii.
if

there

17,

was no

19,

but

it

is

singular

instance in the province

during the Decian persecution.

*

This

the Acta^

is

2,

significantly
'

touched

in

levaverunt in medioque

THE BIRTHDAY.

508

him approach,

the prophecy of

the Gentile ruler like that of the High-priest.

But even such

had climbed the

trees to see

by a sense of consecration in
For years he had taught them that martyrdom

glorying in him was outdone

themselves.

was not a mere opportunity of suffering that it consisted in

Never had he expressed
clear realization and self-devotion \
this more forcibly than since it was evident that the opportunity would be his. The last words of his last manual were
:

to this

effect

'

God's soldier in this

finds

persecution

If

away without attaining "martyrdom"

'the faith which was ready to welcome it will not lose its
reward.
The wages of God are paid in full without any
deductions for lack of opportunity. The crown is given for
'mind... and he

is

called

'

'

'

field-service in time of persecution

'

given to him

who

is

certain of

His

time of peace

in

The eyewitness who confesses like a

own heart, sorrow was stronger than joy,
tions of the people

'

let

made

if

we

recollect in

'

as

no mere

before Christ's eyes in

they themselves were very martyrs

But

treats the ejacula-

a message to Himself comambassador on the part of many that

the ears of His blindfold martyr

mitted to that faithful

is

child that, in his

us be beheaded too

outburst, but as a solemn record

it

wilP.'

how

in willl

Cynicism

short a time a frenzy of

is

cheap.

martyrdom

we may see little reason to doubt

the faith made a forward bound that

possessed those regions,

that the enthusiasm of

hour

little

reason to question the reality of the joy

after their long vigil, the Christians left

and went home

were 'Crowned*' in him.

sepulchre,

in

posuerunt, and somewhat rudely forced

'

by Augustine, Serm.
^

309,

his

Demortalitate,\'j.Voxi\:\v&,Vit.\%,

was

truly to suffer with him) 'compassus est

et sicut ipso tractante

semper audierat,

Deojudicecoronatusest.' There is here

a verbal reference to the quoted close of

in

which

the pagan

a consciousness that they too

3.

says that the people (whose will

Cyprian

in

Ad Fortunatum.

'

Pont.

Conscientia.'
Vit.

Ad Fortunat.
18,

'publicata

fin.

voce.'

Pontius refers again to the Acta Proc.

5 init.

These concluding lines of Ponare worth marking.

tius, c. 18,

'

* ' Gaudiumpassionis,' Pont. F//. 19;

compassus... coronatus,' Pont. Vit. 18.

ENVIRONS OF CARTHAGE

Stanford^ HeogtxiphBccd Establishment

London Macmillaji
:

& CL

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.

509

Where was Cyprian Martyr buried

He was

brought with torchlight procession^ 'ad areas Macrobii Can-

Here

didiani procuratoris quae sunt in via Mappaliensi juxta Piscinas.'

are three points.

Tissot has translated the

first

point to

mean

'

la

maison

du procurateur Macrobe dans la cour extdrieure de laquelle fut enterre

le corps du martyr ^' But Areas as usual means the burial place*.' And
Macrobius could not well be the procurator at that time, because to welcome Cyprian's remains would have implied relations with Christianity
at least kindly, and for a great official dangerous, whereas during the
vacancy after Galerius' death, which immediately followed Cyprian's, the
then procurator governed the province with almost furious rigour against
'

'

'

the Christians^

[In a proconsular or senatorial province the Procurator

was over the branch of the Fiscus, and in matters of inheritance, legacies
and various Imperial dues, had concurrent jurisdiction with the Proconsul himself. We have inscriptions relating to three 'Procuratores
Africae Tractus KarthaginiensisV as well as to other 'Tracts,' Hippo,

Hadrumetum, Theveste.]

These ArecB then

which

in

Cyprian was

buried were no doubt a cemetery provided or founded by a former

procurator,

and bearing

his

name, as those

at

Rome

bore the names of

their founders.
these Arecef They were 'in via Mappaliensi,' a second
Provided in Roman times, they would probably be outside the
city proper.
Old Carthage (wrote Cornelius Nepos) 'had the aspect of a
double city,' the 'outer town' of the Magalia 'embracing' the inner
But the limited space, the wall along the bay, and
Byrsa and precinct

Where were

point.

'^.

Since the text and following notes

have been in print the third Livraison

has appeared of the magnificent Atlas
Archeologiqiie

de la

Edition

Tiinisie,

Speciah, published by the Ministire de

Guerre,

la

with explanatory text by

E. Babelon, R. Cagnat and S. Reinach.

Feuille xiv.

is

La Marsa,

plementary chart and

with a sup-

text.

This has

not necessitated any alteration in this

work, but the plan in

this

volume

is

mainly drawn from these maps.

'

Acta Proc.

Tissot, vol.

Tertull.

prseside

p. 660.

adScap.

cum de

medio eorum

areis

3, '...sub

ut nee sepulturse consortio privaretur,'

at Cirta

Hilariano

trarum adclamassent Arese non sint';

people were shut up 'in area

martyrum...in casa majore,' C^j/a

Zenophilum, ap. Dupin's Optatus

ann.

sepulchral
'

p.

27, that casa

Fassio

A.D. 259,

ii.

vi.

SS.

Montani
i.

1269,

10570.

Fragm. Cornelii Nep.

ad M,n.

et

&c.

Corp. Inscrr. Latt. Vlll.

ii-

means a

cell.

Ruinart,

Liicii,

ll.

a/?<i^

(Paris,

De Rossi explains, .S^;//^/-

1702), p. 170.
tino,

1578,

sepulturarum nos-

Montanus desires '...in

solum servari jussit

in area

Passio SS. Montanihz.c.yi.v.{K\x\Txz.x\.);

5.
I.

also at Carthage

i.

368

(see

ap.

Servium

Thilo and Hagen's

Servius, Leips. 1878), 'Carthago antea

THE BIRTHDAY.

510

the harbours must have early squeezed out the Magalia on those sides
and left it lying mainly on the north, but still gfiving the 'aspect of a
city.'
North of the double city, called Byrsa from the citadel
round which" it hung, Megara, or 'The New Town,' spread to the
sea, and north to the sandy dunes between Kamart and Sidi bou
It was a vast suburb full of gardens and villas, as it still is,
Said.
the present El-Marsa, and was not merely coextensive with the
region of the Mapalia\ which bore to the latest times the native
name of the Hut-farms whose circles once covered it 2. The Via
Mappaliensis was no doubt the road or street which ran out by the west of
the Byrsa through the Mapalia. Such a road there is traversing its whole
length an antient road, with its many cross roads at exact right angles.
It was on this street in the Mapalia itself that the Area lay.
Genseric occupied a number of churches outside the wall, and particularly 'two noble and ample basilicas of the holy martyr Cyprian, one
'where he shed his blood, the other where his body was buried, the place
'which is called Mappalia,' so writes Victor Vitensis^ The 'wall outside
of which' the Basilica stood was probably either the outer wall of Megara

double

speciem habuit duplicis oppidi, quasi

Garamantes' villages between CEa and

aliud alterum complecteretur, cujus in-

Leptis were so called, Tac.

Byrsa dicebatur, exterior

pars

terior

Magalia.'

Quoted by Tissot,

v.

p. 586,

I.

as the language of Servius.

^

Tissot,

iv.

pp. 569, 579 ff.

Magalia is the great suburb of CarI.

thage, one half of Cornelius's 'double

city,' in

the fragment of Sallust ap. Serv.

on yEn.

i.

42

1,

'

Magalia sunt circumjecta

suburbana

civitati

sedificia

'

in Plaut.

Pcen. Prolog. 86 (Magaribus)

rectly in Virg.

^n.

421,

i.

and

on

Jng. 18 says

Sail.

vidpalia

above

pared with Georg.

in the

native

African

which were

Jug.
Gear.

jEneid com-

tents,

I.e.,

Cato ap.
'quod in

of the quarter at Carthage through

which the Via Mappaliensis ran, as it
lay both inside and outside the wall of

Megara.

It is interesting to

notice that

the farm labourers on estates near

still

Hippo

Auad Crispimim

called Mappalienses in

Ep. 66

(3)

Calamensem.
'^

Victor Vitensis,

Se}-7n. 62,

17,

5.

i.

Augustine,

speaks to the people as

having heard a Scripture lesson read in

Mappalibus, which refers no doubt to this

Liv.

xxix.

like inverted boats.

31,
Sail.

rotundse sunt....'

means

Fest.

and

villa

ex pluribus tectis con-

Serv. (cokors

quiddam

they

inaccu-

is

iv.

then the whole kraal, 'map-

jungitur et

says

but this

comThe word meant

is

18, of herdsmen and shepherds.

palia quasi cohortes

Festus

name

gustine's time,

mappalia with two/'s

mon at any rate later.

74.

iii.

casae Punicse,'

Kritz

340, Lucan,

iii.

'

were

after Servius that

iv.

and can only be derived from the

rate

only differs from magalia in

quantity (as

684), but

25,

were

259, as

iv.

having preceded Punic Carthage.

cor-

Hist.

and so were the war-camps of

Tacfarinas and the Numidians, Ann.
50;

fit

unum');

the

Basilica. In Sermons 311, 312 and 313,

which he preached in it, he speaks of its
'amplitude,' and of the sublimity of its
Divine altar,' and says that the site of it
had been within living memory a scene of
pagan revelries with singing and dancing
'

all

night {Serm. 311,

5).

The

present

Bishop (/rater noster) had instituted

the 'holy vigils' which displaced them.

'

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.

511

or the great wall which, though Carthage was dismantled, could not

itself

be destroyed (and

not destroyed yet), which went east from

is

Megara^

the sea, shutting the city proper off from

But

it

Ma^ka to
may have

been the wall on the west of Megara.

The

point

third

The

great wall.

mark

'juxta piscinas,' that

is

Maalka which are just outside that

by the sea do not fit the other points

cisterns at

smaller cisterns

as these exactly do.

Area were

the

that

is

no doubt the immense

we can

cannot doubt then that within a few yards

the site of that Basilica of Cyprian's resting-place

namely by the

Piscinae, outside the antient north wall of the Byrsa, within the Mapalia,

and on the long street which traverses it.

There is however a passage which at first
with

locality.

this

as

refusing

for

seems irreconcileable

sight

Theveste, beheaded in A.D. 295

Christian to serve in the army, was buried sub

Maximilian

of

monticulo juxta Cyprianum mariyrem secus platum^, or in the other

MS. of this passio, palatium. Tissot thence concludes that Cyprian was
buried not far from the Proconsular Palace^, which he elsewhere shews to

have been on the eastern slope of the Byrsa-Citadel, which was crowded
with buildings. Intramural and Christian interment in such a spot at either
date seems impossible, and that spot could not be called juxta piscinas.
This being so I think it possible thai palatium in the 13th cent. MS.
was a correction, and that platum may represent plateam. Near to the
Platea Nova, and near the shore, there was a third church of S. Cyprian,
the Mefftoria Sancti Cypriani, in which Monica by Augustine's persuasion spent the night in which he eluded her affection and sailed for
1

Cf.

Atlas Archeol. de

note on

La Marsa,

Semiticarunt,

i.

Tunisie,

la

C.

Cf.

I.

of

Mt. S. Michel

Town

is

now

no.

167 in the

Library of Avranches.

It

is

only of the 13th century.

p. 243.

The Passion

first

Ixxx.

Maximilian was

printed at the end of the Oxford

In the passage above discussed, the

MS. ha.d secus plaittm, for which

Sarum

Edition of Lactantius, de Mortibus Per-

the Oxford Editors conjecture //ateww

seciitorum, I'zmo. 1680, from' membranse

because Pontius says that the place was

Ana-

arboribiis co7isitu?n, or else palatium,

Sarisburienses.
/<?<:/,

tom.

Mabillon,

'

IV. 1685, reprints

Vet.
it

pp. 565

ff.

because the Cotton MS. of the Acta

says Cyprian

was beheaded in

'ex codice Sarensi nuperOxonii Vulgata

Proc.

post Lactantii librum de morte perse-

agro Sexti post prcEtorium (Lactantii de

cutorum,

primum

V. C.

edituni

Stephano Baluzio

quam Passionem

recudere visum est ad superiora

tomo

iv.]

\scil.

hie

in

Martyrum acta illustranda.

Martyrum sincera, prints

Ruinart, Acta
it

*ex codice MS. Montis S. Michaelis

cum editis coUato.'

The Sarum MS.
and we do not know

MortibtisPersecut.Oy.oxy.\(i%o,'^.^(f<\.).

But both those expressions

is no indication that the Villa

where Galerius was, though properly

there

cz\\t6.3. PrcBtoriitm,-vizsc3X\tdL

The
has disappeared,
its

date.

That of

refer to the

place of execution, not of burial, and

late MS.

tium, also Ruinart, Acta

^

Tissot,

i.

Palatium.

Mt. S. Mich, had pala660.

MM.

'

THE BIRTHDAY.

512

Rome*. This locality further answers the description of the place in

which Maximilian was buried, for it would be sub monticulo, namely
under the low hill on which was formed the Platea whose giant-steps
descended to the quays ^.
[Is it moreover certain that platum itself could not be used, though
Platos est latum sive planum idem platea, gloss.
traces of it are later ?
MSS. S. Andreae Avenion.' ap. Ducange', who also gives (a.d. 15 19) 'super
'

quodem

Platto dicto

petit plat sito Lugduni...']

le

Where was Cyprian

The Acta Proconsularia

are

tried

explicit.

and
On

executed?
the ides of September

Cyprian was fetched from his gardens and conveyed

a chariot

in

ift

where Galerius was for his health. That day he was too ill to
Cyprian went to the house of the princeps for the night.
take the case.
Next morning a great crowd assembled ad Sexti. Cyprian was brought
up and heard by the proconsul in a certain atriu?n, and was taken in
agrum Sexti to be executed*.
Sextiy

Ad

Sexti, like

ad

Cazalis,

many

Gerinani,

ad

other place-names in Africa, as

ad

Atticillce,

ad

Lali, represents a villa of importance, or the

had grown up about it a village proper. Corresponding

meaning would be such names as Vicus Aureli, Vicus
Juliani, Villa Marci. Sextus (or Sextius ?) then had been the founder
or was the well-known owner of a villa fit to nurse a sick proconsul, and
containing at least one hall not unfit for a proconsul's hall of judgment
It had an ager or farm, in some part of
in the trial of a great citizen.
which executions could be held in the sight of a great multitude, and on
vicus which

these

to

'

'

in

which there were many trees.

Pontius had these Acts in his hands. In the trial before Paternus he
He
says he purposely omits details because the Acts gave them fully.
says that on the first day Cyprian was remandedyV^w the prcetoriuin, went
on the second day to the prcetoriuni to be tried, and left the prcetorium
doors condemned to deaths
This has led even such authorities as Tissot to look for the scene of
J

Aug. Conf.

Kj</.

i.

V. 8.

Cf. Procop.

21, ed. Dindorf, vol.

I.

p.

B.

397.

Bede,

Martyrol.

18

Kal.

2 See Tissot, i. 569, and Falbe's map

and note on La Marsa, ex. in Atlas

Sexti and of reports as to

Archeol. de la Tunisie.

mavit

More

fully described in his list of

authorities.

Oct.,

through a misunderstanding about ad

third church, has

se.xto milliario

a Carthagine juxta

mare.'
'

Cyprian's

'martyrium consum-

Pontii Vit. 15 bis, 18.

'

XL
the

THE BIRTHDAY.

513

near the Pratorium or Palatium Proconsulare which, as he

trial

shews, stood on the steep slope of the citadel and looked towards the
ports ^ But it is next to impossible that a place called ad Sexti with an

ager Sexti and a very large wood could be so situated, even if no reasons
carried it elsewhere. But the error arises from imagining the word
preBtorium to be so limited in use. At this time pratoriuift., 'headquarters,' had passed into a common name for the residence-house and
buildings, the urbana., of any great estate^.
Pontius' word 'praetorium'
would perfectly suit a villa 'ad Sexiz,' even if the Proconsul did not
occupy it. There is no contradiction between Pontius and the Acts.
From the house of the Princeps to ad Sexti is called iter longum^,
which scarcely could be applied to the distance from near the Palatium
so that ad Sexti was probably a good way
to the Cisterns of Mailka
beyond that say twice as far. Again, the body was brought back
per nocte7n. This was along the Mappalian Way, which probably was
also his way out. Its being brought there favours the idea that 'Sextus's'
was in that wide, healthy, beautiful region, which has from immemorial
time been all gardens and villas, the present El-Marsa in which the
English Consulate lies among its gardens and trees. It seems probable
that the trial and execution were not far from that. The sites marked
out under the auspices of the Cathedral do not claim to be and have no
They are for the convenience of functions
interest in being authentic.
and functionaries. On the spot where he fell was erected the Holy
Table of one of those Basilicas which Victor speaks of*, and it was called
* Mensa Cypriani.^
Augustine^, while he says that everyone knew it who
knew Carthage, finds it well to explain that it had never been used by
Cyprian, but only was marked by his offering to be a place for offerings.
;

TJie dress

of Cyprian.

In preparation for the death-blow he took

then the dalmatic then he stood in his linea.
the lacinicE manuales.

off first the lacerna byrrus,

He was

Vol.

I.

p. 660, p. 649. Atlas Archiol.

de la Tunisie does not hold with any

special identification of the ruins, note

La Matsa,

on
*

tantum deservientia

'

come

Suet. Tib. 39 'in

vetus.'

torio cui

Speluncaenomen

Tacitus,

Ann.

cui

xlii.

Digesta, 50, 16, 198, Ulpian, 'pneto-

ria voluptati

gentum

37

iv.

'

Ut sup. Victor

Aug. Serm. 310,

debent hortos,
B.

i.

75, 'criminibus

prcztoria,

in villa

villarum.

Juv.

'

Suet.

Calig.

in exstructionibus prcztoriorum et

estates in the country with buildings

of town-fashion.

pra-

of which

est,'

59, speaks as

vocabulum Speluncse '

under the definition of urbana prcedia,

i.e.

unable to fasten

Pontii Vit. 16.

Vitensis,

i.

5.

c. 2.

mensas, Ar-

33

THE BIRTHDAY.

SI4
Lacerna bynrus.

1.

do not know whether lacerna byrrus^ occur elsewhere in conbut there is copious illustration of each in Ducange, and in
the older antiquarians. See also Diet. Gk. and Rom. Antiquities, s.vv.
The lacerna was a man's woollen cape or short cloak, fastened on the
shoulder, open down the side, worn over the toga in chilly times or
places, and by soldiers. Too common originally for town wear; but had
largely come in, when Augustus sarcastically quoted Romanes rerum
dominos gentemque togatam. As it grew fashionable it might only be
white in the theatre; if the Emperor (Claudius) entered the Equites put it
Birrhus appears as synoFinally worn of all colours, and costly.
off.
nymous with more than one kind of cloak. In the Edictum Diocletiani
de Pretiis Rerum A.D. 301, the birrhus has a large range of price from
the Laodicene, which was very expensive, to the African, which was cheap.
The name has nothing to do with rruppo?, and is probably barbaric. Augustine wore a cheap birrhus and sold more expensive ones given to him for
I

junction

community.

his

Serm. 356,

as rigens, while the lacerna

(Aug. Serm. i6r,

astic

palliwn

matized their

was made too

cf.

Sulp. Sev. Dial.

13.

was Jluens.

The

i.

21 speaks of

it

lacerna was also thinner

it in comparison with the monan extent that the Council of Gangra anathe-

Ascetics disdained

10).

to such

folly (Can. xii.^) in

costly for

monks

the fourth century.

wear

to

Jo. Cassian. de Co2nob. Instil,

i.

7).

In the seventh

(Isidor. Hispal. Reg.

Mon.

it

xii. 2,

In Gregory the Great's time

men

baptism white, and dedicated it. The hood often attached

to the birrhus became a 'head-dress,' and thence birretta.
We see then that Cyprian wore the unpretentious citizen's dress and
put

it

on

after

rather plain, just as Pontius

6 describes him, 'cultus...temperatus et

c.

'ipse de medio. ..non superbia sascularis...nec

'

tamen prorsus adfectata

penuria.'
2.

Dalmatica.

Dr

R. Sinker speaks like other learned authorities of the wearing of

ecclesiastical use,' and this has perhaps

something to do with a doubt' which he hints as to the authenticity of
the Acta Proconsularia. The Dalmatian tunic {chiridota Dalmatarum)

the dalmatic by Cyprian as an

...panulasque,

lacemas

et

'

chiro-

dotas Dalmatarum... ap. Jul. Capitol.

Pertinax

8,

with very similar meaning,

and we shall note below that lacinitE

manuales is probably a similar combination in the matter of dress.
2

Gangra, a.d. 358

Christ.

Antiq.

dvSpwv

Sia

s.v^.

(v.

xii.

vofU^oiUvrjv curKrjcrw

it

rts

irepi-

Mercat. pallio; Dion.

Exig. amictu pallii) -xj^o-i, koX wy av

kK roirrov

rijv

tQv

ypr)<l>lffoi.TO

ipopovvruv,
avin}0el</.

Ffoulkes, Diet.

Can.

^dkaii^ (Isidor.

diKai.o<T>jvi}i>

/xer'

kolI

Labbe

Florent. 1759.
'

Seep. 518.

Kara-

roi/s /S^pous

tj aXX]; koiv^ koI iv

oUa-g iffdiJTi

defxa ((ttu.

fx.'^"

evXa^elas

/cexP^M^wi', dvd-

(Mansi),

II.

col.

noi,

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.
is

never heard of

among Romans

till

515

The

the end of the second century.

and accessible to repeat It was squarely

constructed, of good material, and being made originally of one width,
had a fringe or selvage down the joining of the edges on one side only.
The colobion, otherwise like it, had no sleeves. The dalmatic had large
stifif sleeves as far as the elbow, which were not always sewn up under the

learning about

it is

too extensive

arm.

When we consider that as late as A.D. 222 under Elagabalus, a man

who wore a dalmatic in public did something outri^, and that in A.D. 301
Edict of Diocletian ^

fixed the prices of all sorts of dalmatics

according to their manufacture (the African were
cheap) as regular articles of wear, it is impossible to conceive that about

the

men and women,

for

halfway between these two dates they had been adopted as solemn
ecclesiastical vestments.

who

Further, not

till

under Silvester

in his last Council of 335 (according to

Roman

(314

I.

335),

tradition) certainly

was the dalmatic adopted for Deacons instead of

was for the Seven Deacons 0/ Rome.
Two centuries later, A.D. 513, the Deacons of Aries receive licence to use
\t,perinde ac Romance ecclesicB diaconi'^.
In A.D. 599 Gregory {,Epp. 1. ix.

magnified their

office,

the sleeveless colobion^, but this

Ind.

ii.

Ep. 107) grants the use of it 'after much consideration' *as a

to the Bishop of Gap (Vapincum) and his Archdeacon, so that

new thing'

common

it was the proper episcopal dress before Silvester

and the use was still connected with Rome. But when
Gregory conceded this, it must be remembered that persons like himself
and his father at any rate, who were of senatorial rank, wore it laically

the

cannot be

idea that

true,

(Joann .Diac.

Vit. S.

Greg.

vol. III. col. 65, Paris,

iv.

1705)

83, 84).

is

quoted

Gregory's Sacramentary (ed. Bened.

in

proof of the early liturgical use of

Pope and the Seven Deacons being directed all to wear dalmatics
the consecration of oil on the Thursday in Holy Week.'
But what-

the

it,

for

'

may

have been, these Rubrics are not part of the original

In Spain the dalmatic had not become a clerical vestment in A.D.
633".
Considering then the lay use of the dalmatic in the third century
ever the use

and the Roman aspect of its ecclesiastical use later, it is out of the
question that it should have been an ecclesiastical vesture in Africa in
1

Lamprid. Anton. Helagabaliis 26.

Edictum Diocletiani de pretiis
,

rerum, Corp. Inscrr.

Diocletien,
^

vol.

-p.

ii.

^dit

I.

/.

{Lit.

513, vol.

They

I.

p. 99.

Rom.

Vet.) vol. II.

992 and 1006,

and these Rubrics represent a third. The

Ordo seems to have been compiled about
A.D. 730 and describes the

col. 444, Florent. 1759.

Regesta Pontificum

of which Muratori has two recensions

p.

7,0.

They cannot be
Romanus

traced earlier than the Ordo

de

See Vita SilvestriP., Labbe (Mansi)

* Jaffe,

Latt. in.

W. H. Waddington,

836.

early ninth century.

s.

ann.

Vita Ccesarii, 4.

are not in Muratori's Vatican

MS. or in Cod. Ottoboni, both of the

Roman

of perhaps the seventh century.

rite

H.A.w.

C.W.

See Diet. Chris. Anit.

s.v.

Dalma-

tica.

332

THE BIRTHDAY.

5l6

and worn with a very long cape over it. We see again that
Cyprian in fact wore the dress of a quiet Roman gentleman.
Such questions are wholly unimportant except so far as incorrect
assertions give for any age a perverse view of how the world looked and

A.D. 258,

what the world

felt

Linea.

3.

We may

take

it

that no particular

Augustine's time took place in

this.

change between Cyprian's and

Augustine speaks of the antient

idea of effeminacy attached to long and long-sleeved tunics.

So in
was once a
'
crime,' says Augustine, to have tunics to the ancles and sleeved.
But
now when people of respectable birth wear tunics it is a crime not to
'have them so^' Soldiers were very particular that they should fit the
body close. The girdle was essential to neatness out of doors, and the
tunic was shortened by being drawn up through it.
Virgil, et tunicce

manicas

et

habent redimicula mitrce.

'

It

'

'

LacinicE manuales.

4.

Words

not elsewhere conjoined, and certainly not meaning

sleeve of his robe at the wrist' (Thornton).

illustrate that successive

The

'

the

lexicons abundantly

meanings of lacinia are fringed or cut edges

on to a garment, the hem of the garment itself, the lappet of a

dress used among other things to wipe the face. Then of separate strips
of cloth, of skin, of land. The notion of 'strips,' and hence of 'folds,'
runs through a set of words, laciniare, -atim, -osus, -ose, which I should
observe are particularly affected by African writers. It is not at all clear
to me that Apuleius ever uses the word simply as equivalent to vestis, as
Manualis, or -e, is used by itself as 'a
Hildebrand and others say.
handkerchief When Montanus was blindfolded he tore the manualis
in two and said half should be kept for Flavian qua oadi post crastinum
ligarentur. Halves of it served the purpose as well as the whole. (Compare nianipulus, which came to mean a long shaped towel or a towel
folded long and narrow.) Manuales then may be adjectival, but I should
rather think lacinia manuales is constructed like lacerna birrhus, and it

hemmed

meant large handkerchiefs,

originally of substantial stuff, narrow, or folded

narrow, and perhaps two of them used, one over the other.

The Soldiers and

The more we
their

who

named

in the Trial.

more
we can tell

press every detail in these Cyprianic documents the

truthfulness stands out.

exactly

Officers

It

is

very interesting that

these soldiers of the Proconsul were.

^

De

Doctr. Christiana,

iii.

11, (20).

single line in a

'

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.

517

striking inscription reveals it {Corp. Inscrr. Latt. vili. i. 2532).

On the
pedestal of a column which formed part of the west gate of the camp
at Lambasse the Third Legion inscribed a speech which Hadrian ad-

dressed

to

visit.
He says 'the Legate has
may notice certain deficiencies, and has given
Among these is

them on a memorable

explained to him that he

'

the reasons for them.'

OMNIA MIHI PROVOBIS \VS'e.I>\\xit quOcCl

COHORS ABEST QUOD OMNIBUS ANNIS PER VICES IN OFFICIUM PR[^Ctf]
SULIS MITTITUR.

one cohort of the Third Legion from the camp at Lambasse was
attendance in annual turns on the Proconsul. If we ask why
the whole Third Legion was not under the command of the Proconsul,
the answer is in Tacitus, Hist. iv. 48.
Caligula, insanely jealous of the

That

is

always

in

then Proconsul, took away the control of

it

and established a Legate

to

command the Legion and (as we know from elsewhere) the fortresses.
The soldiers then who appear in the narrative with their tribunes,
centurions, and the other officers so freely named belonged to that
cohort of the Third Legion which for that year was appointed to the
officium of the Proconsul.

Of

the

Massa Candida.

We

have seen how Cyprian was summoned to Utica by the Proundoubtedly with a view to his execution there. From the
different mentions of the group known by this curiosity-wakening name
of Massa Candida it has been inferred by Tillemont as well as
others that in 258 A.D., on the iSth or 24th August^, a great number
of Christians were summoned thither, and martyred.
But the accounts
consul,

cannot be put together, or rather there are none which can be put
together. The facts are these,
(i) Augustine's Enarration of Ps. 144 (or
part of it) is a sermon preached at Utica in the Basilica of the Massa
'

He

preached Sermon 306 on the solemnity of their 'Natalis';

in Sermon 311, preached at Carthage, in the Memoria of Cyprian on his
'Birthday' (c. 10), he mentions them as Uticensis Massa Candida,' and
Candida-.'

'

apparently as having been rich and poor together, but not as being
specially connected with Cyprian.
That he mentions them along with

Cyprian
Ps. 49,
1

is

merely because both illustrate his point. In his Enarration on

he speaks of ...sola in proximo quae dicitur Massa Candida
'

c. 9,

Aug. 24th,

IX.

Kal. Sept. Uticae

Heading

in

Cod. Floriac. 'habitus

SS. MM. CCC. Massa; Candidce. Ka-

Uticse in basilica Massae Candidse.*

Imdar. Ant. Eccl. Carth.; Aug. i8th

Hieron. Martyrolog. ; 24th Ado 24th

reason to doubt

Usuard.

the allusions.

this,

No

which agrees with

THE BIRTHDAY.

5l8

perhaps in the neighbouring Utica), and says they were more numerous
than 'the 153 fishes' which he is expounding. He says {Serm. 306, c. 2)

{i.e.

they were called massa because of their number', and Candida for their

demands a Candida conscientia in us. It is

known which he could dwell on.
sermon upon them tastelessly attributed to Augustine, but

martyr-brightness, which

apparent that no details were

(2)

possibly of his time, speaks oi cruentus percussor,/errum...,cervicem as

if

they were then supposed to have died by the sword^.

Of what Augustine on

(3)

know Prudentius

the spot did not

{Peri-

about the same time in Spain has full particulars. By him our
Cyprian is first confounded with Cyprian the magician, Bishop of Antioch.

steph.

3)

After being brought before the Proconsul he

is

imprisoned in chains in the

dark. His prayer so nerves the Carthaginians that 300 of them being offered
their choice

between sacrificing or being burnt

the place where Cyprian was to be executed,

in a lime-kiln,

all

open

at

flung themselves into

the kiln, and are called Candida from the whiteness of their bodies in the

lime as well as that of their souls.

Proconsul and beheaded,

Then Cyprian

is

brought before the

rejoicing in their martyrdom.'

Thus literally there exists nothing like history. Nothing to shew at

what period or in what way the Group suffered. The argument from nonmention is of positive value here. For, if there had been such a large
self-martyrdom so early, the advocates of the Circumcellions must have
alleged it. And such is the copiousness of Augustine that we must have
known both their use of the argument and his answer.
Prudentius' tale as it stands is absurd, and where it is attempted to give
it more probability by separating it from Cyprian's execution and putting
it nearer to his exile, the attempt, the supposition that a mass of
people could have been put to death by the Proconsul of Africa immediately after Valerian's Edict (or Rescript), is a misconception of the
whole idea of the legislation up to this point.
It was entirely in the hope of averting such large executions that
Valerian's penalties were conceived and directed upon the leaders of
the

new

Society.

Acta Proconsularia.
The Acta were certainly older than the Life of Cyprian by
who was his constant companion and was with him at his death.

Pontius,

Pontius

quotes from them, and silently but evidently corrects two details in that
brief document, so that

possible for a
^
ii.

'

document

to

De numeri multitudine.'

26 ad

fin.

'massam

to its own accuracy of detail

be better accredited.

added

Of. Optat.

poenitentium

facere.'
^

it

is

scarcely

Rarely used of people,

Aug. Serm.

Supposit. 317.

THE BIRTHDAY.

XI.
Pontius,

c.

II,

519

says 'quid sacerdos Dei proconsule interrogante re-

spondent, sunt Acta quae referant.'

Pontius's expression 'publtcata voce^

c.

18, is

not intelligible without

the exclamation of the people as given in Acta Procons. 5 init.

The tying of the handkerchief is a detail in which Pontius corrects the

account of the Acts (see Text,

So

is

p. 505).

also his explanation that

not the executioner

who

it

was the centurion

in

actually gave the death stroke.

command and
(Pont 18 com-

pared with Acta 5. Text, p. 506.)

The short Passion of Cyprian which Fell gives p. 14 'ex MS. S.
Victoris nee non Bodleiano I.' and which Rigault (and apparently Fell)

more antient form is nothing but a piece (c. 2 4) of the longer

one with abbreviations and interpolations meant to give a more formal
appearance, so that it is best presented, as by H artel, merely in the shape
of various readings on the genuine Acta. Pontius and Augustine, Sermm.
309, 310, and c. Gaudenthim i. 31, (40) quote only from the longer one
phrases and words which have been modified in the shorter and later.
thinks the

CHAPTER

XII.

AFTERMATH.

There
in

is

not only interest, there

marking how,

bright

air,

is

spiritual reassurance

from Atlas floated into the

like a cloud

Cyprian's error disappears in the

warmth of the

Church's atmosphere.

At

Aries, where, in A.D. 314, seven or eight out of thirty-

three bishops

who signed were

Africans, the African custom

was quietly overruled.

At

Nicaea in A.D. 325 the mere enactment that Paulianists

were to be baptized shews

of

how

peaceably the enactments

Iconium and Synnada had died, just as that of Agrippinus

had died before Cyprian revived

been ruled by
collect

eternity

themselves from
the standard

fixed the stream sets

At Carthage

it.

canons except

its

in

time

The Church has never

for

brief instants.

of the hour, and as soon

away from

A.D.

Men

time and formulate for

to

it

as

it

is

again.

the successors of Cyprian's

349*

bishops dispersed by acclamation the 87 reasoned fallacies

of their fathers.

And

afterwards Augustine refuted one by

one the suffrages given to the man whose wisdom, power

and love he literally adored.
That there was a seed in his teaching which fanatics
^

Cone. Carth.

I.

sub Grata.

AFTERMATH.

XII.

521

could foster to a wild growth, cannot be denied, although

Augustine has shewn with what exaggerations the mistake

was urged, and what corrections he had himself supplied.
But it fell unhappily on a widespread temper, mad for laxities
in one direction, mad for exclusion in another, mad for
a ceremonial materialism in a third, and a temper charged

moreover with

political revengefulness.

This was Cyprian's unforeseen contribution to Donatism

the

invalidation

subjective

of an

imperfection

ecclesiastical

the

in

act

minister.

on account of

For the modern

doctrine of Intention he has no responsibility.

The

of canons which, beginning with,

last of that string

those of Nicsea, was affirmed in the second canon of the

Quini-Sext Council
'

in A.D.

692, was

'

the canon put forth

by

Cyprian, that was Archbishop of the land of the Africans and

'

Martyr, and the Synod of his time, which canon prevailed in

'

the places of the aforesaid prelates, and only according to the

'

custom delivered to them.'

The Greek acceptance

of this

Council might seem to commit their Church to Cyprian's

practice, unless the

practice

still

canon be interpreted as supposing the

extant and

Some

limited to Africa.

still

pretation must be found for

it

as

it

stands, for

contradiction to part of the ninety-fifth of the

it

is

interin flat

same Council,

and the usage did not prevail among the Greeks.

The canon was however turned into Syriac, accepted by
Syrian Churches, and became the ground on which Jacobites
rejected the baptism of the orthodox

A strange irony that the

unanimous

rulings of the African

away by

the resounding Absit,

episcopate should be swept

Absit of their
vote,

should find

Not
even

own

and that the

in

successors, too impatient of

vital necessity of

its final

that

to speak or

lodgment with the heterodox.

human hunger

the greater Churches.

^

it

baptism by the orthodox

for exclusiveness

The

was appeased

exclusions that had been

Renaudot, Liturg. Orient, vol.

11.

p. 292.

AFTERMATH.

522

set aside as untenable Doctrine

were revived on special pleas

The Greeks long denied

of Form.

the validity of

baptism and accepted only trine immersion.'

'

rebaptize

all

'

conditionally

'

that

is,

other

all

The Romans

upon a theory dating

only from Alexander III.\ and rarely put

in practice until

the sixteenth century.

As Hero and

Saint Cyprian's personality went through

scarcely less strange experiences.

him 'almost a
Mediterranean

from his

'

local deity.'
sailor

It

the September gales Cypriana

called

Birthday.'

It

Gibbon is charmed to call

was not long before every

was kept

at

Rome

in the

Cemetery

of Callistus long before Cornelius himself was honoured by a

joint

commemoration with him.

Roman commemorated

the

in

He was and is the one nonRoman Canon, the one Latin

really recognised by the world-contemning Greeks.

But this recognition was more fantastic than their ignorance.
Gregory of Nazianzus looses floods of eloquence upon him.

father

Some

of his works he

knew

he knew particulars which he

could scarcely have derived from anything but memoirs as

personal as those of Pontius.

Yet he thought that he

fered under Decius, that his chief merit

was the

suf-

restoration

Holy Trinity and he identified

him with that Cyprian of Antioch, whose legend, a compound
of riotous fancy, pagan theurgy, and new demonology, exercised a depraving influence on the popular religion far down
into the middle ages.
Near three centuries later he had
of accurate definitions of the

appeared unto many and quieted the indignation of African

Catholics at his sea-side church being in the hands of the

Arians

'he would care for himself in his own

time.'

On

his

own eve in A.D. 533 Belisarius overthrew the Vandals ten

miles from Carthage, and was received in the city with a
triumphal welcome.
in,

The

'

Christians,' Procopius relates,

came

lighted the already prepared lamps, and celebrated the

^

Thomas

Aquinas,

Snmma

Theol. P. III. Q. Ixvi. art. 9.

AFTERMATH.

XII.

day

which the Arian

in the sanctuary

arrayed for the

To

523
priests

had splendidly

festival'.

own contemporaries he seemed for a time scarcely

to have quitted them.
The faces of confessors and martyrs
beamed with the remembrance that they had been Cyprian's
his

Almost

disciples^

very words rose to their

his

moment they spoke of

commended her discipline to
Cyprian
after

in his

torture

mount

questions

pain to die^.-*' Another

by the Judge, helping him
and then giving him water from
it is

That he spoke as the

essentially a

the

sitting

the steps to his side,

a fountain*.

was

One

their survivors'.

dream 'whether

saw him

lips as at

the sufferings of the Church or

last

oracles of

God, that he

Ruler, essentially a Comforter

nothing

could better express the intense reverence for Cyprian than

these three martyr-thoughts.

Nor

is

anything

lost

we bring

if

high-wrought

that

emotional view into comparison with the practical analytic

measure of the man.

Cyprian was possessed by two overmastering ideas.

He

as for himself

the

life

and

live

polity of the world.

as soul and body.

One was the

He

and breathe for Christian men

did more than any man to house them in

burned to make them

To him

The

ideas were to each other

they were one

vital principle, the

fact,

one

truth.

other was the organism ofj

Christendom.
I.

He was

certain that

human

nature

which Thucy-

(in

dides himself perhaps thought that wickedness was not a

permanent, necessary ingredient) could be changed, could be

perfectly remoulded.
civilization
falsities*'
^

He was convinced

taken the wrong bent

of religion but

Procop. de Bella Vand.

i.

Id. xiv.

it

had

Roman

in

that not only the

'

superb

many contemporary institutions which

20, 21.

See Appendix on S. Cyprian's Day.

2 Passio SS. Montani et Lucii, xiii.
*

that

"*

Id. xxi.

'

Passio SS. jfacobi et Mariani et

aliorum,
*

vi.

Aug. Serm. 312,

5.

AFTERMATH.

524

were the

life

of society were working powerfully for degrada-

and destruction. He was assured to demonstration that

God had marked another line, provided other institutions,
offered powers sufficient to conduct nature along another road
It had been revealed that the individual
to another end.
could be enabled to assume and justify his true place in
creation, his true dignity, which was that of the 'Sons of God.'
tion

This fact realized was enough to dethrone

thought,

to

In

renovate society.

self,

view

this

to transform

suffering

all

became probation, death often a duty, always a triumph.

Every virtue of the world must be born again and live a
His Custodi puellas was felt, strange as that
resurrection-life.
now seems, to be the utterance of a new protective influence^
a new kind of shepherding.' A plague city need be no more
*

the hell that

it

Perfect altruism would perfect

had ever been.

the world.

These were no dreams.

mental

He

facts.

had

in his

They were
own person

established experitested the

the 'illumination,' the 'inundation' of grace.

consciousness he had ascertained ^vhat

water and the

it

was

power of

In his
to

own

be born of

Multitudes drank from the Chalice of

Spirit.

the Lord a strength without which no

man

could be expected

to stand.
II.

begun.

It

was no cloud-land,

The New

this lofty spiritual future.

City had 'descended.'

It

was

There had taken

place 'the settlement of a Visible Church, of a society dis'

tinguished from

'

by peculiar

common

and an
'The very notion of

'instruction

'

visibility of the
'

It

ones and from the rest of the world

religious institutions

why such

'

others V and

it

idle

by an

instituted

form of external

religion...'

in them.'

wantonness to

upon knowing
upon rather than

insist

particular (institutions) were fixed

among

method of

implied positive institutions, for the

Church consisted

was mere

instituted

those which offered no justification for

Butler's Analogy, Part

ii. i.

i.

AFTERMATH.

XII.

525

themselves, but simply lay there in evidence, in a universal

sort of

way, with the uniformity and with the variety of the

phenomena of

nature,

was the

and placed himself under

either when vesting in the
ciliar

action.

The

'commons' of

institute of the Overseership, the

When

episcopacy, of the Church.

it,

Cyprian became a Christian

authority was no

its

new

object,

individual or in the union of con-

individual, elected

by the communicant

was their representative as

was the representative of the commons

Christ's Church,

truly as the Tribune

of Rome.

But he was no Bishop until he had received the

office through bishops by transmission from regions and
times in which (as Bp. Lightfoot clearly shewed in his extremely cautious and discriminating essay) its prevalence
'

maturer forms cannot be dissociated from their (the

in its

He was

'Apostles') influence or their sanction V

No

Offerer, Teacher, Judge.

tions but as his delegate with

one

fulfilled

Baptizer,

any of these

func-

no further right of transmission,

no power to confer even the humblest Orders.

The

Office carried the thoughts of

men

(whether con-

sciously or not) back to the Origines of the

principles of constitutional

governments

the power of the Aristoi, to Hierarchy

Up

to this point

And

received.

no novel

we

to

three

ruling

Democracy,

Levitic or

are dealing only with

to

earlier.

what Cyprian

Cyprian made no fresh invention, introduced

action, modified

Yet he did more than

no method.

any man.

Far more than Hildebrand with

investiture

and

celibacy.

his inventions of

was not that he summoned

It

them to solve Church-problems. Councils

had met before and determined questions. But so to speak
they had worked in the dark.
Councils and set

Cyprian formulated the 'Theory,' as Brahe, Copernicus

or
'

Newton gave

constructed the

ception upon the

^

'The Christian

the 'Theory' of the Solar System.

Hypothesis
facts.'

'

he

'

He

superinduced the con-

The conception was

that the one

Ministry,' Lightfoot's Ep. to the Philippians, p. 226.

AFTERMATH.

526

undividedep isco pate constituted not the authorityj)nl^^^^u|__

Then that followed which follows

The conception is a secret, which, once

the_umtj^_ofthe Church.
always

in science.

'uttered, cannot

those to

'

whom

be

'

recalled,

it is

even though

imparted.

As

be despised by

it

soon as the leading term

new theory has been pronounced and understood, all the

phenomena change their aspect. There is a standard to
'which we cannot help referring themV

'

of a

'

Why

Cyprian never formulated

his

seemingly serious and

palpable purpose of consulting the laity more sedulously, and

what would have been the effect of so doing is hard to say,

but what he did leave, his leading term, his standard, remains.

And

now, whatever exceptions

may

be taken to his

trations, his analogies, his interpretings,

tions

may

assert themselves in practice, whatever safeguards

subsidiaries

or

may

be required

whatever encroachments
tions

illus-

whatever qualifica-

endangered the

may

to

preserve equilibrium,

have limited, whatever corrup-

institution, still tkat

is

the 'Theory'

which underlies Christendom to-day.

In

much

of Europe

it

was overridden by a usurpation

which secular events favoured and no scruples impeded,

usurpation by

the

the principal see of a monarchical, autocratic

attitude toward the episcopate, obliterating

it

except in name,

only multiplying phantom names when votes are required.

In North-west Europe intense reaction threw up in some
of

its

countries a counter system which, for the

deliberately dispensed with the Episcopate

a risky asseveration that Episcopacy

is

first

time,

a hardy venture,

not necessary even to

amply resides in Presbytery. But, once persuaded that there was no Apostolic survival in the Church,
successive varieties of management have successfully dotted
itself,

that

it

the globe with truncate communities, generating Ministries

for themselves spontaneously, energetic, expansive, sincere.

Some of them have sought a Unity in

^

See Whewell's Philosophy of the Inductive

their

common

Sciences, vol.

ii.

repulsion.

pp. 59, 50, 53.

AFTERMATH.

XII.

We
bility

are not

now

$27

to enquire whether in either case insta-

of doctrine has had any connexion with the subversion

of the primitive preservative organization.

In

the later

instance there are not wanting voices of anxiety, either from

who

within or from those without

love

even that DidacJie, that Doctrina, that

mysteries of the

faith,

which

it

was the

'

first

them unloved,

lest

Instruction

the

'

in

object of Primitive

Institutions to secure, should tremble unsafely or slide

upon

the down-grade.

But
this

in either case

where should either that Usurpation or

Revolution look for historic justification

Where but

to

the age in which the conception of a united Christendom was

formulated

all

to

'

Yet on the one hand the mind of Cyprian, dwelling on

the phenomena which were to be co-ordinated, was found
have been such a blank on that one central point of Roman

supremacy that a determined and sustained attempt had to be

made to remodel his language. The authorities had their will,
and yet Cyprian remains a hopeless difficulty. Even the glozed
extract

is

the supposed teaching be tested

formed.
at

least

Church

Or let
by the conduct which it

inadequate without glozing comments.

If Cyprian

then

in principle,

next succeeding stage of the history of the

the

of

meant Roman Unity

Carthage,

which was

devoted

to

him,

have exhibited some approximation to that form of

must

unity,

was the removal of a barrier

by the dropping of his obstinate opinion. But what was the
fact }
The great scholar and critic whose erudition and

especially as one of

accuracy adorn the

us in his

own

its first

acts

Roman Communion of to-day shall

By the end of the fourth century

words,

'

'Africans were already organized, and formed around

tell

the
the

'Bishop of Carthage a close serried phalanx {faisceau tresserri).

'Carthage was scarcely

On

less

autonomous than Alexandria^'

the other hand, whither should the extreme reactionaries

^

M. I'Abbe Duchesne,

Pastes ^piscopaux,

i.

p. 91.

AFTERMATH.

528

same times of Cyprian

turn but to the

earliest

in

order to find

if Cyprian was really

was a creation of his mind,

expression given to their views,

innovating

If Cyprian's theory

upon phenomena which did not correspond to

where should we find the protest and the contradictory

violently fitted
it,

phenomena but

as the readiest armature of the strong parties

which so long opposed him ? The

ecclesiastical circumstances,

the action of his contemporaries, must have yielded

refutation of his postulates.

the rock.

And we

find

some

Step by step we have explored

no ledge whereon

may

lie

the very

egg of a presbyteral fancy.

Cyprian and his times were as innocent of presbyterian

and

of

congregational,

as

they were

of

papal

catholi-

city.

We
as

it

saw that

in the first

tutions were singularly

how

order of the Christian Ministry,

then subsisted, the strongest threads of primitive consti-

woven

together.

strong that leadership was, though

and believed that

if

The Empire felt

knew not why,

it

only this were eradicated the Christian

safely be left their cidtus. As time went on

was perceived that the Imperial magistracy was powerless
against a jurisdiction which rested on moral and spiritual

commons might
it

convictions in conflict with which

were

its

own

material sanctions

utterly despised.

If that perception

had not been taken up and acted

on,

the Christian Ministry would have remained a magistracy to

this day,

always either dominant or persecuted.

The

prospect

was impossible. Alliance with the Imperial rule, with all its
justice and all its lawfulness, became an impending necessity.
Then,

all

history would predict that alliance with the State

could not become an accomplished fact without a practical

outburst and shock of worldliness probably of a

terrific sort.

So it was. But the worldliness was a violence to the principle

and motive of the alliance, whose strength was its purity, and
Reform would henceforth be the salt of every age.

AFTERMATH.

XII.

529

But the maintenance of a position unallied with the State

and outside

independent, indifferent, unaggressive, would

it,

have involved a
'

The

faithless worldliness inaccessible to reform.

bonds

external

may

be severed

for

Bp. Lightfoot, 'but the State cannot liberate

'influence of the Church, nor the

'the State.... Where there

Indifference

'collision.

the earliest and

Christianity and

leave

cry,

Quid

It is

\'

christianis

aim

'

It

up

gives

content to

It is

measures of meal

three

was

regibus^,'

sectarianism.

up the world.

gives

one of the world's

leavened.

Church from the influence of

earthliest real
it

from the

impossible, and without indifference

is

says

time,'

not an alliance there must be a

is

'there can be no strict neutrality

The Donatist

itself

un-

'

content that States should have no profession

of the Truth of Christ,

The kingdoms

of this world must

God and

perish without ever becoming the kingdom of

of

His Christ.
It gives

powers

up Christianity.

For

it

confesses that there are

the world which Christianity cannot and dare not

in

deal with, gates of hell which must be

left to prevail.

For the development of the two overmastering ideas

in

which he dwelt Cyprian possessed marvellous qualifications

of character, of trained literary power, of position.

The

character which

endeared him to the

which excited warmer and more affectionate

of any leader

and again

in

laity,

and

feeling than that

the antient Church, has been noted again

in these pages.

Exact habits of business

suiting a lively innate courtesy

kept every authority informed of

He

facts.

was ready to

discuss doubts and differences with every earnest and capable

The

enquirer.

generosity possible only to a wealthy

man

was not curbed by the limits of his wealth until he had

denuded himself of his estates. His passion was to work
In political
like God in nature for good and for bad alike.
'

'

B.

Historical Essays, p. 38.

Optat.

i.

22.

34

AFTERMATH.

530

and party

life

within the Church he had a singular power of

In dealing with the pretentious

self-recal.

'

martyrs,'

the

puritans and the lapsed, he was in each instance on the edge

of going too

In each he recovered himself with dignity

far.

and carried the Church along with him by his charity. At

last the calm settling for himself when and where he would
not be martyred, and where he would, and his silence
last

hour when he and

through him, help us to

which

all

in the

expected a Divine utterance

realize that

grave and sweet serenity

his contemporaries thought that his manners, his face,

his very dress betokened.

His trained

power appeared not only

literary

his

in

sympathetic approaches, his marshalling of arguments weak

or strong, his antithetic point, his rising periods, but in the
variety of topics in ethics, doctrine, policy which are grasped

and handled by him so

/We

said

lightly,

we might not

yet so definitely.

him one of the well-springs

find in

Yet Jerome, that profound and exact

considers that he was not a great commentator, only

of scientific theology.
critic,

because he was
so

many

in incessant conflict

different situations.

The

with the practicalities of

inexhaustible

memory

of

and adaptations of its

language, were to his contemporaries admirable, and to us
would be incredible if they were not actual. Of course he
contributed to the misleading pile of verbal and mechanical
Scripture,

the prolific

discoveries of symbol.

illustrations

It

was almost as true of him as of the

Donatists that, as Optatus says, they saw Baptism

mention of water.

But were

all

in

every

those fancies cut away, his

argument would seldom disappear.

And

it

was impossible

that this error of judgment should not be committed largely

when

it

first

began to dawn on

and words was

As

to theology

all

men

that the world of things

a temporary expression

itself, it

of the eternal.

must not be forgotten that the simple

yet learned straightforwardness of his interpretations

for

Augustine a very mine

Separatists as they arose.

of

testimonies

against

made
later

AFTERMATH.

XII.

S3

of his eloquence, 'the calm fountain-

The equable grace

which the same great judge marks as

like flow,'

his character-

almost impedes the recognition of his genius.

istic style,

He was

so thoroughly

what we

a scholar that he

call

edited for Christians a phraseological lexicon of Cicero

His

diction

not

is

unworthy

classical writers of antiquity

to

be

and that not because

in his soul.

He

any

were simpler

of

sort

the

who had

clearer than

his ideas

and easier to render, but because no

had lodging

beside

stronger than any

come between him and them, purer and

contemporary

read

affectation

what he had not found, a

left

language which Divinity could use as a

facile, finely

tempered,

unbreakable instrument.

When

Tertullian began to write Theological Latin had to

His

be formed.

unhesitating, creative genius

free,

hewed a new language out of

renderings of Hellenistic Greek.

Out of

a fresh-opened quarry.

stands like the masses of

It

Cyprian wrought shapely

it

columns, cornices, capitals in perfect

Eocene record opening

like the

more artiAgain he had

life

dead or languid

into

tongue sat on his brow as on Tertullian's,

fiery

but of a purer, tenderer radiance.

The lamp which

learnt of him.

was

into the Pleiocene with

that gift of gifts, the breathing of

phrase.

It

finish.

and forecasts of more to come.

culate forms

rough-

and African

classical literature

race have received

is

Every Christian Church has

all

runners in the sacred

that which Tertullian

lit

and Cyprian

trimmed.

These

came

gifts

of character and of genius met in a

to Christ from a

anything

modern

in

and wealthy

life

man who

position not very analogous to

foremost

man among

the great

rhetoricians.

They had

the most refined and varied

times, experiences of
tions were

Pagan

won

life

in

culture of their

every condition.

Their reputa-

before the generals as well as the lawyers

'

V.

Hartel's PrcEfatio, pp.

Ixviii, Ixix.

342

AFTERMATH.

532

of the Empire, and before the whole populace.

Their leaders

were at home with Proconsuls and Emperors.

For the devotion of his gifts, acquirements and position
to the

work and

Christ,

Carthage offered a

because

was

it

life

at

split into classes

New

of the

once

in

Rome,

hopelessly

less

continued, until at last the mis-

it

and the degradation of a

races

daily reflooded with fresh

than

field

and

less officialized

and so

management of subject

People as they grew

fairer, larger

capital

of vice, threw open every

tides

door to the barbarian.

Of

the greatest was his

great gifts

his

sent

the business-like purpose of

for

informed there

hand

it

keeping authorities

always visible the affectionate desire that

is

they should be

His

Charity.

In the letters which are

Charity was no purple patching.

in the heart

of

That on the other

affairs.

was no mere good nature, appears by the vigour

A quiet amusement lies sup-

with which he can chastise.

pressed below the encouragement which he gives to Cornelius

in

nervousness about

his

byters, declining to think

tality

which

his

it

make

was charity with a

Him

Glory to

dignity with

Roman

pres-

can be genuine, and the immor-

it

Him

plain that,

He was

will.

manifestation of that Grace.

'

letter of the

sarcasm and indignation have conferred on

Florentius Puppianus,
his

The

Felicissimus.

which he returns the presuming

if

he was charitable,

regarded as a special

So Augustine',

who made

this

'Praise be to

man what he

His Church the greatness of the

'

set forth before

which Charity was to do

battle,

was, to

evils

with

and the greatness of the

'goodnesses over which Charity was to have precedence,

'

'

'

and the worthlessness of the Charity of any Christian,

who would not keep the Unity of Christ. To him that
Unity was so dear as to make him for very charity not
bad, and yet for peace' sake endure the bad.

'spare the
'

A man

as

free

in
^

expressing what

Aug. Serm. 312, 6

et

he

passim.

felt

himself,

as

AFTERMATH.

XII.
'he was patient

in listening to

533

what he knew

his brethren

'felt'

But when we

try to estimate the working of that Charity

of his on the great scale the incongruous puzzle seems at

to be that the

first

same man who so evolved and so used the

Theory of Unity should have been the man who afterwards

to breaking up, by an opinion, the unity that

went so near
then was.

But indeed
was an actual
*

For

Unity.'

in the

way

test of the

certain

it

is

of providence that doctrine of his

and durableness of his

however uncatholic that one

stability
that,

Roman

opinion was, however uncatholic the

tone concerning

it,

Communion

heart of the

Bishop

in his

Cyprian was never parted from the very

of Saints in

Christendom.

This

was the fullest example possible of that great truth which in

word and conduct he enunciated
That Christian men must
'

'be able to differ in opinions without forfeitfng or withholding

'from each other the rights of intercommunion\'

the

Wearied and weakened by separations of which the guilt,

loss, and even the suffering can never be truly apportioned

as between those

who triumph and

those

who

the spirit of Christendom has feebly begun

Reunion

in

some form,

are defeated,
to

cannot complete the conquest of Heathendom.

Church

is

yearn

to recognize that a fractured

for

force

Yet each

rightly aghast at the thought of purchasing Unity

at the cost of Truth.

Cyprian does not recommend such barter to

his

'

most

loved colleagues.'

What Cyprian meant is summed by Augustine and

rounded into one exact and perfect phrase. Salvo jure conivnmionis diversa
are

not

sentire.

Communions.

Aug. de Bapt.

He means that Schools of Thought

He means that the Apostleship

Donat. vi.

vii. 10.

Salvo jure communionis diversa

sentire.

The

c.

actual words are gathered from

Cyprian
Ep.
proam, Ep. 68,
:

through

all

72.
fin.

Cyprian.

The

Sentt.
spirit

Epp.

breathes


AFTERMATH.

534

and

Creed

Apostolic

the

harmony of mankind,

the

He means

enough.

are
in a

world which

is

that

a world of

Beginnings, never will be a harmony intellectual or metaphysical, but that

may

it

even now be a harmony spiritual

and sacramental.

Such Unity as the Lord prayed for is a mysterious

It is no fantasy, but it answers in no way to the idea
that 'one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism can be condensed
thing.

'

into

one Rite, one Code, one Chair.

mysterious thing.

Nothing formal, mechanical, or limitable by words.

That

is

evident in His very comparison and apposition of that Unity

the

to

No

relations

which subsist within the Holiest Trinity.

intellectual expression can

embrace these relations

neither can intellectual Articles of Faith express that

which

He

and

by likening

defines only

Nothing can reach

spiritual

it

so

Unity

to those Divine relations.

but some mystery, compact of visible

it

nothing but a Sacrament.

A true Unity has to take account equally of Christ's Prayer

and of

Christ's

Laws

of the Prayer which

the sacrifice of Himself, and of the

He

offered over

Laws which Himself, our

Creator, impressed on the intellectual existence of our race.

One

centre

we

have, but the approaches to

it

from without,

the radii of thought, are infinite.

In that saying
'jus coinnitmionis'
'

diversa

lies

enfolded the germ of Christ's Prayer

and

germ of

the

Christ's natural

Law

sejitire.'

The Church which masters

that saying, which roots

it

as

the principle of the thought which itself cherishes and encourages, which fructifies
that

Church was and

is

it

in the action that itself enterprises,

the Church of the Future.

APPENDICES.

537

APPENDIX
Principalis Ecclesia.

A.

Note on the meaning of

Principalis (p. 192).

It

is

matter of grief when one finds a scholar like Duchesne led by the

logic of his position to Xxd.ri^2X& principalis ecclesia

{Origines Chretiennes,

vol.

II. c.

'

souveraine'

I'dglise

xxiv., sect. 6, pp. 427, 436).

Postponing the question whether the principalitas originated in the

Urbs {Civitas) or the Ecclesia, with other questions not belonging to the
plan of this book, we should do well to learn accurately first what the
word principalis meant to Romans under the Empire.

The word
use,

princeps, the ordinary

is ixom.

and mediaeval

or later students

may

title

Emperor

of the

in daily

be excused for vaguely con-

was imperial and dominating, the highest

it the title of the Emperor.? and
what notion did it convey to the Roman world
Constitutional and
philological research leave no doubt on these questions.
The theory of the Roman Emperor was that all his powers were conferred upon him by virtue of the separate republican offices with which
cluding that

it

held in

all

it

that

But why was

idea of authority on earth.

.''

after his

nomination he was invested,

at first

each by

itself,

but afterwards

by one statute {Journal of Philology, xvii. p. 45). This mass of powers

was conferred on a person who bore the most unpretending constitutional
title, 'a title of courtesy pure and simple' {Diet. Gk. and R. Antt. v. 11.
p. 483^).

The Republic
civitatis or
'

'

and of placing
^

itself

had been familiar with the idea of a princeps

pre-eminent single
at the

In these two paragraphs

ferred to

make no

citizen,'

have pre-

statement of

my own

but to define the princeps solely from

Professor

H. Pelham's

'

the foremost

man

of the state,'

head of the Republican system a constitutional

learned and com-

abbreviated from, or in any

seating the

latter).

way

repre-

Journal of Phi-

323 ff. ; 'On some disputed points connected with the "imlology, viii. pp.

prehensive papers, written without any

perium" of Augustus and

his

ecclesiastical reference, viz.,

sors,' zdid. xvii. pp. 2^

'Princeps,'

'Princeps

or Princeps Senatus (proving that the

former was an independent title not
'

ff.

succes-

Dictionary of Gk. and Rom. Antt. 3rd

ed. vol.

11.

pp. 483

fF.

APPENDIX

538

as

A.

means of securing administrative

of Phil. Vlil. p. 329). 'The significance of the term as accorded by popular consent to Augustus and
'his successors was the same.' And still in the time of Ulpian, 'The
'princeps was only a citizen invested by senate and people with certain
*

primate

citizen

first

the best

and Republican freedom'

'stability

(/.

powers.'

'

The

'prerogative.'

title

did not connote the tenure of any special office or

a general pre-eminence as distinct

'It implied not only

a constitutional pre-eminence among

'free citizens as opposed to despotic rule (Tac. Hist. iv. 3, ...Ceterum ut
'princeps loquebatur, civilia de se, de republica egregia. Plin. Paneg.
'

from a

specific official function, but

sedem

'

55,

'

plicit

obtinet principis ne

sit

'The position was created only

'

domino

locus).'

It

involved an ex-

recognition of the continued existence of a free commonwealth.'

principate

for

died with the princeps

'

each princeps for his life.'

{Diet. Gk. and R. Antt.

'The
v.

11.

pp. 484, 485)-

The term principalis

make plain

possible to

Empire what was

Churches.

First

ecclesia, r^yejxoviKrj,

to

was the best and most exact

Roman
Roman Church among

constitutional subjects of the

the

the position claimed by the

and highest

a great Republic of Churches, securing

in

administrative unity and freedom, possessing a general pre-eminence as

distinct

from a special function, a constitutional pre-eminence as opposed

to despotic rule.

any Roman
Ruling power is exactly what was not
included, implied or allowed in the term. All itnperium ox potestas had
So long as the public felt that
to be separately and solemnly conferred.

That was the meaning of

lawyer or

citizen.

'

pri?icipalitas, ptincipaius to

Sovereignty,'

'

'

many offices, while

who held the many offices nothing but princeps, the
name enabled them to believe that they were a republic,

they had the conferring of each high authority as so

they called the one

first citizen, this

not a monarchy.

In the case of the See

its

principatus was undoubted.

sum was autocracy were never

rogatives of which the

The

pre-

conferred on

it,

and at first not only not claimed, but repudiated by it. The assumption
of them came later, but with that assumption came wide and deep disregard for

X^io.

principatus

itself.

Let us add some illustrations of the true sense. Princeps Senatus

was a well-known position in Rome. At no time did it imply power or
authority

simply the privilege of delivering his sententia before the rest

The Princeps Jiiventutis, first of the
'

of the assembled Fathers.'

Equites,

had not a

In Africa

tinge of authority.

itself the

Principales were a rank to which Sovereignty

by no means appertained.

They

are mentioned after

Decwiones and

before Gives (probably because they had no special jurisdiction) in an

inscription from

Sitifis

{C.I.L. vill.

i.

nn. 14, 4224;

ii.

n. 8480).

Augustine

'

PRINCIPALIS ECCLESIA.
EP-

commends

139, 4,

539

Marcellinus 'our son' Ruffinus as Cirtensis

to

Principalis^

Augustine in his Epistle 43 to Glorius, Eleusius...lays

much

stress

on the principate of the Church of Rome, '...Romanse ecclesiae in qua

semper apostolicae cathedrae viguit principatus' {s. 7), and urges the
Donatists to submit to the judgment of Pope Melchiades and his colleague Bishops given on appeal at Rome (j. 14). Then he points out that,
supposing that Roman judgment to be wrong, there was still an appeal to
a General Council, which might reconsider and reverse the judgment
of the Pope and Bishops.

'

Ecce putemus

judicarunt, non bonos judices fuisse

'

Ecclesiae concilium, ubi etiam

'ut

That

ipsis judicibus

causa posset agitari,

sententiae solverentur

distinctly expresses the nature of the principatus.

sovereign

'

cum

male judicasse convicti essent, eorum

si

'

in its decisions, great as

Anima,

Romse

episcopos, qui

illos

restabat adhuc plenarium universae

was the

respect to

{s. 19}.

'

was exactly not

be paid to them.
It

has to determine the purely abstract

metaphysical question of whether the anima or the animus in man has to
quid cui prcsestf 'where resides the
fjyefioviKov, principalitas ubi sit?
principalitas ? which is over which?' He renders to TjyenoviKov hy prinTertullian, de

cc.

13

cipaie, the only possible term,

He

15,

fj-yefMcov

animus with

its

senses and operations

apparatus

in another its furniture or

to enquire in

is in

the anima, of which the

one view a function officium,'

Next he proceeds

is in

'

instrumentum.'

'

what recess of the body the principa/e has

'

for princeps.

being the equivalent

decides of course that the principa/e

'

its

shrine,

'

esse

consecratum.'

There is no analogy drawn or resemblance existent between the

metaphysical relations in this most abstract discussion and the practical
relations of political or civil ranks, and no one would pretend that the

Church

is in

of a See.

The meaning

What

any sense a

function,' or

'

No

'

definition of principalis

word

of the

is

assumed

is

to be

here supposed to be ascertained

is

the apparatus
sought or given by Tertullian.

the furniture,' or

'

known by any Roman

reader.

the pre-eminent place of the

is

anima. It is simply shewn that the principale, the foremost, chiefest,

pre-eminent rank, belongs to the atiima.
This however is the passage of which the Rev. L. Rivington writes
{Pritnitive Church a?id See of Peter, 1894, p. 58), 'Since Irensus wrote
'

those words about

'

as

meaning
^

" that

Rome,
which

C. I. L. vol. V.

[Cf.

ii.

over anything" as the soul presides over and

n.

viro innocent! principali civitatis.

7, r6, 41

in

some

10,

32 (31), 33, 40, 42,

inscriptions,

belonging

7786,

vol.

InCod.yusttn.
and

I.x.nn. 259, 1540, 1683.

often

to

it

seems
a

had defined the word

Tertullian {de Afiim. 13)

is

like a

rank

decurion.

In

Apuleius, in Africa, in this century,

is

similarly used

god

Serapis,

viii.

(175)

case

is

men and

Aletantorph.
Florid,

there

sovereignty.]

of

iv.

trace

xi.

it

of the
(261),

21.

In

no

of

rule

or

'

APPENDIX

S40

A.

There is (as I have said) no attempt to define^ the

and application of quid cut prceest is too shocking there is

rules the body.'

translation

not a trace of the illustration of soul ruling body.

As

to 'those words of Irenaeus'

c.

Hceres.

iii,

3,

observes that 'this expression "principal Church" and

lent occurring
little slip

in S.

2,

Mr

Rivington

Greek equivaIrenaeus... means the ruling Church.'

There is a
its

here, as the passage of Irenaeus does not exist in Greek, but the

potentior principalitas which he assigns to the Church, not the Bishop, of

Rome, means of course what

xvii. 3 calls

17

npoaraa-la

it

means everywhere.

ttjs fj-ye^ovias,

It

means what Strabo

the precedence, the presidency,

the pre-eminence belonging to the position of princeps.

we have

What

this

was

seen.

Principatus, principalitas embodied the tradition and the hope of

Rome. They expected to maintain the idea of undisputed pre-eminence
and to exclude inherent autocracy, making all authority and jurisdiction
to be only the exercise of various offices specially conferred.
They expected.
So did the Christians.
^

When Tertullian

bits H(zretic.

Truth

as

de PrcBscriptiofii-

claims principalitas for

against

Heresy, he

equally well be said to have

'

might

defined

the
'

word

as

meaning 'priority in

time,'

sed ab excessu revertar ad principali-

tatein

veritatis

citatis.'

et posteritatem

menda-

541

APPENDIX

B.

Additional note on Libelli (pp. 8 1

84).

The account of the Libelli, pp. 81 84, was constructed many years ago
from the various extant references to them. We little thought then to find
such actual documents extant after sixteen centuries and a half. But in
1893 ^"d 1894 there appeared two, one in the Brugsch Collection of the
Berlin Museum, the other in that of the Archduke Rainer, brought from
the province of Faioum, S.W. of Cairo.

The former

is

a papyrus

leaf,

about 8 inches by 3, much damaged but most skilfully deciphered by Dr

Krebs, who acknowledges Dr Harnack's learned assistance in illustrating
it

the fragments of the other have been skilfully pieced together by Prof.

K. VVessely^

These documents give us a sharpened sense of the suppression planned

by Decius a policy of Thorough,' an application of the great Roman
administrative forces to any and every individual in the Empire. The
scheme extends formally to little villages (Euseb. H. E. vi. 42, i), and takes
in country folks outside them, and their wives. The form in Africa is not
likely to have differed from that in Egypt.
The date, we shall see, is of

the year
I

we

'

are describing.

had concluded formerly ^

that besides the process of Registration

there were two kinds of libelli or certificates of sacrifice, one an allowed

protest or declaration of innocence put in {traditus) by the person accused

him {acceptus) from the

Our second papyrus
had stood alone, and our

of Christianity, the other a certificate received by

magistrate that he was satisfied of his paganism.

might have seemed one of the former sort, if

first a similar one, attested by the magistrate.

it

But their being in dupliand their both praying

for attestation, shews that what I thought might be different documents
were combined in each libellus, the two parts being what was conjectured.
cate, except for the personal particulars filled in,

The former

trated with

Krebs

is

described and

a facsimile

illus-

by Dr Fritz

in the Sitzungsberichte d. Kongl.

Pretiss.

Akademie

d. IVissense haften zti

Berlin, 1893, 30 Nov.,

and there

is

an

xlviii. p.

article

on

it

1007;
in the

Theolog. Literaturzeilung, Leipzig,

20

Dr A. Harnack, and one

by the Bishop of Salisbury in the Guar-

Jan. 1894, by

dian, Jan. 31, 1894, p. 167.

The

second

A. Harnack

is

described

by

Dr

in the Theolog. Literatur-

zeitung, Leipzig, 17 March, 1894 [from

Sitzungsb.d.Kaiserl.Akad.d.Wissensch.
Phil. -Hist. Classe 131 B.

and by [Dr] A.
Guardian, March
^

Col.

J.

Wien, 1894]

M[ason]

in

the

21, 1894, p. 431.

Diet, of Christian Antiquities, s.v.

Ii.

p. 981.

APPENDIX

542
I admit also
would be the

that

there

if

B.

was Registration (which seems essential) it

documents and not a different process.

registering of these

(Brugsch).

TOis eJTt Ta>v 6v(Tia>v

avpr}\{iov) 8ioy(vov{i) (rara-

jSovrof OTTO

c(a(/iijr)

aik(^av8{pov)

dvaioiv rjprjyifvois
<})i\a8(\(t)ias

K(t)fjiT)s

irapa avprfKicov crvpov

aSeX0ou

km iracr^dov

yvvaiK(i)u

o^pvi

aei ^woi'[Tej] ror dfois fiifTtXt

Be^{ia.) Kai ati

dvWV TOIS dfOlS

wv

8lfT-

[rj^fjiciv

t^ajrvXetrav

tm

aafxtv Kai pvv

TTapovT(ov

Kara ra iTpo(TTa-)(6(vra

ctti rra-

povariv vp,iv Kara

Kai [roi^v

sic

tov

KOI 8t]p,Tirpias Kui crapaniahos

VTjcrov a>s Lo/3 ov\{t])

\f<ra Kai

10

tav

fiTi

pfvoLS Ku>{pr}s) aXf^{av8pov) vrjaov

napa

(Rainer).

II

TOis

rjprf-

i[fpetci)']

ncai

v/xa)i

famcrapfv

f[yfv(rapfda Kai]

[a^iovfxfu Vfias Vffocij/xetoj]

TO TTpooTeraTc^ypf]
<ra<rBai

va (6v<Ta [xajt

5teuT[u;^(tr]

rfp.iv

67r[...]

avpt}^ <Tvpos Kai -rraa^ijs fTrtSeSo)*

l\t\pfia)V [...]

[.]. ( T<i>V

trafirjv

KTidwpos eyp

Kai a^ia v[pai]

av'^

ayp

viro(rtjpi(o<Ta<Tdai

avpi7X[toj] [Pt\oyfVT)s e7rt8[(5ci)Ka)]

aypni^ios) o-.. p. ..[...]

dvovra

/Livo-[...]

...yavos afa-(T]pfi<i)pai)

^ [La]

avTOKparopo^s] Kai[crapos^

[yajtov peacriov

*c[o]ii'[tou]

[rp]ai[ai'ou S^Jkiou uc^[f^ousJ

[]vt[u;(OVs] 0"e[^]a[(r]roi;
f7r[t(^]

I.

To

the commissioners of the sacrifices of the village of Alexander's

island from Aurelius Diogenes [son of] Satabus of the village of Alex-

Scar on right eyebrow. I was both constant

gods and now in your presence according to
the precepts I sacrificed and drank and tasted of the victims and I
beseech you to attach your signature.
ander's island.

About

72.

in ever sacrificing to the

May
I

you ever prosper.

Aurelius Diogenes have delivered

/ Aurelius

[?saw]

him

this.

sacrificing

/ Mys[thes son

have signed.
[first

year] of the

Emperor Caesar
Gaius Messius Quintus
Trajanus Decius Pius
Felix Augustus

2^

day of Epiphi.

of]....non

LIBELLI.

To

II.

543

the commissioners of the sacrifices of the village of Phila-

delphia from the Aurelii Syrus and Pasbeius his brother and Demetria

We were constant
gods and now in your presence according to
the precepts we both poured libations and tasted of the victims and
we beseech you to attach your signature for us. May you ever prosper.
and Serapias our

wives, Dwellers outside the gates,

in ever sacrificing to the

We
I

Aurelius Syrus and Pasbes have delivered

Isidorus wrote for

The

date

(11.

20

24)

them as

not so well written as the declaration, but the

is

signatures of the magistrates (17

thick reed pen.

Round brackets

square [] indicate holes

1.

01 Tjprjfifvoi

I.

strates, the

this.

unlettered.

( )

19) are hurriedly scribbled

papyrus.

in the

are the local commissioners

quinque primores

added to the local magiqui edicto nuper magistratibus fuerant

76, probably selected by higher courts.

illi

copulati of Ep. 43. 3, sup. p.

Cf. turba eorum quos ad investigandos Christianos

majora sociaverant.

with a

indicate abbreviations in the original,

Polemoni judicia

Ruinart, Passio SS. Pionii et sou.

Alexander's Island

iii.

one of the former lakes of the Faioum, so

called from the veterans settled there by Ptolemy I.
Atireliiis from Caracalla, who gave the Civitas to the Orbis Ro3.
manus, Dion. Cass, "j"]^ 9 and cp. 60, 17. Dig. i, 5, 17. Cf ovofiua-rl re
KoXovfifvot Tals...dv(Tlaii npocrijfa-a}^, Dionys. ap. Eus. vi. 41. Note that the
magistrate is an Aurelius too.
2.

7.

Nothing

cf.

ycyopevai, Dionys. ap.

laxvpiCopevoi

Eus.

vi.

ra npoa-TfTaypipa &c.

rfi

Opaa-vrr^Ti ru p,7^8e

pagans or

npoTfpov Xpiariavol

41.

the provisions of the irpoaraypa, Eus. vi. 40,

the Edict, Ep. 43. 3, or the Prceceptiim (see pp. 465, n. 4; 492, n. 2).
11.
Decipherers hesitated between e7r[ioi/] and ea-TreLva ku), but the
10.

in

indicates whether these Aurelii were genuine

lapsing Christians,

41

'

i.e.

by the second libellus.

There can be little doubt that the

latter is verified
12.

which constructs with Updav.

degustabant sacrificia.' Acta
execrandos cibos gustassent.'

Cf Passio
S.
'

right reading

Pionii,

ii.,

(yevcraprju,

is

'sicut ceteros qui

Theodori Amas. (Surius, Nov. 9), *si

Ora maculare, polluere,' is the constant

expression about the sacrificati as an essential part of the

Ep.

20. 2

31. 7

55- 14;

59.

12,

13

Ep.

30. 3

de Lapsis,

test,

10.

e.g.

15, 22,

24, 25.

The reading of 18 is not

names of the Magistrate Aurelius

These are thought to be

and of his Secretary Mys[thes]
(not an uncommon name), with the name of his father. Are they not
likely to be the signatures of one Magistrate and one Commissioner?
However for Myc Harnack would read ^^-^iopLtvov).
17, 18.

the

24.

certain.

2 Epiphi in Egyptian kalendar

is

26 June.

By

that time in a.d.

APPENDIX

544
25 1 the persecution

was

over.

26 June 250, Decius'

first

year.

11.

of the libellus must be

written in another hand.

(ypw^a vnip avrap

13.

Hence the date

Unknown.

Philadelphia.

2,

12. 13

C.

dypafifiarav is

Harnack's ingenious reading.

APPENDIX C
Tke hitrigue about Manutius' Text
(Note on

The language

p. 212, nn.

and

of these intriguers at Trent

so self-conscious that

it is

Visconti's Letter.
2.)

and Rome

is

so clever and

worth while to look at the originals.

Visconti's letters are printed in Mansi's

Appendix

to

Baluzii Miscel-

lanea (4 vols. fo. Lucae, 1761 4), 'from a MS. in the public library at
Siena'; not in the first edition 1678 83. Also in 'Lettres, anecdotes et

mdmoires historiques du Nonce Visconti...dont plusieurs intrigues inouies

'se trouvent dans ces relations, mises au jour, en Italian et Frangois, par
Mr. Aymon.' 2 vols. 12. Amsterdam, 17 19. Mansi indicates his sources,

'

Vol.

III.

(i)

Index,

Aymon

p. xviii.

Mansi {Baluz. Misc.

name

does not

ill.

p. 472),

1.

his MS.

xlv (from Trent, Visconti to

Borromeo).

Di

xxii.

Giugno, 1563^
da

Fii scritto, questi di,

Roma

che

le

Opere

di

San Cipriano, ristam-

pate nuovamente da M. Paolo Manutio^ non erano state date fuori con

havevano notate; ma nel trattare de

i correttori
dove si parla de Prijnaiu Papce^ erano state mutate
alcune parole le quali non si truovano* citate nelli Decreti, n^ da gli
authori, che ne fanno mentione, in quel modo che sono date fuori, &
essendomi stato detto, che Monsignor Agostino haveva havuto sovra di
cio littere da Roma, parendomi, che fosse di molta importanza il non
lasciare a questo tempo, che si tratta dell' auttoritk del Papa, spargere
cotali voci, procurai con buona occasione d' intendere dal sodetto Monsignore 1' avviso, ch' egli ne haveva, il qual mi disse che molti giorni sono
M. Latino un de correttori scrisse a Monsignor Siglicello^ sopra di questo
quelle correttioni che

aiithoritate Ecclesice,

Aymon,

end of

vol.

letter di

p.

II.

Trento

84, reads

a' 21 di

at

Giugno

1563.
2

Aymon

(p. 78)

1'

opere. ..da

Men-

signore Paulo Manucio.

2

Aymon,

dell'

Autorita Ecdesiastica

dove

si

tratta

de Primaiu Pontijicis

Romani (pp. 78 80).

* Aym. trovavano.
Aym. Sighuello
;

ghicello, Latino,
li.

lo. Baptista Sin-

Ep. ad Andr. Masiutft,

p. loi (Hartel, Prcef. p. ix).

MANUTIUS' TEXT.
che ne havesse a parlar col

affine,

Varmiense [Hosius,
Manutio non haveva in quel
correttione fatta dal Faerno & da lui,
Sig. Cardinal

Bp. of Varmie, Poland] awertendolo, che

luogo detto di sopra seguita la

&

che

Faerno,

il

il

545

'1

quale haveva sopra di cio rincontrato molti essem-

plari e particolarmente uno,

che fu della santa memoria

di

Marcello

[il]

haveva notate le sodette parole diversamente da quel che V haveva

poste il Manutio, soggiungendomi il predetto Monsignore, che sendole
stata mandata una di queste opere, gli fu scritto anco a lui il medesimo.
Di che ne ho avvertito il Sig. Cardinal Simoneta, & crederei che non
fosse se non bene, prima che tale opinione si andasse confirmando, trovar

modo

di levarla,

il

che

si

potria fare, se cosi piacesse a V.S. lUustriss.,

con dare auttoritk a quelle parole che sono date fuori, autenticandole
col Testimonio & approbatione di persone che havessero visto e confrontato

codici antichi.

The

following is the Note at the end of Manutius' Cyprian,

Romas, M.D. LXlll.
The few notes follow the Index and this is on the last page but one
signed TTiii.
It is on the words
loquitur... ecclesia' in Ep. ix. (Ma(2)

'

nutius) to Floientius Puppianus, Hartel, E/>. 66.

'Pag. 106,

V.

fuerat ecclesia.
Cyprianus, hie,
illi

deperit

si

8, p.

732, 25.

Loquitur Petrus siiper quern fundata [text sedificata]

Quantum Petro & illius Cathedrae tribuendum censuerit B.
-i,^

&

multis

aliis

eximiis probat testimoniis.

Nee quidquam

extant diversae doctorum ad verba Christi expositiones.

Omnium tandem Catholicorum scopus & finis eo tendit ut recognoscant

unum Christi loco in ecclesia esse relictu pro quo & illius sede &
illius, & universum gregem domiNee quemquam tnovere debet quod alicubi dicat hoc
apostolos quod /nit &^ Petrus, pari consortio prceditos

successoribus rogavit ne deficeret fides

nicum pasceret.
fuisse ceteros

honoris 5^ potestatis, [de

unit. 4. Manut. p. 139, 32, Hartel, p. 213, 2] quod

de cequalitate apostolatus est omnino intelligendum, qui cum apostolis
morientibus cessavit nee ad episcopos trasiit qui succedunt apostolis in

ministerio episcopalis dignitatis pro sua quisque portione.

In solo Petro
remansit omnis plenitudo potestatis ad universalem ecclesiae totius gubernationem, ut catholici doctores acutissime viderunt et comprobarunt. Nee
est

alienum

si

priscorum patrian

interpretationes, Qr^ veri sensus,

scriptis pice dr' catholicce adhibea?itur

ad conseruandam semper

EcclesicB uni-

qua B. Cypriano nil fuit in scribendo optabilius. alioqui hcereseum

<S>- schismatum nullusjinis.'
Thus in 1563, instantly after and notwithstanding the interpolations,
the papal warning against the teaching of the De Unitate has still to be
tate>H,

raised.

As

there

Roman
B-

could be no more thorough exposition and example of

practice, so there can be

no keener comment on

its futiHty.

35

546

APPENDIX
The Intrigue about

tlie

D.

Benedictine Text

on du Mabaret

Additional note

(p. 213).

The Abb^ du Mabaret was from 1720

to 1733 Professor of Philosophy

In 1725, at the age of 28, in a work
called Veritatis triumphus he refuted Spinosa, 'Protestantism' and Jansenism, and proved Papal Infallibility. To the age of 86 he was a pious

and then of Theology

at Angers.

patient student of 'vast erudition' without a touch of critical

He

power.

method or

disallowed the genuineness of Lactantius 'on the deaths of

persecutors'; was the compiler of enormous works which never found

editor,

publisher or patron, and complains that his contributions to

His
Moreri's Dictionnaire Historique are inadequately acknowledged.
one literary success was, as we have seen, the spoiling of Baluze's

His feeble 'arguments' on the Interpolation survive among

They chiefly rest on the 'Citations.' M. I'Abb^ Arbellot
published at Limoges 1867 a pamphlet, now rare, which collects the
particulars of his writings, and as far as possible admires him.
Cyprian.

Freppel's.

The

following interesting illustrations of the state of feeling at the

time were pointed out to

The 'Sgavant

me by M.

d'A...' of Oct.

le

Vicomte de Cormenin.

1726 {Mhn. de Trevoux for that year,

1902) says, ' Personne n'ignore avec combien d'dclat et de force M.

'I'Abbd du Plessis d'Argentr^, aujourd'hui Eveque de Tulles, a soutenu
I'authenticite de ce passage.' In Feb. 1743 du Mabaret published in the
p.

'

same memoirs his ^loge on du Plessis d'Argentr^.

When du Plessis was a young doctor of the Sorbonne he had published in quarto at Paris in 1702,
'autoritate

et

pondere

cujuslibet

'

Eleiiienta Theologies in quibus de

argumenti theologici diligenter

et

'accurate disputatur...autore Carolo du Plessis d'Argentrd, socio Sor'bonico, e Sacra Facultate Parisiensi Doctore Theologo et Abbate a
'

S.

his

Cruce juxta Quinquainpum in Armorica.' The author's estimate of

work was not generally accepted. And in the copy at the Bibliothhque

Nationale (Inv. D 3616, D 384) is preserved a printed letter of 8 pp. dated

27 Dec. 1707 which describes the Archbishop of Reims (Charles Maurice
Le Tellier, 1668 1710) administering to Dr du Plessis what he called a
^Corrections before a great company at his nephew's, the Abbd de

Louvois.

He

did

it

for him,'

he

said, 'in his quality of fellowship with

him in the Doctorate.' The Controller of his Household revealed that, if

he had not thus met him, the Archbishop's intention had been to dine
on Christmas Day at the Sorbonne and there correct him before the
His book was full of ignorance and false principles. Never
Doctors.
had he read a worse. He had written it only from motives of policy
'

'

pay court to the Jesuits, and, having attained his object of getting
He himself had been much
himself an Abbey, to get a Bishopric.
scandalized by the book. The Cardinal de Noailles still more. He ought

'to
'

'

'to suppress

it.'

He did not.

And

in 1725

he obtained his bishopric.

APPENDIX

E.

TEXT OF THE INTERPOLATION OF

CYPRIAN DE UNITATE

C. IV.

35-2

'Bod

I,'

(Fell) Bodleian Library

Oxford, Laud. Misc. 451

double columns, well written. 'Of same class as

copy of it.' F. M.

fo. AT 199,

loth century

T (Hartel

xlv, xlvi) if not a

Bod

Bodleian cod. 110

2,'

fo.

'Bod

Bodleian Laud. Misc. 217

3,'

small 4to.

ff

Follows

'Bod

12th cent.

208, double columns, ' a better MS in some respects than 451

(Bod i) though written by a careless scribe and afterwards much
corrected.' J. W. 'The order of contents resembles fx (H. p. xlvi)
and /3 (Ivii).* F. M. It is older than either.

ff

4,'

15th cent,

129 rather closely written, full page.

M Q as against T, and Q as against M.'

'2nd Family.

M.

F.

Bodleian Laud. Misc. 105

'seems

4to. ff 163

loth or

from

to be a selection

TM

and

nth

cent.

agree with the

resemblance to
Q, with
to

corrector of T. Considering its

like T, it may seem a better though more recent
representation of the archetype of
Q, coordinate with Hartel
first

purer readings

<X>

*Bod

'

and

<Y>

Bodleian MS add. C. 15
it).
'acquired at the Libri sale 1859 : a beautiful MS: has
ep. ad Thibarilanos twice over with different texts.'
F. M.
(so I venture to call

early loth cent,

Ebor,' not in Library.

'Lam,' Archbishop's Library

'

Lambeth, Codd. Lamb. 106

at

13th cent.

Epistols et tractatus Ixxxv... Codex perpulcher' H. Wharton (ms catal.

i688) rubricated, several fine illuminated initials. ' Liber Lanthonien^is Ecclie.

Qui detinuerit

'Lin,' Lincoln College Library

anatemasit*

Oxford

n.

15th cent.

47

Order same as B (v. Hartel p. Ivi) In fronte Vespasianus

librarius Jlorentimcs hunc libnini Jiorentie transc ribendum curavit' '?copied from one at Florence described by Bandini i. 268,
viz. MS laureiit. plut 16 cod 22. Has some good II. but by a careless scribe as these beautiful mss often are.' J. W.
'

fo. ff 231.

'NC

I,'

fo.

'NC

New

College Oxford

12th cent,

130

245, 2 col., well writ, 'very interesting MS; seems coordinate

with those of the 3rd family, though perhaps independent enough
F. M.
to be regarded as alone of its kind.'

ff

New

2,'

131,

College Oxford

131,2

15th cent.

137. These two thought to be

really one ms ; but some treatises occur in both parts the order of
treatises in 132 is mainly that of Q; the epp. in 131 do not answer
F. M.
in order to any of Hartel's.

sm.

fo. ff 155.

132,

sm.

fo.

ff

*Pem,' Pembroke College Libraiy Cambridge

20 (1935)

early 13th cent,

Italian MS. The initials refo. ff 89, 2 columns, 36 lines, pale.

markable. Given by Abp Rotheram, Master in a.d. 1480 to Pembroke Hall. Has a note istuni Ubntni enii in Messana X %d'

small

'

Vetutiis.'

'Pem2,'Pem.Coll. Lib. Camb., no press mark,

'Petri Blesensis'

12th cent,

pencil in marg. catal.

not known to Fell; ff 189, of which 143 contain "Passio Cypriani

et
Epistoiae Ixxiiii,' of which /)f Unitate is one among other treatises.
Large beautiful folio, double columns, finely writ, 40 lines to page.

'Sar,' Cathedral Library Salisbury

12th cent,

n. 9.

'oblong, well written, injured on outer margin by damp.'

For convenience in following the description in Chapter IV, ill I have placed the
Bod 3 Bod 4 and Pelagius together. New collations are given of
readings of
the English manuscripts (on which see Hartel p. Ixxxvi) because Fell's are not
For the collations of Bod i. Bod 2,
1, I have to thank the Rev.
accurate.
John Wordsworth (now Bishop of Salisbury) : F. Madan, Esq. of the Bodleian
\ and Line, and for
for those of Bod i, Bod 2 also, as well as of Bod 3, Bod 4,
the notes on classification: for transcript of Pern E. H. C. Smith, Esq., for transcripts also of Pern and Pern 2, the Rev. E. J. Heriz Smith, Fellow of the College
of ^arum, the Rev. H. G. White, Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Salisbury.

MQ

NC

NC

549

Text of the Interpolated Passage in Cyp. de Unitate iv. as given in the

The clause in [ ]
edition of Paulus Manutius, A.D. 1563 (p. 139).
is from PamHe ed. 1568 (p. 254), Rigault 1648, and Baluze (Maran)
1726.

Loquitur Dominus ad
quia tu es Petrus,

siam meam,

&

dabo claves regni caelorum,

& in
& in

erunt ligata
erunt soluta
dicit

Pasce oves

caelis

&

Ego

inquit,

dico,

tibi

&

Tibi

quae ligaveris super terram,

quaecunque solveris super terram,

Et

caelis.

nieas.

inferorum non vincent earn.

portae

et

Petrum

super istam petram aedificabo Eccle-

eidein post resurrectionem

Super ilium unum

aedificat

suam

Ecclesiam

& illi pascendas inandat oves snas. Et quamvis apostolis

omnibus post resurrectionem suam parem potestatem tribuat

stiatn,

&

dicat

Readings of

Sicut misit

corrections

me

pater, et ego mitto vos, accipite 10

(Monacensis) from Hartel with which Q (Trecensis) agrees precisely even in

Bod 3, Bod 4 { = Laud Misc. 217 & 105) and of >. Pelagii Papae ii

of Fell's

3. porte
Et ego B 3. dico tibi M. inquit petre B 4
2. hanc petram edificabo B 3
cells B
6- legata M.
semper e pro ae vel oe)
4. ligaberis B 4, legaveris
3
dicit]
illi (illi
ilium
M
B
2
eidem...meas
B
7.
idem...meas
B
{om.
suam
B
et
3.
Et
6.
4
3),
3
B 3 B 4. et illi pascendas
8 om. suam
perlineatum) B 4. om. unum B 3 B 4. edificavit B 3
B 3 B 4.
B 3 B 4 {om. suas B 3 B 4)
9. om. post resurrectionem suam
oves mandat suas
B 4, tribuit potestatem B 3
tribuat potestotem
10. om. et dicat... manifestaret, insert i?ig
1.
{et sic

M
M

Readings of Bod

i,

Bod

1. dico tibi Line, in

3. porte Sar.

Line

NC

2,

Bod

5,

Lambeth, Lincoln Coll.,

Cam. 1, 2, and Sarum

New

Coll.

i,

2,

Pembroke

Coll.

quid petre Pem 2. hanc B 5 Line Sar. edificabo La Pern Pern 2, hedificabo
i, dabo
inferiorum Line, tibi dabo B i Line, et tibi B 2 Pem Pem 2

NC

6. cells Sar Pem,

celorum Sar La Pem Pem 2. quecunque Pem, que Sar
caelo B 5. quecunque Sar Pem 6. cells et idem.. .measB 2 La Pem Pem 2 NC i, cells Sar, caelo
7- om. ilium
B5, celis et eidem...meas Pem Line, om. et Pem, om. et eidem...meas B i Sar
B I B 2 B s NC t Line Sar La Pem 2. om. unum Pem. edificat Line Sar La, edificat {ma i
i Pem
8- om. suam B 2 B 5 La
-avit) ille delet. Pem, aedificavit B 2, edificavit NC i Pem 2
i
Pem 2. om. suam. ..suas B i Sar, et illi pascendas (tuendasque B 5) oves mandat. Et B 2
tibi

2ut ff

4.

NC

NC

;;

APPENDIX

5 so

Spiritum sanctum
illi

unam

festaret,

tenebuntur

cathedratn

remittentur

peccata,

Si cui remiseritis

cui tenueritis,

si

E.

tamen ut unitatem mani-

unitatis

et

constituit,

ejusdem

Hoc

originem ab uno incipientem sua auctoritate disposuit.

15

erant

utiq,

&

consortio praediti

quod

apostoli,

caeteri

et

honoris

&

&

fuit

pari

Petrus,

*exordium ab

potestatis, sed

& primatus Petro datur, ut una Ecclesia

Christi et cathedra una monstretur
& pastores sunt omties, et
grex unus ostenditiir, qui & apostolis omnibus unanimi conunitate proficiscitur,

20 sensione pascattir**

unam Ecclesiam

ut Ecclesia Christi una monstretur,

quam

etiam in cantico caticorum Spiritus Sanctus

ex persona Domini designat et dicit Una est columba mea,

perfecta mea, una est matri suae, electa genitrici suae. * Hanc
Ecclesiae unitatem qui non tenet, tenere se fidem credit ?
:

25

Qui

Ecclesiae renititur et resistit, \_qui cathedram Petri super

quam fundata est Ecclesia

deserit,] in

Readings of M, Q, Boii

3,

Ecclesia se esse confidit?

Boti 4 and p. Pelagii Papae

ii

iAe tamen between unam atid cathedram

B3 B4
13 om. et B 3. om. ejusdem
B3 B4
14. originem] atque orationis suae (atque erased by a second hand) M, atque
om. ab uno incipientem
rationem sua B 3 B 4.
B3 B4
B 3 B 4. om. et
15. utique

M
B

om. apostoli

B4.

4
18.

monstretur

om.

4.

fuit et

M,

otn.

et

om.

* \st citation in Pelag. begins.

Christi
B 3 B 4. Xti eccl. Pel.

monstratur

16.

sed grex

MB

4,

om.

17.
ut

fuit

om.

3.

3,

4 Pel.

et

pari... proficiscitur

B 3 B 4. et/>ro ut
B 4. om. una Pel.
ab/or et M B 3 B 4 Pel.

sed primatus

19.
otn. ut Ecclesia...
v. inf.
23. * ind cit. in Pelagius commences.
4
B 3.
/or Ecclesias
B3
25. Qui Ecclesiae renititur et resistit, om. Pel.
Qui Cathedram Petri. ..deserit ins.
B 3; Qui Cath. P. super quam Ecclesia fundata est
B 3 the repetition from line 2 of words super unum
deserit et resistit Pel. Here follows in
aedificavit ecclesiam, and then the wlwle passage once more in its genuine form without the
in terpola tions.

o>n.

omnibus

genitrici suae
24. et Pauli

3,

Pel.

3.

4.

"* in

20.

genuine form begins here,

om. ut Ecclesia. ..confidit

Gretser's collation of his Bavarian Codex {supra p. 206) gives ego dico tibi et idem...meas
ilium; otn. [Eccl] suam; suas; om. post resurrectionem suam; parem tribuat potestatem:
om. dicat...manifestaret; tamen bettueen unam a;i^ cathedram om. ejusdem; orationis suae
sed (grex); ab for ct; om. ut Ecclesia...
o>n. ab uno incipientem; om. apostoli; et for ut
(Munich).
genitrici suae alliti perfect correspondence with
;

<7/.

9. otn. post resurrectionem Pem. om. suam Line, tribuat potesPern La Pern 2. apostolus Sar
et si cui
tatem B 2 La NC I Pem 2
11. cujus remiseritis B i. si cujus B 2 B 5 La Pem 2.
Pem. remittuntur B5 NC 2 Pem 12. om. illi Sar. illis, cujus B i. si cujus Pem. ei; si cujus

La B
sunt

B5

NC

I.

Sar.

ei si cui

tenebuntur !
5 La Line NC

B I B2 B
dem ut udtur

Pem
rrti
i

2.

Line.

retinueritis retenta erunt

<5>h.

NC2 Pem

B 2 La Pem

NC i

ut Pem. manifestarent
unitatis ejus B i.
2 Sar.

2, retinueritis

retenta

w. unam cath... et
ejus idem (idem in rasiira
13.

14. originem atque rationem B 2 Pem. incipiente B 5 Line,

om. ab uno incipientem Pem
16- erasure of a letter betw. caeteri atui apostoli
16. ab unoprof. B i NC 2
17 om. et prim...pascatur Bi
B 2. fuit Petrus B 5 La Pem 2
B2 Bs La Line NC i NC 2 Pem 2 Sar.
of Card. Hosius ap Pamel hie for et. Christi
18. monstratur Pem, monstraretur Line, monstretur bis Sar. sed grex Pem
ecclesia, Line
20. om. ut Ecc... genitrici suae Pem. dei NC 2. om. quam. ..genitrici suae
19. qui ab Pem
23. matris...genitricis
2
21. in cantica B i
22. de ecclesia pro designat et Sar
B I B 2 B 5 La Line NC i Pem 2. electa est ex Line, electa est B 2* La NC i Pem 2
26. <7j. qui cathedram. ..deserit
24. Petri/i>r Ecclesiae Pem. si Pem. ^w. fidem B 2 La Pem 2
B I B 2 La Line NC i NC 2 Pem 2 Sar
26. quem fundata Ecclesia est Pem. aecclesia B i
[Note Pem om. from, confidit to corrumpat c. 5 oj does also a MS at Bologna not othertvise muck
scriptuni) Sar

incipientes Sar.

MS

NC

like

Pem

in this passage, see

p. 352].

::1:'

INTERPOLATION OF DE UNITATE,

55

C. IV.

So ends the interpolated passage in Manutius, and here in the

manuscripts
Q B 3 the whole passage is repeated in its genuine
form, following the word confidit. In B 4 the repetition follows pascatur
but this Codex leaves out the genuine qui Ecclesiae renititur et resistit
and replaces it by the inteipolated sentence. Thus (Hartel's text)

'

super unum aedificat ecclesiam et quamvis apostolis omnibus post resurrectionem suam parem potestatem tribuat
et dicat
sicut misit me pater et ego mitto uos.
accipite
Spiritum sanctum
si cuius remiseritis peccata, remittentur
illi
si cuius tenueritis, tenebuntur, tamen ut unitatem manifestaret, unitatis eiusdem originem ab uno incipientem sua
auctoritate disposuit. hoc erant utique et ceteri apostoli quod
fuit Petrus, pari consortio praediti et honoris et potestatis,
sed exordium ab unitate proficiscitur, ut ecclesia Christi una
monstretur. quam unam ecclesiam etiam in cantico canticorum Spiritus Sanctus ex persona Domini designat et dicit
una est columba mea, perfecta mea, una est matri suae, electa
genitrici suae,
hanc ecclesise unitatem qui non tenet tenere
se fidem credit
qui ecclesiae renititur et resistit in ecclesia
:

10

.''

se esse confidit

.'

Readings of M, Q, Bod

3, Bod 4 and Ep. Pelagii Papae ii

B 3. ecclesiam et quamvis super liinra B 4. otn. et B 3 2. resurreccionem B 3
4- quorum B 3. sicut B 4. remittuntur B 4, dimittentur B 3
ilHs M B 3,
5.
eis B 4.
quorum B 3. unitatem ut B 4. monstraret B 3
6.
em in rasura B 4. incipiente B 3 B 4
erunt Et ceteri B 4. om. et B 3.
7.
erat B 3
prediti B 3 B 4
8.
9. exoritur B 4
10. ecclesiam in cantica B 4
12. perfecta una B 4. matris B 4. sue B 3.
electa est M, electa e genitrice sua contraction mark over e erased B 3
13 genetricis B 4

1.

aedificavit

14- ecclesie
de.-erit

3.

M,

edificavit

pro 'qui

ecciesitp... resistit,'

qui cathedram petri super quera fundata ecclesia

4.

//artel's collations.

WGMVR

1. dicotibiMR. inquit^w. G
3- dabotibi S, tibi dabo
5. &ii.ante\j\) om.S. super]
S
6. om. //art. et eidem...meas cum SWGVR
7. ovt. //art. ilium cum SWGM'RV
8. om. //art. suam...oves suas cum SWGVR
10. sicut bis R', si cui bis R^.rem. accipe S
manifestet R
11. remittuntur R
12. illis M, om. G.
13. //art. om. unam cathedram
constituit et cz<w SVVGRV. ejus R
14. ab uno incipientem] atque originem V teste Rigaltio
15 et om. R. fuit et G
17. //art. om. et primatus... pascatur cutn SWGVR.
ut s. I. m. 2 R
18. om. Christi V
20 mostretur S
21 etiam om. S
22. designat et] de ecclesia G.
dicat S
23 electa est M, om. S
24 tenet 0}n. R
25 //art. om. qui cathedram. ..deserit.

in

It will be seen that Bod i

interpolation Bod 2 La Line
charge to Peter.
The curious corruption in
:

rise in

Ep. Ixx.

c. 3,

NC 2 Sar (and Ebor by Fell's collation), have entirely escaped

NC i Pem 2 have only the insertion about the post-resurrection

B 3 B 4 as to rationon and orationis seems to

super Petrum origine unitatis et ratione fundata.

Pelagii Papje ii Ep. vi

Labbe

(ed. 1729) vol. vi p.

me

to

have their

631

...Sed et beatus Cyprianus egregius martyr in libro quern de unitatis

nomine titulavit inter alia sic dicit Exordium ab unitate proficiscitur
et primatus Petro datur, ut una Christi ecclesia et cathedra monstretur
et pastores sunt omnes, sed grex unus ostenditur, qui ab apostolis unanimi
consensione pascatur. Et post pauca
Hanc ecclesise unitatem qui non
tenet, tenere se fidem credit ?
Qui cathedram Petri, super quam ecclesia
fundata est, deserit 6> resistit, in ecclesia se esse confidit.
:

APPENDIX

552

F.

A transcript by J. W. from a

MS in University Library Bologna (no. 2572, sm. 4,

xiv or first half xv in Italian hand), which belonged formerly to
S. Salvadore di Canonici Lateranensi, shews the same curious omission
from cottjtdit to corntmpat as Pern, which it does not otherwise resemble.

sac.

APPENDIX
On

paints in the

CHRONOLOGY
456

(pp.

The

following observations

may

F.

of VALERIAN'S reign

sqq.).

not chronologically.

geographically,

serve the cause of clearness

The end of Valerian's

I.

confusions of events in Valerian's reign were such that Tillemont

obliged to take them

felt

^post resurrectionem
tribuat potestatem et cui remiseritis et si
it has: petram istam
et ceteri quod fuit et monstraretur animi
pasctii tenueritis tamen ut unitatem
cantur super quam fundata est ecclesia [/^ has: et tibi et idem originem atque
rationem sed exordium].

e.g.

The

reign.

Niebuhr {Lectt. Rom. Hist. ill. p. 279, London, 1850) is unable to decide
whether the catastrophe which ended Valerian's reign was in a.d. 256 or 260.
There can be no doubt, looking at the varied indications, that it was in 260.
(i) The persecution lasted 42 months (Dionys. ap. Euseb. vii. 10) until
Gallienus repealed the edict after Valerian's disappearance. Supposing
Cyprian, on Aug. 30, A.D. 257, to have been the first confessor as is
probable^ in Africa, the edict can scarcely have appeared earlier than
July, when Valerian made his arrangements for the empire, departed

and left Macrian

power to the end of

for the East,

to administer.

Valerian's

A.D. 260.

Augustus

in Rhaetia

end

This brings the end of

Valerian was proclaimed

before the end of 253, since his second year of

Tribunitian power dates from Jan.

in his 8th year, to

(2)

in

260

(cf.

i,

This makes his reign, ending

254.

Clinton, F. R.

I.

p. 284).

coins of Valerian struck in his eighth Tribuneship,

i.e.

(3)

There are

in 260, at Alex-

andria in August, and in Cilicia after October, and enactments bearing his
name issued through that year up till September 24th 2 (see Clinton, I.e.).

How
no

long he lived in captivity

recover him.

effort to

while

still

alive in captivity.

is

He was

not known.

and

if

name

so whether they prove that he was

3, 8,

5,

Whether
c. 10.)
and 265 are genuine,

(Treb. Poll. Gallieni duo.,

the headings of two laws which bear his

fust.

His son Gallienus made

Rome, and deified

reported dead at
in 262

still

living

is

doubtful {Cod.

62, 17).

...Quidnos...diceredeberemus prior

apud Acta Proconsulis pronuntiasti

et

tuba canens &c. in acie prima. ..primos

impetus, Ep. 77. ^,

Codex Justinianus.

They maybe

found by the Index to the Corpus Juris

Civilis (Berlin, 1880), v.

II.

p. 494.

'

CHRONOLOGY OF VALERIAN.
The date of

2.

The main cause

the capture

of confusion

Gibbon

of Antioch by Sapor,

553

of Antioch.
difference as to the date of the capture

is

(c. x. p.

284, ed, Mihnan, 1846)

and Niebuhr

295) place this event after Valerian's capture, in 260, following (they
believe) Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 5, 3), who adds a special note to his
p.

(/. c.

particular tale,

These events were in the times of

Gallienus,'

i.e.

260 on-

ward.

Zosimus

(i.

32) relates

how Valerian engaged

its ruin^
The

sianus in resettling Antioch after

was

himself with Succesof Pityus in 258

fall

attributed to his withdrawing for that purpose Successianus,

who had

saved Pityus the year before. Antioch had therefore fallen before 258.
Tillemont tries a hopeless compromise by placing its fall late in 258.
There is, however, no real contradiction between these late but not

The

careless authorities^.

Antioch was twice captured by

(v. inf.), having been in the

fact is that

Sapor, once in A.D. 252-3, and again in 260

interval restored

To

by Valerian.

Zosimus himself

(in

i.

27,

we may
restitutor orbis^.

this restoration

with the legend restitut. orientis,

refer his coins

a passage which almost seems to have been

overlooked) relates the capture of Antioch by Sapor in the time of Callus,

May 253 when vtmiUan was proclaimed. Antioch was

unprepared and offered no resistance, and on this occasion, after a great
massacre and the destruction of 'every building private or public,' the
A.D. 252 or before

Persians,

'

while the conquest of

immediately

home

all

Asia lay

in their power,'

masses of captives and

method often was destruction and abandonment.
to deposit their

The same author

writes

36) that, at the later time

(i.

returned

spoil.

Their

when he captured
all before him'

Valerian, Sapor 'was ranging over the East and subduing

1

TO.

irepl

tV

'AvTi6xei.av

Kal

Considering the lateness of their

dates, the evident paucity

tary

Eusebii Chronicon

tov

ravrrji oIkkt/iov oIkovohovvtos.

and fragmen-

character of their materials and

Zosimus fornii
Georgius

the old historians scarcely merit

the Livish abuse they receive.

scarcely be said that the

been more successful as

porary

Magnus

is

can

moderns have

* \_Restit.

Consider that

the only contem-

work

wrote between

11 18.

orientis; a 'turreted female

city) presents the

a crown.

peror

\vTiter.

TrebelUus PoUio wrote his

(i-e.

after 420.

Syncellus

780 and 800.

Zonaras foruit

critics in digest-

ing even their materials.

Dionysius

It

dated A.D. 325,

380.

the brevity with which generally they

wi-ite,

is

Jerome's edition, 378.

Aurelius Victor wrote after 350.
Ammianus Marcellinus wrote before

Emperor with
the

Em-

female.

No

Restitutor Orbis;

raises

turreted

under Constantine.

ground for the statement that these

were struck ': anticipation of success,'

Vopiscus began to write in 291 or 292

and refers to TrebelUus {Divus Aureli-

687.]

anus,

restoration.

ii.).

later

as

Diet. Rom.
They commemorate

Stevenson,

Coins,

p.

the actual

APPENDIX

554
(firiav TTjv

i^av airavra KOTcoTpe^ero) and

F.

(iii.

32) that after his (second)

capture of Antioch, which this time he had to take by storm (Kara Kpiros),

he had marched across as far as to the Cilician Gates,' when Valerian

advancing against him fell into his power (v. infr. sect. 4).
The earlier chronicle of Eusebius places the capture of Valerian in
*

260,

and the ravaging {depoptdatur) of

and Cappadocia in 261 (j. anno).

Gates,'

Syria, Cilicia

This

is

i.e.

within 'the

not inconsistent with

Sapor entered Syria not from the south, but from Mesodirect for Antioch, and having taken it the second time,
ravaged the Syria adjacent to the other two countries and north of
Zosimus.
potamia,

made

Antioch.

Thus the earlier authorities agree in the fourth and fifth century.
But when we come to the ninth century we find that Georgius Syncellus
(ed. Dind. p. 716) thought this 'ravaging of Syria' in 261 must include the taking of Antioch.
So he makes the capture of Valerian
precede the taking of Antioch, as well as of Tarsus in Cilicia and Caesarea
of Cappadocia.
concerned.

is

This

And

is

it

is

against the earlier testimonies so far as Antioch

improbable

in itself that Valerian,

considering

what we know of his dilatory tactics, should anticipate the approach

of Sapor and throw himself in his way outside Antioch. But Syncellus
himself indicates that there was something wrong in his story, for a few
lines earlier he says {I.e. p. 715) 'Sapor overran Syria, came to Antioch,
and ravaged all Cappadocia' before the capture of Valerian. He could not
have 'come to Antioch' and marched on, leaving such a place in his rear.
In the twelfth century we find that Zonaras gives first an account,
which agrees with Zosimus and Eusebius
the overrunning of Syria
followed by the ravage of Cappadocia and then by the siege of Edesa, in
attempting to relieve which city Valerian is taken (xii. 23) ^ He then
gives another version, which is nothing but a paraphrase^ of Syncellus,
and puts together the capture of Antioch, Tarsus and Caesarea as all after
;

Valerian's seizure.

The

only discrepancy then which remains on close comparison arises

from Syncellus's

late misinterpretation.

It is

clear that the two

campaigns

of Sapor, in each of which Antioch was taken, at an interval of eight

The object of the first was the

But in the second the annihilation of the recolonized and restored city was the basis of a vast invasion of the countries

years, were quite differently conceived.

sack of Antioch
north of
^

itself.

it.

So Aurel.

Vict. Epit. 32 'in

potamia bellum gerens.'

Of.

Meso-

de Casa-

In one or two places not even a

paraphrase but the very words. Syncell.

Dind. ed. p. 715 iavrbv

^y

al<rd6fj.evoi"P<i}iJ.cuoi

yuv

ribus, 32.
^

Oifievo^ koL ttjv tov irXrjdovs irpodoffiav,

irpoiSdu}K...<7vv-

dvcupedivTwv.

fwXis

di.4<l>vyov 6\L-

Compare Zonar.

xii.

2^, jrpoB5(j)K<jKiavThv...6XKcLyv6vTeiTyiv
irpo5o<xlav 8i.i<f>vyov,

6\lyuv avaipedivTuv.

CHRONOLOGY OF VALERIAN.

555

To the second assault belongs (it is said) the picturesque story in

Ammianus (xxiii. 5, 3) of the actress suddenly exclaiming from the stage
*
Is it a dream, or do I see the Persians,' and of the instant overwhelming
of the gathered population by the archery ^

3.

Fall of CcBsarea of Cappadocia.

Dr

Peters^ says 'Valerian hurried to Cappadocia against Sapor in

A.D, 258.'

No

was
Sapor was at

antient authority gives an idea that Valerian 'hurried' (inertia

any

his characteristic) either in that year or

other, or that

that time anywhere near Cappadocia.

Valerian set out, as Zosimus says

*

Scythians,' then ravaging Bithynia

docia,

(i.

36),

with the view of meeting the

only he got no further than Cappa-

and returned 'having done nothing but

damage

just

the cities by

his transit^.'

The fall of Cassarea belongs to that wide sustained campaigning of

Sapor (Zosim. i. 36), spoken of under the last head, when, after Antioch
was taken for the second time, Valerian, as the Eusebian Chronicle
rightly gives it, was captured in A.D. 260, and Syria, Cilicia and Cappadocia were overrun in 261.

The Treachery in the capture of Valerian.

4.

The capture

of Valerian was a tragic but not a politically significant

was accompanied by no loss to the Roman armies or administration.
It is agreed by historians that it was effected by treachery,
but not so agreed where or what the treachery. It is variously attributed
to Sapor, to an unknown general, to Macrian, and to Valerian himself.
There is, however, no real difficulty in determining the fact.
In the fragment of a contemporary dispatch from some potentate to
Sapor with which Trebellius' memoir on The Two Valerians begins the
capture is treated as simply Sapoi-'s craft, Look to it lest ill befall you for

event.

It

'

'

'

Et hac quidem

'

Gallieni temporihiis

evenerunt^ unless Gallieni

The

for Gain.

the

time

of

a mistake

peace,

the

fall.

burnt

city,

exactly

fit

But the second does

Clinton places this sack of Antioch

(j.

year in

anno) from the notice of that

Hieronymus' Chron. Parthi

Mesopotamiatn tenentes Syriam incursaverunt.

But

it is

impossible to suppose

that the raids of years

on

had been carried

Antioch

in Syria with the restored

intact in the midst of

it.

not adequate to such

is

and the

events,

text

Peters, p. 573.

...Koi

voKus

ry

shews

sufficient

The mere

ffisl.

ris

irap68({) ixbvov iirirpl^l/ai

vTri(xrpc\l/v

et's

rovviffw.

Moses Chorenensis

not absolutely refuse them.

in 262

incursaverunt

reasons for placing this earlier,

features of the story,

the retiring with vast booty,

the former

is

Armeti.

1.

ii.

(cent.

iv.

72,

73

c.

v.),

(ed.

Whiston, 1736, pp. 1967, 8) states on

the authority of Firmilian that Valerian

was informed of the danger in which

Armenia stood, but did not help, 'ad
regionem nostram tutendam Valerianus
non pervenit, nee diu vitam traxit.'

APPENDIX

556

F.

So Aurelius
having seized the aged emperor and that too by fraud ^.'
* circumvented by the treachery of the king of the Persians, whose
name was Sapor^.' Zosimus developes the nature of the treachery. In
iii. 32 he mentions that Valerian advanced with his troops against Sapor,
but in i. 36 relates that he was not inclined to fight, but proposed by
ambassadors to buy off the enemy'. Sapor requested to see the emperor

Victor,

Valerian unreflectingly
for personal conference on some essential points.
and uncircumspectly set out with a few attendants, thinking to discuss a
truce with Sapor, and was suddenly seized*.
Thus there is no question among the earlier batch of writers as to
whose was the treachery.
Still the 'fraus' in Trebellius was misunderstood, and in an interpolation in his text, quoted as genuine by Gibbon (c. x. iv. p. 283) and Clinton
victus est enim a Sapore, rege Persarum, dum ductu
(l. p. 284) we read
cujusdam sui ducis, cui summam omnium bellicarum rerum agendarum
*

'

commiserat, seu fraude seu adversa fortuna in ea esset loca deductus, ubi
nee vigor nee disciplina militaris quin eaperetur quicquam valere potuit^*
Here the fraud has been transferred to one of the Roman officers. Then

'

'

Tillemont {Emp. ill. p. 313) and Pearson {s. anno 260), taking the TrpoeiiivoK of Dionysius (Euseb. vii. 23)^ to mean 'betrayal,' regard Macrian
himself, who was far enough away, as the betrayer. Tillemont observing
that,

though the passage of Trebellius

and Macrian's character

may not be genuine,

it fits

the history

formed another misconception of the

According to Georgius Syncellus (p. 715), it is he who, terrified at the
mutinous spirit of his hungry troops in Edessa, pretends a battle, and
gives himself up to Sapor, having arranged also the betrayal of all his
men, but they understood the case in time to escape. Zonaras (xii. 23)
gives both stories, paraphrasing the second from Georgius.
Thus the two latest authors, who placed the siege of Antioch wrongly,
also make the treachery, which was purely Sapor's, to be a plot of
Yet again the

later historians

They

treachery.

attach

Valerian's to betray the

^

it

to

Roman

the unfortunate Valerian himself.

army.

Vide ne quod senem itnperatorem

quidem fraude male tibi

/SovXijucfos.]
^

cepisti et id

cedat.
^

Treb. Poll. Val. duo,

4.

Cum...bellum per Mesopotamiam

anceps diuturnumque
regis, cui

instruit,

Persarum

nomen Sapor erat, dolo circum-

ventus....

Aur. Vict, de

36:

I.

Karavevaas roli

twj

ytter

Sr] irepi

oXiywv

ciiv

ovdefiiq.

<ppov^<rL

alrovfi^vois, direpiffKivopu-^crai iwi "Zairufnjv

ffvovSuv avn^ SiaXe^/xevoi,

us

a<t>v(it

avWafi^dverai napd tQv iroKeiduv.

*

Cess. 32.

Sic ap. Csesarum vitae post Sueto-

[So also Petrus Patric. (6th cent.,

Fragni. 9 ap. C. MUller, Fragmm. His-

nium Tranquillum conscriptse, Lugd.

155 1 Historiae Rom. Scriptores Latini,

toricorum Grisc. Paris 185 1, vol. IV. p.

de

186)

xP^'^^o"

o4>aTov

avvayaywi'...iirl

/xeydXais 56<reat rbv v6\fjiov KaraXOffai

la

Roviere

1609;

Hist.

Scriptt. Latt., Sylburg 15S9.

*

Sup. p. 458,

n.

i.

Augustae

'

55;

APPENDIX
On

the nameless Epistle

of it

G.

Ad Novatianum

to

Xystus

atid

tJie

attribution

(p. 476).

Since the chapters on Xystus were

in print,

Dr Adolf Harnack has

published an essay on 'A hitherto unrecognised Writing of Pope Sixtus

of the years 257

8^'

Whether

his view

and the by-learning of the essay are

If true his

view

select those

II.

accepted or not, the treatment

of interest

full

so important, that

is

is

and suggestiveness.
main points which

touch our history, and must add the lights

in which they appear to me.

His Excursus (pp. 54 64), comparing the Versions of Scripture used
Cyprian and in this author, will not come within our scope, but it is of

in

capital interest

The

'writing'

value.

the

is

well-known

Ad

Novatianum^ taken

hitherto

be (as described by Hartel) 'The work of a bishop who was on

to
'

and

Cyprian's side as against Stephen (see H. Appendix,

'against the schism of Felicissimus (54,

'persecution (57, 25) 2.'

12),

p.

and

55, 4),

shortly after the Decian

Stephen is not mentioned in it, but the comparison of the Church to

one saving Ark (as Hartel) and the domus una id est Christi
ecclesia' {ad Novat. c. 13, H. 63, 8), are no doubt references to this
controversy, and the whole tenor of the tractate is clear. But the reference
to Felicissimus is in the supposed pun 'quid ad ista respondeant...inFelicissimi pauci,' and is in my judgment impossible-'.
the

'

'

V.Gebhardt and Harnack, 7>jr/^^

Untersuchungen, xill.
Leipzig,

1895.

Band, Heft

'Eine

bisher

nicht

erkannte Schrift des Papstes Sixtus

vomjahrea.sj
-

8... von

Ad Novatianum

II.

Adolf Harnack.'

Hartal's Cyprian, vol. in., Pars

Appendix, Opera Spuria, &c.,

The

i,

first

p.

iii.

52.

appeared not

Erasmus' ed. 15 19, as Hartel's note

there, but, as he corrects it {Pntfatio,
in

pp.

Ix, Ixi), in

the Editio Daventriensis,

Hartel had corrected previous

147 /
texts

by MS. K, and

at the latter

adds the readings of Ed. Dav.

first

marked

Antv. pp. 434

There

is

was

as not Cyprian's in Eras-

mus' ed. 1520.

page

It

Cf.

Pamel. Gyp. 1568,

5.

no other reference

to the

Ap.
Ed. Dav. has infelicissime,
which certainly cannot be (as Harnack,
p. '23 n.) a vocative case.
action or tenets of Felicissimites,
54,

12.

'

'

APPENDIX

558
Hamack.
Ltl^or'of
'ad Novatianum'?

I.

G.

shall try to represent accurately, but of course shortly,

Hamack's

argument,

The

Treatise opens thus

(H.

p. 52, 9)

*nam

'Cogitanti mihi et intolerabiliter animo aestuanti quid-

agere deberem de miserandis fratribus qui vulnerati non propria

'voluntate sed diaboli saevientis inruptione adhuc usque, hoc est per

Mongam temporum

seriem,

agentes poenas darent, ecce

ex

adverso

'obortus est alius hostis et ipsius paternae pietatis adversarius haereticus

Novatianus.'

'

Ad Novat.

\.

from a highly responsible Bishop

such Lapsed persons as had remained
Penitents a very long time, but who found himself confronted by sudden
This language

is

appropriate

who was anxious

to

restore

action on Novatian's part.

The words vulnerati ff. shew that he
took a more compassionate view of their temptation than was possible
earlier.

That he took Cyprian's view of the Church

as the one

itself

Ark of

Salvation appears in the words

(H.
est

p.

55,

in aqua,

Ad Novat.

'

3)

Quae area sola cum his quse secum fuerant liberata

in ea inventi non sunt diluvio perierunt.'

at caeteri qui

2,

and

as the only valid authorized baptizer in

(H.

p.

'...sacramentum baptismatis, quod

55, 23)

humani provisum

(permissum add. H.).

Ad Novat.

The

limits of date are fixed

(H.

p.

56,

18)

'

(H.

salutem generis

permissum

3.

from the following

Cataclysmus...ille qui sub

persecutionis quae per totum

Ad Novat.

in

et soli ecclesias caelesti ratione celebrare

Noe

factus

est figuram

orbem nunc nuper supereffusa

ostendit.'

5.

p. 57, 24)

'

Duplex ergo

ilia

emissio [columbae ex area] duplicem

'nobis persecutionis temptationem ostendit

prima in qua qui lapsi sunt

secunda in qua hi ipsi qui ceciderunt victores extiterunt.
'NuUi enim nostrum dubium vel incertum est, fratres dile^tissimi, illos
'qui prima acie id est Deciana persecutione vulnerati fuerunt, hos postea
id est secundo proelio ita fortiter perseverasse, ut contemnentes edicta
'sascularium principum hoc invictum haberent, quod et non metuerunt
'exemplo boni pastoris anitnam suajti tradere, sanguinem fundere nee
:

'vieti ceciderunt,

'

'ullam insanientis tyranni saevitiam recusare.'

secundo proelio must

mean

Ad Novat.

6.

the persecution of Gallus, which

was not

over before Aug. 253, but was over when this treatise was written. It
can be described by 'nunc nuper,' yet the Penitent Lapsed have been
Penitents 'per longam temporum seriem V which would be adequately
met by allowing three years or even two since the persecution of Gallus.
Even so, some would have been in that condition five years since the
^

Cyprian thought a triennium

sufficient.

Ep.

56. 2.

*AD NOVATIANUM.'

559

The persecution of Valerian

beginning of the persecution of Decius.
is plainly not begun.
It began Aug, 257, but not in earnest, and for
Rome not at all till Aug. 258. We have then the limits fixed between
Aug. 255 and Aug. (257

The

locality

must have been.

their honour in

or) 258.

interestingly fixed

is

They

fell

by considering who these Lapsi

in the persecution of

Decius

many

retrieved

none have been restored. Now the

Carthaginian penitents were restored by the Council of May 252, to arm
them for the threatened persecution of Gallus. But there is no indication
Cyprian was pressed by a lax party
of any such restoration at Rome.
who would have absorbed the penitents if these were kept out of the
Church much longer. But Stephanus was pressed by the Puritan party
of Novatianists, who would have absorbed many Catholics if his action
had been indulgent. Stephanus had in the case of Marcian of Aries
shewn himself unwilling to be hard on Novatianists, and was ready even
The Roman policy had been to keep penitents
to admit their Baptism.
that of Gallus, but

long waiting.

There are strong touches of Roman colour also in the Christology

which writes that Judas Deum prodtdit' (H. 64, 22. Ad Novat. 14);
and in the assumption implied in quoting the baptismal charge as given
by Christ Petro sed et ctitris, discipulis^' (H. 56, i. Ad Novat. 3.)
Our author then is a Bishop at Rome between Aug. 253 and Aug. 257
'

or

8,

anxious to restore meritorious penitents of long standing, his efibrts

by Novatian's

frustrated

action.

being shewn that neither Stephanus nor Lucius could have written
the treatise^ it remains by process of exhaustion that the Bishop in
question is Sixtus II., and he had opportunity to write, for it is almost
It

certain that during his eleven

and he were unmolested

at

months and six days' reign the Christians

he and Roman presbyters were in

Rome

fact peacefully corresponding all the time with Dionysius.

Such

is

grateful to

the outline of Harnack's argument, and

him

for taking us

on so interesting a

we

certainly are

quest.

which he deduces are still more remarkable. Historical

'^"'
have
There
must
been in the time of Sixtus a new and
^
sequences
ex
himself
'ecce
Novatian
Novatianism,
led
by
forceful outbreak of
of Sixtus
Ad Novat. i. It was H. being
adverso obortus est alius hostis...Novatianus.'
II.

The

Thus:

sufficient to

compel

it

historic results

(i)'

stem the charitable policy of the Church, or

on the question in argument with the

to parley

at
'

least

to

haereticus.'

of the charge itself are

though the arguments adduced against

here compounded of Matth. xxviii. 19

the authorship of Lucius are not very

The words

and Mark
^

of

strong,

xvi. 15.

Argument
Stephanus

against

was

the

authorship

superfluous,

and

yet

they are

satisfactory

in

the absence of any probabihty on the

other side.

^ ^"' ''

APPENDIX

560
(2)

It

becomes

clear

how

which, as Harnack says

G.

the Baptismal Controversy ended at

Rome

was not known to Augustine himself,

namely by Sixtus' adopting the policy and even the formula^ of Cyprian.
This further explains the remark of Dionysius^ to Sixtus that the Roman
presbyters, Dionysius and Philemon, )\3.di formerly sided with Stephen
{(rvfiylnj(f>ois

(3)

irporepov

Sixtus

(p. 39),

l,T((f>av(o yevofievois).

becomes much more than the 'bonus

II.

et

pacificus

sacerdos' of Pontius {Vii. 14) (an expression, we may remark, to which

in his mouth it is possible to attach too much significance).

A comparison of passages (Ham. pp. 35 ff.) shews the closest

(4)
dependence of the cu/ Novatiamitn on the de Unitate. Twenty places
Besides this there

at least are distinct quotations.

is

(pp. 50

ff.)

a constant

near resemblance to Cyprian's style and use of words. Sixtus II. was
in fact a 'Scholar of the great African Bishop,' a 'slavish copyist' of his

and 'on Work and Almsdeeds' and of some of

and he adopted his policy in every particular.

treatises 'on Unity'

Epistles,

In fact in A.D. 257

Roman

over the

The above
I^I-

Difficulties

in accept-

^"^th

This

Cyprian 'by his writings spiritually lorded

See' (pp. 67

are

is

his

Hamack's

it

f.).

principal historical inferences.

beyond question a strikingly new aspect of Rome exhibited

and it requires reflexion. Meantime

to the eyes of the historical student,

^^ "^ certain difficulties present themselves.

!

author.

the Baptismal controversy ended in so round and simple

If

a manner as by Xystus adopting entirely Cyprian's views and language,

it is strange that Augustine did not know it, and that others should have
given such wild accounts of the reversal.
2.

It is

strange that no trace of intercourse between Cyprian and

Xystus, no mention of either by the other, should have survived

we know, have ever been known

Rome, and Xystus was corresponding

as

more

or,

so far

Cyprian had agents in

with Dionysius in exile.
to exist.

Xystus thus adopted Cyprian's treattreatment which prevailed and

continued in the Western Church should have been not that of Cyprian
and Xystus but that of Stephen.
The Roman inclination to appropriate to Peter language of our
4.
3.

ment of

It is yet

strange,

heretical baptism,

Lord which

is

if

that

addressed to others

the

is

traced by

Harnack

in the 'rnandat

Petro sed et ceteris discipulis noticed above. But there is a much more
extraordinary instance of that proclivity which for some reason he does
not notice. In c II the ad Novatianum quotes at length the conversation
'

between our Lord and Simon the Pharisee over the penitent woman.
Three times over our author in his quotation of S. Luke vii. vv. 40,
43, 47 substitutes the name of Peter for that of Simon, in the last verse
^

Ham.

p. 66.

Euseb.

vii. 5.

*AD NOVATIANUM.'
inserts

who

Can

it.

this

be really Xystus the typical Doctor, he of the Chair,

confuses Simon Peter with Simon the Pharisee, or thinks

either

honour the See of

to

$61

Rome by

the change

But there are also other passages which, if this is a genuine letter
fall in with an earlier year and person.
The language about Novatian seems more appropriate to his
than to a recrudescence. While our author was considering how

IV.

of those times, might seem to

1.

first rise

the Lapsed should be reconciled,

ecce ex

This

not the phraseology which would be used about one

is

now for over

six years

e^fer
date,

adverse abortus est alius hostis

et ipsius paternae pietatis adversarius haereticus Novatianus,' c.

12.

Indica-

been pursuing the same

i,

H.

52,

who had

policy.

if his sound teaching

Church belonged to years ago; and the writer proceeds 'hodie
retractas an debeant lapsorum curari vulnera,' H. 64, 10, as if his
discussion of the question were new, not of such old standing as by
Xystus' time it would have become.
In c. I, H. 53, 12 his adherents are called 'suos quos colligit,'
3.
In c. 2, H.
not as if they were a long-standing formidable congregation.
54, 12 they are vel nunc infelicissimi pauci,' just as Cornelius (Euseb. H. E.
vi. 43) says that Novatian yeyvfivaa-dai, koI epr^ixov yeyovevai, KaTaKifinavovrav

In

2.

14 Novatian

c.

scarcely addressed as

is

in the

'

avTov Kad' ^fxtpap eKaanjv rav abiK(^m>.

Compare the already quoted 'ecce ex ad verso obortus est alius

and the exclamation of surprise at the attitude of Novatian,

4.

hostis &c.'

'mirum quot acerba, quot aspera, quot perversa sunt,' c. i, H. 52, 13 with
what Cornelius writes of him (Euseb. I.e.), a.l<j>vibi.ov eVtV/KOTroj aairep '<
fiayydvov rivos els to fxeirov pii^deis dvafpaiverai and ap.ri)(^avov ocn]v....Tpo7rT]v
<at fxera^dX^p iv ^paxet Kaipa edeacrap-fda eV avrov yeyevrjfieinjv.
Compare c. I, H. 53, 9'luporum more tenebrosamcaliginem op5.
tare. ..ferina

sua crudelitate oves...laniare' with Cornelius' rqv

aKoivavrjcriav

avTOv Koi \vKO(^CKiav.

Compare what

6.

teacher,
at

sound on

him as

said

is

c.

14

of his former

position

as

very subject of penitence, with Cornelius' sneer

6 BoyparioTi]!, 6 t^s eKK\r]tTi,aa-TiKfjs fmcmjpTjs vnepaa-nia-Ti]!.

Compare

7.

this

c.

8,

H.

i,

59,

on their intentional superseding of the

name

Christiani by Novatiani with what Cornelius relates of the personal

pledges taken to Novatian in the Eucharist itself by his followers ^
In

all

these passages the point of view

angles

may be

pastor,

which Cornelius does

different, for c.

13 treats

not.

is

him

identical.

The personal

as having been a tender

But the point of view is the same. It

rise of an enemy, the other the

cannot be said that one describes the

revival of a heretic of several years' standing.

8.

The passage 'Duplex

Harnack thinks)

not require (as

B.

ergo &c.' from c. 6, H. p. 57, 24 does No proof

of ^^te
that the persecution of Callus should be

Euseb.

vi. 43.

36

APPENDIX

S62

G.

It at least admits of an earlier application.

than over when it was written.
the begin- It only says, in that secundum proelium} some who had before lapsed,

later

!^^

perseverassc.nec ullam inBut these noble recoveries

One of the strongest arguments of Cyprian
and the Council 'de pace maturius danda,' A.D. 252, even before the
persecution of Gallus, was the cases of the Lapsed who in a second
trial 'fortiter steterint et adversarium nobiscum in congressione prothey

that

extiterunt,'

'victores

secution of saevientis tyranni saevitiam

Gallus.
vvere of frequent occurrence.

'fortiter

recusare.'

and Epistle 56 is occupied with the case of three

such persons whose endurance was marvellous.
The passage contains no indication that the secundum proelium was
more than begun, and we know that it was not considered to be ended.
straverint' {Ep. 57. 3)

No second
9. Harnack thinks (p.41) that the newoutbreak of Novatianism in the
outbreak
Wmo, of Sixtus II., which he infers from ad Novai., is indicated by Dionysius
^^ writing to his namesake the Roman presbyter (Euseb. H. E. vii. 8),
tianism de- ^^'^j
scribed by gives these reasons for hostility to Novatian, namely as biaKoipavri rfjv (kkXi]-

Uionysius
Alex.

g-jQ^^

^q/ rivas rcov d8fX<f)a>v fit dcrefieias koI ^Xaacprjfxias ehKvcravTL, koi TTfoi rov

'>

^^

-tvfc-v^>
N'
Qeov oioaaicaKiav avodiaraTrjv fnficrKVK\r)aavTi- Kai rov
H-picrrov

TjiiStv '\r)crovv

as

<

;(pt;(rTOTaTOj' Kvpioi'

avrjkef) avKO(f>avTovfri, fn\ Trairiv Se tovtois to Xovrpoi/

ddfTovvTi TO dyiov, koi t^v t( npo avToii TviaTiv koI ofioXoyiav dvarpfirovTi. to re
TTvevfia

TO dyiov i^ avrav,

Kai Tis

fl

rju

fXiriS tov irapapLflvat

rj

(TraveXdelf irpos

avTovs, ircwreXas (pvyaSevoirri.

1 am obliged to quote the whole passage in Greek because all turns
upon the participial tenses, which are surely most carefully kept apart,
and lead, as it seems to me, to a conclusion contrary to Harnack's. The

continuous result

is

The

distinguished from the outbreak of the schism.

violent cleavage of the Church, the perversion of a

body of believers

to

and even blasphemous acts (such as the Eucharistic pledges by

which Novatian compacted a following^), the introduction of a doctrine
irreverent

dishonouring to God,

these

are told in aorists

they were one group of

actions past, the formation of the heretical schism.

But the misrepre-

sentation of Christ's compassionate character, the contempt of the font,

and perversion of the baptismal confession, the keeping of the Holy

Ghost at a distance from those who would repent but are not allowed
:

We

do not doubt the application of

Cyprian shews that there

these words.

was a short
Decian

interval before

persecution,

it

which

'quies et tranquillitas,' but

he

original

calls

'urguente certamine,' p. 57.

Harnack,

may be a

version of his

of

that

the account

Cornelius,

But

let

is

the

describing

the

very gestures and words of Novatian.

Cornelius had such particulars of his
rexi/dcrAiaTa Kai Troi'T/peiJ/iiaTa

from Maxi-

mus, Urbanus, Sidonius and Celerinus

2, 3, 5.
2

observe

us

they were

it

altering the Baptismal Creed.

after the

even then under the fear 'impendentis

prcelii,'

holds that

p. 42, thinks this

account

of Novatian's Eucharist incredible, but

(Eus.

i.e.).

'AD NOVATIANUM.'

563

new strokes, of Novatianism, and

The passage distinctly differences
and the continuous
first energetic movement
places in past time, but gives no sign of new

these are the continuous operation, not

so are related in the present tense.

from each other the

result.

The former

it

in the time of Xystus.

development or even revival

V. There remains one external argument for the book being by Sixtus. The

The Prcedestinatus, which belongs to the middle of the fifth century

(so Hamack, pp. 4449)^, has in its Part I., The Catalogue of Heresies,
this notice.
haeresis est Catharorum qui se ipsos isto nomine quasi
munditiam superbissime appellarunt, secundas nuptias non
admittunt, paenitentiam denegant, Novatum sectantes haereticum, unde
contra hunc beatus Xystus martyr et
etiam Novatiani appellantur.
'

XXXVIII.

propter

episcopus et venerabilis Cyprianus martyr Christi tunc Carthaginiensis

Novatum librum de lapsis quod possint per paeni-

pontifex scripsit contra

quam labendo

tentiam recuperare gratiam

adserebat

omnino non

fieri

perdiderant,

quod Novatus

posse.'

This description of the book 'contra Novatum'

to the point of this fragment

is

an account exactly

ad Novatianum, but has no

relation to

was the occurrence of these two words

de lapsis which caused some erudite scribe to insert all the words 'et
Fortunately the word scripsit remains, which by
venerabilis...ponti/ex.^
The rest of the statement I
its construction makes the insertion certain.
must leave for what it is worth. The Catalogue of Heresies is of course
admitted by Hamack himself to be much of it quite valueless. But his
historic Erkenntniss assures him that its assignment of the authorship of
Cyprian's de Lapsis.

this

obscure fragment

VI.
present

suggest that

it

correct.

is

Upon the whole, I believe that if this fragment (which does not
many points to lay hold of) is not an historic and theological study

but a book genuinely addressed to Novatian, it is the work of a responsible

Bishop in or about Rome. But to identify the writer with Xystus is to
create a view of that doctor himself, of

Rome

as under the influence of

Cyprian, and of the end of the Baptismal controversy,

which

not

is

warranted, but discredited by our other knowledge of the times.

[First published

Paris 1643.
varia, vol.

La

Eigne,

by Jacques Sirmond,

Printed in Sirmondi Opera

I.

pp. 465

Max.

x.xvii. p. 543

ff.

(Paris 1696);

Bibl. veil. Patr., vol.

(Lyon 1677); Galland.

Bibl. veit. Patr., vol. x. p.

1774).

Book

I.

edited

359 (Ven.

by

Oehler,

Corpus hcsreseologicum, Berlin,

1856,

The Catalogue

Part

I.,

full

of blunders.

of Heresies,

Part

II.

Part III.

professes to be Augustine's.
professes

but

is

passage
ipsos

...

to

full

condemn

Pelagians,

of Pelagianism.]

given

in

appellarunt

Augustine,

the

De

the
'

text

In the
'qui

copied

is

is

absurdly

hares. 30.

362

se

from

testi-

{^g/>
destinatus.

APPENDIX

564
But there

nothing which would not

is

years

five or six

G.

earlier,

fall

in with the conditions of

the anxious days in which Cornelius and Cyprian

were with great unanimity dealing with the rise of Novatianism and the
Cyprian was sending Cornelius
; when
his new book de Unitate; and the kinder view of the Lapsed, as 'vulnerati

proper treatment of the Lapsed

a diabolo,' and not as wilful sinners, had already come

Ep.

(H.

Ep.

in,

see Cyprian's

(H. 680, 16) et passim. It might be

carried (if so desired) almost to the end of Cornelius's life.
Yet
It is not inconceivable that the author might be Cornelius ^
its

55. 19

p. 637, 22),

58. 13

general, abstract style contrasts too

much

with the detailed, definite,

personal style in which he handles Novatian in the letter to Fabius

(Euseb.

H.E. vi.

loth to impute to

and Simon

43),

him

even allowing for the different situations. I am also

either the confusion between Simon the Pharisee
lengthy, feeble

the

or

Peter,

and

applications of the flights of Noah's dove to the

inextricably confused

fall

and recovery of the

Lapsed.

There were other Bishops near to Rome who were quite capable of
book and who (like Hippolytus before this time) may have
felt their responsibility for all that went on as even superior to that of
inditing the

the Pope,
I make with diffidence, with a lively
Dr Harnack's paper, and with gratitude

These observations
of the interest of

appreciation
for the inci-

dental lights which in brief space he has thrown on the subject and

its

literature.

Erasmus

thought

so,

through misapprehension
de

Vii-is

...scripsit

Illustribus.,

Ixvi.,

ad

epistolam

aliam de Novatiano

et

de

but
of

only

Jerome,

'Cornelius

Fabium...et
his qui lapsi

sunt,' as

if this

could describe the

ad

Novatianum. F,rasmus's adnotatmncula

(in

Fo. 500) prefixed to his Cyprian,

1520; repeated

in ed. 1530.

565

APPENDIX
Examination of

the Lists

H.

of Bishops attending

the Councils.

{^Genuineness, Seniority^

There are four lists of Bishops, varying in number from 36 to 86, who
were assembled in Councils, or were formally addressed by Councils,
from the year 252 to 256 A.D. {Epp. 57, 67, 70, and Sentt. Episc).
The African bishops sat by seniority according to Codex Canonum
Eccles. Africanae Can. 86, which comes from Concil. Milevit. A.D. 416,
Labbe, li. c. 1316, ill. cc. 383, 4. This, as all the bishops there affirmed,
represented the tradition. Augustine complains of breaches of the rule,
Ep. 59. I. They sate under their primates, and it is evident in the list
of the Council of 256 A.D. that they did not sit by provinces from the
mixture of Proconsular and Numidian sees.
If the Cyprianic lists were genuine, then
(i) From an episcopate so large and so widespread, we should expect
that in lists so far short of the whole number some names would recur in
more than one list, but many would appear only once.
Also we should find certain relations among the recurrent names.
Names which appeared in more than one list would, when inter(2)
vening non-recurrent names were struck out, stand in nearly the same order
in different lists, allowance being made for incidents such as disputable
precedence which might arise, for instance, from date of consecration
being uncertain or other causes, such as appear in Augustine and the
Canon
(3)

as cited above.

The percentage

of recurrent

names would dwindle

in later lists

on account of deaths.
(4)

In a longer

dotted along

its

list

the recurrent

whole length.

The

names would be more spread out,

names in a list of 36 might be

later

list of 86, but if the largest list be the latest it would probably
end a number of junior names not occurring in earlier ones.
If those conditions were met the genuineness of the lists would
be established. In forged lists such conditions would find no place,
unless they had been clearly foreseen, and the names arranged upon
a skeleton drawn before to ensure the appearances. But the multiplicity
and complication of the relations between the names on these lists and in
other parts of the Cyprianic correspondence is far too great to have been
invented and constructed by any romancer. Disturbances we do find,
but small in proportion. Some of them are singular and explicable,
while the very presence of other disturbances to which we find no
clue, in a case where most is coherent and our knowledge so limited,
indicates that at least they are not shaped on a plan.

the later in a

have

at the

6
4
5
7
11
1

APPENDIX

566

TABLE
The Four
11^

IV"" Council,
A.D. 254, Ep. 67.

Council,

A.D. 252, Ep. 57.

H.

I.

Lists.

V"* Council,
A.D. 255, Ep. 7<

Liberalis

Csecilius

Liberalis

1
3

Caldonius

Primus

Nicomedes

Polycarpus

Caldonius
Junius

Csecilius

Nicomedes

Primus

Junius
Marrutius

Csecilius

9
xo

Lucianus
Successus
Sedatus
Fortunatus
Januarius I.
Secundus

Pomponius

6
7

8
9
10

Felix
Successus
Faustinas

Fortunatus L
Victor
Saturninus L
Saturninus IL
Rogatlanus

Tertullus

Lucianus

12

13

12

Honoratus

13
14
15
16

Victor
Aurelius

Sattius

18

Secundinus

17
18

19

Saturninus IIL

19

20

Eutyches

20
21
22

Ampius

22
23
24
25

Saturninus IV.
Aurelius

26
27
28
29
30
3

32
33

34
35
36

Polycarpus

Nicomedes
Felix

Marnitius
Successus
Lucianus

Honoratus
13

14

I.

Sattius

Petrus
Januarius II.
Saturninus I.
Aurelius II.

15
16

17
18

19

Venantius
Quietus
Rogatianus

[22

20
21

Fortunatus
Victor I.

Donatus

I.

Lucius
Herculanus

Pomponius
Demetrius
Quintus
Saturninus I.
Januarius I.]

23
24

Tenax

^3

Marcus

Priscus

Felix

24

Saturninus II.

Herculaneus

25

Donatus

26
27
28
29
30

Faustus
Quintus
Saturninus
Lucius

25

Victoricus

26
27
28
29

Rogatianus
Sedatus

Quintus
Honoratus

Manthaneus
Hortensianus
Verianus

31
32

Iambus
Donatus I.
Pomponius
Poly carpus
Demetrius

Vincentius
Libosus

II.

.^o

31

Sattius

32

Iambus

33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Januario II. {Ntimidiaii)

Saturnino IV.

33
34

Adelphius

35

Victoricus

36

Paulus

38
39

Privatianus

Fortunatus

40

Rogatus

40

41

Monnulus

41
42

43
44
45
46
47
48
49
22 Saturninus IV.
25 Herculanus M.

oin,

Oxon.

Hortensianus
Saturninus III.

Marcellus

Donatus

II.

Tertullus

Geminius

37

II.

II.

Maximo
Victor! II.
Victori III.

Cassio
Proculo

Modiano
Cittino
Gargilio

I.

Eutichiano
Gargilio II.

Saturnino V.

Nemesiano

Nampulo
Antoniano
Rogatiano
Honorato

22 Januarius om. Hartel, though in

CLM

R.

LISTS OF BISHOPS.

TABLE

I.

(continued).

The Four
VII" Council,

Lists.

567

APPENDIX

568

I.

If

we

turn

now

H.

to the actual lists given in

Table

I.

side

by

side,

complete as they are found in the MSS. of Cyprian, and again as

opposite in Table II., with the omission of names which occur only in
one list, and of very common names like Felix, where nothing points to

upon an inspection of the numbers which

that the identified names do follow in
the same sequence in each to such an extent as to shew at once the
genuineness of the documents and the existence in Cyprian's time of
identification,

we

shall find

give their position in each

list,

the rule of seniority.

An
ment.

inspection of Table

The number

markable.

of

II. will at

once shew the force of this argu-

names which have

their sequence exact

is

re-

8
6
3

LISTS

OF BISHOPS.

TABLE

569

II.

Identical Names in the Lists of the Councils.

II"**,

57-

5
7

8
10

Nicomedes

Junius
Marrutius
Felix
Successus

Victor

Csecilius

Primus

Csecilius

Primus

Caecilius

Primus

Polycarpus

Polycarpus

Polycarpus

Nicomedes

Nicomedes

Nicomedesj

Felix

Pomponius

13
17

Victor
Januarius

Saturninus II.
Rogatianus

16

Lucianus

17

Sattius

Secundinus

22
27

29

19

23

15

Saturninus III.
Aurelius
19

Rogatianus
Saturninus II.
Vincentius
Sattius]

14

Victor

Pomponius

23

40 Victor
Januarius II.

19

Demetrius

36

48 Pomponius
Demetrius

21

22

Saturninus
Januarius

23

Marcus

24
26

Saturninus II.

I.

51

I.

38

Saturninus

Saturninus II.
Rogatianus
Vincentius]
Lucianus
52

60

Rogatianus
37
43
39
24

1 1

Lucianus

31

Sattius

30

Saturninus III.

Secundinus II.]
64 Saturninus III.

23

Tenax

28

Lucius

Quietus]
67 Tenax
62 Lucius

25

Victoricus]

21

65 Quintus
Hortensianus]
Libosus]

Victoricus]

26

Quintus

30

Libosus

31
32

Geminius

33
34
36

17

Lucius
Herculanus]

20
29

Quintus]
Hortensianus

30

59

Iambus

25

I.

Geminius

Marcellus

Adelphius
Paulus

49

Donatus II.]
Honoratus

42
35
47
53

Iambus

55
77

Donatus
Honoratus

Adelphius]
Paulus
Marcellus

'

Pomponius

37
38

Donatus

39

Fortunatus II.

41

Monnulus

II.

Privatianus

19

3
1

Sattius

Venantius

I.

Marcus

27

35

Polycarpus
Demetrius

I.

21

Quintus
Hortensianus

34
35
36

18

Aurelius

Victoricus

Donatus

16

49

27

33

Felix

Successus
Fortunatus
Sedatus

41

Herculaneus

Iambus

LI

12

Venantius
Quietus

25
26

32

I.

Aurelius

20

30

I.

Saturninus

27

Marrutius
Successus
Fortunatus
Sedatus]

9
10

Successus
Sedatus
Fortunatus

18

13
14

Caldonius
Junius

Fortunatus

VIP", A.D. 256,

SentU Epp.

255,

70.

Liberalis

Caldonius

8
1 1

Ep.

Liberalis

Csecilius

V'S A.D.

IV", A.D. 354,

Ep. 67.

A.D. 252,

Ep-

3
36

Donatus or 25]
19

Privatianus]

10

Monnulus]

APPENDIX

570

We

2.

H.

next ascertain that of the names which can be identified

throughout the

lists,

list of 41 (a.d. 252), or

30 occur in the first
28
second

36 (a.d. 254),

third

30

49 (a.d. 255),
fourth
86 (A.D. 256),

39

So that the second test as to the diminution

list, where the percentage rises

is

73*2 per cent.

77-8

61 -2

45-3

fulfilled, except in the

second

The

3.

third test

is

seen upon inspection to be

77th bishop, Honoratus, or the 78th (which

name

Victor

spond

to

is

so

names

common) no names

is

fulfilled.

more

After the

doubtful, since the

in the last longest list of

86 corre-

in the other lists.

The

instances of disturbance are curious, and worth consideration

(i)

In

list

Cascilius, the variation of Junius

and the

and Nicomedes on

stability of Polycarp, while as

The
The

(2)

(3)

of Council v. the reversal of the order of Primus and

a group these

either side of them,

five

hold their place.

and Marrutius in same list.

disturbance of Sedatus and Fortunatus, and in v. the de-

similar disturbance of Felix

pression of Sedatus.

The
The

(4)

(5)

names

is

extended to groups of four in Councils iv., v., vii., where

Pomponius, Januarius, Demetrius, Saturninus, are inter-

mixed, Victor keeping his place

among them; and

Marcellus, Iambus, Adelphius, Paulus, of

much

II.

alternation visible in the above instances as to pairs of

sqq.)

ir

(IV.

disturbance of Rogatianus and Saturninus

whom

again (iv. 32 sqq.)

Adelphius is in vii.

higher.

Other isolated variations are pointed out by a square bracket

(6)

after the names.

At the close of list of Council ll. occurs a very evident depression

names e?i ?;iasse. While they are last in this list they (all save
one, not again mentioned) occupy very high places in the other lists.
These appear without omission below the line at the end of Table II.,
and are nos. 34 to 41 in the list of Council li.
Now 35 Polycarpus was bishop of Hadrumetum. He and his clergy
had already addressed Cornelius as duly elected Pope of Rome, before
the Council met which was to decide for or against his recognition. When
the Council had determined to await the arrival of more authentic in(7)

of seven

formation as to the character of the election, Cyprian the Metropolitan

and Liberalis the senior bishop

In this

there

is

list

it

will

visited

be found that

twice as large a proportion of

attendances from the immediate vicinity

Hadrumetum

together during

of Carthage, from places within

45 miles radius
p. 578).

(v.

Appendix on

the

Cities,

LISTS OF BISHOPS.

571

the pause (pp. 132, 133). The result of that visit was (and Cornelius
complained of it accordingly) that the clergy of Hadrumetum in addressing a second ecclesiastical letter to Rome, directed

it

this

time not

and deacons of the city.

What was the object of this visit of Cyprian and Liberalis if it was not
to induce the bishop and clergy of a city which had been precipitate in its
recognition to suspend their judgment? And would the visit have been
necessary if Polycarp had been with them at Carthage
The presumption is not weak that Polycarp was absent from the first
and present at the later sittings, and when we consider the names and
numbers which follow, especially such an instance as that of Monnulus,
we must assume (it would appear) some formal cause for the anomalous
depression of these members below their usual place
and deferred
attendance seems to be at least one rational way of accounting for the
to Cornelius but to the presbyter

.''

fact.

(8)

In the long hst of the 86 bishops of Council

vii.

lines of disturbance clearly not accidental, yet without

there are two

more knowledge

inexplicable.

be seen that the bishops numbered 40, 48, 51, 52, 60, 64,
all placed in this list much lower than in the others, but
that their seniority amotig themselves is very slightly deranged.
In same Hst 24, 27, 21, 25, 30, 36, are all much higher than in other
b.
It will

a.

67,

62? 65? are

lists,

but again their seniority

Notes,

(i)

The bishop

among themselves
vil.

71,

is

respected.

Pudentianus, speaks of his own

juniority.
It appears that Junius
(2)
be the same as v. 3 Junius.

vii.

86 unless he came

late

can scarcely

In treating vil. 52 as Numidian Tucca, and vtl. ^-j as Proconsular

(3)
Tucca, Morcelli has transposed them. For vii. ']] Honoratus is the
Numidian by Epp. 62, 70, and answers to 49 in Council v.
VII. 52 Saturninus of Tucca (Terebinthina) is the proconsular bishop,

and comes in his proper place according to the other lists.

I have forborne to collate some of the name of
(4)

Felix, or

to

identify VIl. 58 Faustus with IV. 25.

(5)

view

is

On

VII.

27 see note on

right then vii. 27 will not

Quietus of Buruc,

be

p.

363.

If that

identified with iv. 21 Quietus, but

would as Qidntus take the place now given to vii. 65 Quintus. This
would be more in order, which would again still further confirm the view
taken in that note.

APPENDIX

572

Lists of

Numidian

H.

Bishops.

Taking out the Numidian bishops by themselves for a similar comwe have a similar result. There are about 25 (some uncertain) in

parison

the longest

list,

that of Council vil.

their Epistle 70,

and

there are 18 in the superscription of

8 in that of their Epistle 62.

and

All of these earliest

same order (with others

intervening), except that in the first two Usts Proculus and one Victor
change places, and that Nemesian is low in both of these and highest but
eight recur in one of the other two,

one

in the third.

He

is

also the

first

all in

the

named

in the

two

letters 76, ^^ to

and from the Numidian Confessor-Bishops. These two however are not
formal documents as the others are, and their agreement is more general.
Inspection of the following Numidian names found in more than one
list will

detect the facts.

TABLE

III.

Order of Numidian Bishops in the Headings of Epp. 62 and

AND in the Seventh Council, and in the Headings of Epp. 76,
Epistle 62

70,
77.

APPENDICES
The

Cities.

I,

K.

574

APPENDIX

INDEX TO

I.

CITIES.

575

APPENDIX
Note on the Cities frotn

which

K.

tJie

Bishops came

to

the

Seventh Council of Cyprian and Third on Baptism on

the first of September, A.D, 256* (pp.

But the

which

and

cities

their

Principal Authorities :

Inscriptiones Africce Latins, Gust.

i.,

sqq.).

short sketch has been given in the text of the interests

invested most of these cities under the Empire.

^

366

ii.),

Berl.,

fo.,

Schmidt,

fo., Berl.,

Inscriptions

Wilmanns

{Corp. Inscriptt. Latt., vol. vili.

1881 and Supplementum (Afr. Proc), R.

Cagnat

et

Johan.

1891.

Romaines

d''Alg^rie, L. Renier, Paris, i8-i8

Societe Archeologique de la Province de Constantine.

Revite Africaine, Alger, Paris, Constantine, 1856

Fouilles a Carthage,

M. Beule,

Explorations Apigraphicjues
3 fascicules, Paris, 1883

et

ff.

Annuaire 1853

fF.

ff.

4to., Paris, 1861.

Archeologiqiies en

Tutiisie,

M. R. Cagnat,

1886.

Geographie compa7-ee de la ProTjince Romaine d^A/riqtie, C. Tissot (Exploration

Scientijique de la Ttmisie), Paris, 1884

Remains of
Algeria, Al.

the

Roman

Graham

1888.

occupation

1 vols. 4to.

and Atlas.

of N. Africa with special reference

[Transactions of R. Inst, of British Architects, vol.

i.

to

N. S.,

Lond., 1885).
Travels

ifi

the Footsteps of Bruce, Col. Sir R. L. Playfair, 4to., Lond., 1887.

Various Monographs on Discoveries at Carthage, by

Lille (Desclee),

le

R. P. Delattre, 8vo.,

1888 1890.

Trhor de Chronologic, d^Histoire

et

de Geographie, C*^ de

Mas

Latrie, fo.,

Paris, 1889.

Untersuchungen

iiber die aussere

Entwicklung der Afrikanischen Kirche, Dr

A. Schwarze, Gdttingen, 1892.

Excursions in the Mediterranean, Algeria and Tunis, Sir Grenville T. Temple,

Lond., 1835.

Four Months in Algeria,

1.

W.

Blakesley,

Svc, Cambridge, 1859.

APPENDIX

576

K.

occupation of the country are indeed so remarkable that

I have cast into

This Note cannot pretend to
originality, although I felt it a duty and found it an intense enjoyment to
visit some of these remarkable sites.
I have to rely on published investi-

the form of a long Note fuller particulars.

gations and, where possible,

mistakes are,

have verified the authorities, although

summarizing so large a number of

fear, inevitable in

statements.

Some

explorations have been

monumental

so assiduous and their records so

that increasing research will rather increase than lessen

The gratitude of learning will never be withdrawn from

Charles Tissot or Gustavus Wilmanns.

their value^.

To

recapitulate a few necessary points.

The Council

of Carthage of the year 256 (September i) is described in

contemporaneous minutes as The meeting of very many Bishops of the
province of Africa, Numidia, Mauritania.'
It must not be understood as
if the 87 were an approximately even representation of the sees of the
continent^. At the most two Mauritanian Bishops, and one whose see
'

Great Sahara, H. B. Tristram, 8vo., London, i86o.

Carthage and her Remains,

Ruined

Cities

within

Dr N.

Davis, 8vo., London, 1861.

Numidian and Carthaginian

Territory,

N. Davis,

8vo.,

London, 1862.
Travels in Tunisia, A.

Maps: Carthage,
Sahara

Graham and H.

Caillat, 1877.

Ashbee, imp. 8vo., London, 1887.

S.

Perthes (Afrika),

Spruner-Menke, Atlas antiq. no.

(2).

tentrionale (Service geographique de I'Armee

R.

West Sahara

de Lannoy de Bissy),

Carte de Reconnaissance (Serv. geogr. de I'Armee) Tunisie

la Tunisie et

Pelet,

89 1.

(i).

Central

Afrique Reg. Sep-

xxxi.

iii.

i,

2, 6.

Environs de

Algerie et Tunisie,
de Carthage, Paris, Depot de la Guerre.
Above all, the grand Atlas archeologique de la Tunisie (Ministere

de rinstruction Publique), Paris, 3 livraisons, 1893-5.

A.D.

397.

Synodus Carthagin. sub Grate,

Synodus Maximianistarum [Concilium apud Cabursussi].
Synodus Carthaginensis.

41

Collatio Carthagine habita inter

The date of Cyprian's

419

Synodus Carthaginensis.

not entered because

484

Collatio Carthagine habita inter

525

Concilium Carthaginense.

belong to the following Councils

641

Concilium Byzacenum.

A.D.

646

margin gives the

349.

names of the towns from the

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum ; and
the modern names of the towns gene-

393.

Note that the

antient

rally as in Tissot

the figures are the

dates at which their Bishops appear,

mostly in Councils.
Council, 256 A. D.,
the Bishops of

were there.

256.

305.
314.

all

is

Catholicos

all

the other dates

Synodus Carthaginensis sub Cypriano VII. de Baptismo III.

Synodus Cirtse Celebrata.
Synodus Arelatensis I.

Donatistas.

Catholicos et Arianos.

the towns treated of

Nearly

et

p-

IV. Concilia Africana.

Poole, Life
366,

and Times of Cyprian,

'the far greater part

of the

Bishops of Africa, Numidia and Mauritania.'

THE
was half
as
of

Numidia, appear

in

CITIES.

577

for this vast Province.

There were twice

many from the Proconsular Province as from the larger Numidia, and
the 55 who represented the Province 12 came from within five and

forty miles of Carthage.

The bare roll of the eighty-seven names would be a wonderful witness

commanding influence of Cyprian, but to review their cities is to

to the

realize the material

If

we could

which was being shaped into Christendom,

revive but a faint picture of those cities, their number,

their beauty, their wealth, resources

amazed

at the

power and the

and administration, we should stand

magnificence and the elaboration

policy, the

Rome organized so resourceful a continent so wickedly won.

But a separate interest still lies in the fact that the Christians had so
immediately and so vigorously laid hold on the centres of hfe and activity,
and faced on new principles the problems which defied that Roman
genius of rule and grew more intricate both in spite of and in consequence
with which

of

its efforts.

Buildings
later century

were

full

may be mentioned

in

this

Note which belong

than Cyprian's, but already in his time

grown and magnificent, and

it

is

many

strange to

to

of the cities

remember how

was going on side by side with Christian growth.

In most of these towns which lay so thick in that resourceful region
there was a bishop, a stipendiary^ staff of presbyters, organized on a
collegiate or quasi-canonical plan of life and work, and a set of deacons
administering the more secular affairs and providing for the monetary
needs of the Church. Many of these places have ruins of more than one
Christian basilica, which no doubt succeeded to private halls, secular
rooms, and 'fabricae' like Fabian's, which were used in Cyprian's time.
The bishop was everywhere elected by and represented an enlightened
and steadily increasing portion of the community. What his powers
were, sole or joint, we have seen.
He had been brought up like every
educated Roman within constant sight of the administration of firm
actively heathen growth

sound, and possibly in the

and argumentation, amid the publicity of the wildest
pleasures, and with his precise place assigned him in the body politic,
under the name but without the least substance of liberty. The only
liberty known was that which was being re-formed under the new constitution which he himself represented.
The Episcopus Christianorum was called sacerdos. There were many
sacerdotes in every town
flamens, pontiffs, ministers of the beautiful
temples, and countless altars. The higher of these were great civilians
and generals who officiated from time to time for an hour of their secular
day.
Some were hereditary keepers of the gods' homes and of the gods
themselves ; some were nominated and lived partly by endowments, partly
justice, of revenue, of military force, within

practice, of eloquence

B.

Epp.

I.

34. 4; 39. 5; see note 3

on

p.

305 sup.

37

APPENDIX

578

K.

But the new sacerdotes had begun to live among them, each
men and the successor to powers which 'loved not the
world, neither the things which were in the world.' He was the ambassador
of One God who had had and was having real dealings with men, touching
things inexpressible by the voices of heathen prayer things which had
nothing to do with prosperity, or material, or disease, which triplet was
on
at

oflferings.

once the elect of

the hope or fear of the heathen.

was some such person, who with his personal equation as various as
make it, came glowing with the faith of Christ from

It

tides of life could

each of eighty-six cities to the central chair of the Province.

The list runs off merely, as it would seem, according to the seniority of
the prelates, with perhaps a queue of late comers. But with a little effort

we can

cast those cities into groups,

a living idea to their names.

of the
I

tion

and the

list

will

on the map, as they lay

6.

upwards.
Mauretania.

7.

The

at

Aries 314,
484', 525',
"

'

ssI;

Carthage from the

cities

'"'

The

Circle of Carthage.

*'

still

ranked as

now fast ceding that place to Hadrumetum,

was silting up its grand military and merchant harbours,

Bagradas

,
r
and banking the sea out further every year from immense structures
reared for the health, pleasure, and defence of its many generations. In
jj
we trace Phoenician works almost as extensive and
miles of fragments
o
more solid than the finest Roman. From Cape Carthage Utica lies full
in view across the curve of the bay, pale against the hills which hide

f^^ the

on the northern trend of the

Bizerte,

even in

its

coast.

strangely altered name,

is

HiPPO DiARRHYTUS.

occupied picturesquely both banks and the mid-island of the tidal

The fame of neither city
^dit of its north lake with its garden shores.
It

Carthage in

clear

its

from the unpatriotic memory of havmg deserted

Hippo was now a poor-spirited, self-con-

extremity, and

tained provincial town^, living by

Bp^'ll^^'i

on the Syrtes and

from the group of sees close round the Metropolis, within a

seemed ever

lippone

sasi 646.

to

^^^ second city of Africa, but was

Bizerte

'inirmi>Sidp-

B^^ri,

in the eye of neighbours or travellers.

radius of 45 miles, twelve bishops came to the Council.

Utica, with memories of primaeval rivalry with Carthage,

Colonia Julia

Sy^tus.^'^

it.

convenience and easy recogni-

Bishops in
A.D. 303

for

cities unidentified.

I.

^B'ou^Chater.

somewhat of

The circle of cities about Carthage.

The circle of Cirta.
The circle of Mount Aures.
The Theveste Road.

First;

Hadriana
Augusta

attach

force of the thoughts which rise out of

Three Routes

ka''"coiYnia
Julia iEiia

we can even now

shall thus appreciate the significance

group them as follows, merely

I.

Municipium

We

its

marvellous

fisheries,

See the pretty sarcastic story of Pliny, Ep.

ix. 33.

THE

CITIES.

579

lay on the coast between the two, came

from Hippo Petrus, and from Utica Aurelius^

From Thinisa, which

the Bishop Venantius

eiVio-ao, Ptol

Tun"ei^'i
Tuniza,

From Carthage, looking due east across the glorious gulf, a good
way beyond the eastern spur of the Horns of Ben Goumin, Secundinus
would discern his own Carpos^, with its fashionable hot-springs scene

later

on of Donatist savagery.

'

^'

Ant.
^"

B^//^^-^^f^f'
Colonia
Kipfficfpt'.*'

Bps^ii

Out of sight on the far side of the same eastern promontory lay 484. 52s. 646.
Neapolis, the north horn of the gulf then called after it, now Gulf of Co'- J"!'^
Neapohs.
Hammamet an African Bay of Naples. It was a Carthagmian factory, jVeiei.
the nearest African harbour to Sicily^, captured by Agathocles and by 484!'s25',646'.
Colonia.' Edrisi saw great ruins of it, but they have
Piso, and an early
all passed into the mean carcase of the Arab town.
He speaks
Its Bishop Junius was the last who spoke in the Council.
of the earlier conciliar decisions as 'what we once for all sanctioned*,' and
and as a senior.
in each of the former Council-lists his name appears
'

...

'

Some element

of either distance or lateness enters into the

as the Tripolitan Bishops are

all

list

of a.d. 257,

together at the end.

Southward a few miles, between Mount Zaghouan and the sea, was
Segermes, only ruins still to us, not identified until 1884^ Nicomedes
was one of the seniors.

Munidpium
Augustum
//arlT^^'

deep torrent channel, drains into the Bps-4ii,484,

with cities. In its upper dale it
fertile
once
thick
of
Tunis
waste
Lake
a
"'^
skirts on the south-east the site of Great Thuburbo^ one of Pliny's Aur^Jiia
One ofihui^?bo
'eight Colonies,' founded by Julius, improved by Commodus.

The

tiny

Oued Meliana,

with

its

Majus.
^

Epp. 49,
Sentt. Epp. 24.

Sentt.

72, 4 1.

On

form of name

Quod semel

censuimus, Sentt. Epp. gpj g,^

(AHes),

86.

4H|

not one of the Emporia proper which

Epp. 9 C. I. L. viii. i.
n. 910, and Suppl. i., p. 1164, mi.
11170 and 11172. Cf. Bullet, archeol.
du Cotfi. des Trav. Hist. 1885, p. 162,

were the towns on the

1886, p. 71.

see p. 421, n. 2.
'

Thucydides

vii. 50.

He

calls

Nea-

polis a 'Ka.pxr\hoviaK6v ifiirdpt-ov; that

little

is,

Syrtis from

Thenas, though those between the two

Syrtes

are

the word.
of

Tripoli

sometimes understood

in

Sentt.

Sentt.

Epp.

that the see

is

No

18.

Morcelli thought Neapolis

and

was here meant,

ance of two synonymous

since

it

in

314

at

reason to doubt

Thuburbo majus.
Aries there

is

Now

no appear-

cities.

But in

follows the other Tripolitan sees and

411, bishops

from 'Thuburbo majus'

Leptis Magna.

and

attend

Tissot holds this Nea-

polis to be only a

Magna.

Still

new quarter

the order

is

of Leptis

remarkable

'

minus

'

the

Tuburbis,

Flin.

Qovfiovp^w,

although geographical arrangement does

Tuburbo Majus,

not appear (except as above) in the

bur, Inscrr.

and the non-representation of the

greater Neapolis might seem unlikely

by finding which

too.

like the text of Cyprian.

list,

Collation of

Carthage.

first

But the great

in

Ptol.

Tuburb, Thu-

Peut.

1857

identified the place, has

inscription,

M.

Tissot

Thuburbo,

372

484-

APPENDIX

58o

Roman

the noble

Cities of Peace,

now

K.

among

'lying

the pots'

fragments

of three temples, great Phoenician stones in the fort-walls, and four more

'grand

Under Genseric and Huneric

edifices.'

Sedatus,

bishop, thought that

its

'bishop's prayer in the church, so

*

Civitas,

speech of heresy.'

Over the Meliana opposite was GOR^

s.

Respublica
Gontana.

it

martyrs were many.

was hallowed by the
was tainted into a cancer by the
its

as water

pure Punic for

'Hospice'

its

lands bestridden by the great aqueduct of Carthage.

DrAael
Gamra.
Respublica

Thimidensium Regiorum.'

Sidi Ali-esSedfini.
Bps. 484,
525> 646.

In

lower valley was

its

Thimida Royal that

is,

the
most splendid commonwealth
of
an ancient seat of Numidian kings, and

higher up the mountain slopes

'

is

'

another

It

is

speak of the majesty of

to

difficult

Uthina

by Byzantine general nor quarried by Arab.

'Colonia,' PI.
Oufln/o, Pt.

time of

Oudena.

the Vandal sack

Bps. 314
(Aries), 411,
525-

Roman

bishop of

its

is

own 2.

never rebuilt

ruins,

its

its

are all of the best

abandonment

after

strengthened by the fact that in A.D. 525 it had no

In Tertullian's time the character of its bishop had

When

Felix

came

to Cyprian,

square miles of undulating plateau covered with buildings, as

with

relics,

now

required those enormous sets of cisterns, that massy and

complicated citadel for

its

defence, and that perfectly appointed amphi-

It presented one and all of those social

problems which Cyprian saw spread out before Christianity.
The Lower Bagradas Valley, of untold agricultural wealth, spreads to
the north past Carthage. The river is alternately a brooklet and a wide
sudden stream, laden with alluvium. On a buttress of hills overlooking its

theatre for

Bps. 41 1, 646.

Colonies,

earlier

They

This apparent indication of

art.

been a weapon of his against Catholics.

its

Tuccabor.
Toukkdbeiir.

the

of

Uthina.

its

ferocious pleasure.

plain from the north,

hung Thuccaboris, 40 miles

inhabited meanly in its old

in

a direct line west of

on their own
its name^,
within fortifications of enormous blocks for it had its Roman and its
Punic quarters, and the native cultus of Caelestis and of Baal as HerThe bishop's
cules Conservator, was served with Imperial temples.
Carthage.

It still

is

foundations, below the great rock cisterns which

insulas

it

bears in

name was

On

Furni.

ElMssaddin.
Bps. a
Donat. 411,
525-

Fortunatus.

the other side of the valley, eight and twenty miles from Carthage,

lying on the chord of a long sweep in Hadrian's road to Theveste, and

giving

its

name

stood FuRNi*.
1

to the gate by which that road started from Carthage,

This was the place in which Cyprian applied his first act

Gorduba, Hartel; two of the best

Mss. and Aug. have Gor.

tions identify with

Gamra, and mention

trates,

Two inscrip-

Henchir Draa
its

el

annual magis-

perpetual flamen, ordo and de-

curiones.
2

Felicissimus episcopus plebis Sede-

lensis

qui at Utinensis.

Syn. Carth.

Bonifacii Episcopi, a.d. 525.

Labbe,

V. 771.
*

'Bor' seems

Hebrew and
*

to

Punic.

he

identical

Tissot,

II.

in

292 n.

adopt as probable Tissot's identi-

fication of the see with the

Furni which

THE

CITIES.

581

One

of clergy discipline in the Geminian family.

now

of that same family was

bishop.

its

In this

same Lower Medjerda Valley, threaded by the great Road,

in whose extended ruins are rehcs of good architecture

were Sicilibba\

?''^'l'''''*'c-/

Aiouenim.
*"

and Membresa, of Punic origin, a difficult unfortified hill-town^, over- J^%

hanging an elbow of the river, the key both to its upper valley and to aOcfnat*"'
the rich agricultural vale of Vaga.
Here it was that, aided by the 419. ^84-

invincible north-west gale of the region, Belisarius dispersed the rebel

forces of Stotzas.

Near Membresa was the

Avitin^^. The

yet unfound

^^^nt"^'
Medjez-ei-

three bishops were Sattius, Lucius, Saturninus.

Bps.aDo-

At Vaga, seated on the high western end of the tract which it commands, there were no doubt traces of the large Italian population of

f||484,'525;
'^'s.

which Sallust speaks, connected with its great trade in other commodities gl^^jj^*
besides corn. It had been specially made over to Masinissa, and became 404?, 4".
the pnncipal centre of Numidian commerce.
^

Colonta SepThrough the Upper Medjerda Valley, above Membresa, road and river timia Vaga.
^

nin together until near the Numidian frontier, passing Vicus Augusti,
which some would identify with that otherwise unknown ViCUS C/ESARIS,
which sent Januarius to the Council.
It lies some twenty-six miles
onward, and after yet another twenty-nine is Bulla Regia, which

Bps;'4'ii,
'*^*' "^^s-

?vicus
Bps. a
393.

sent Therapius.

f,""-

massy Punic Byrsa (lately pulled down to Bulla Regia.

metal the railway), with crag-defended plateau and a vast water-storage*, {?ifj'rl^'"pi
with marshes below prolific of eel and barbel, with hot sulphur baths, Hammam
sweet fountains reverently enshrined, theatre and amphitheatre, covers Bps. 390,
many acres with its ruins. It was, like Samaria, 'The Head of the ^^''
'

King's Bulla,' with

its

Fat Valley.'
North of Bulla the mountains

Draham.

Thence the 'smiling

rise to

hills

a height of 3,326

of the Tell'

feet at

Ain

Thabraca,

terrace ^'^^^T^aVka!"

in

fall

And due north, where the bewilderingly fertile

and feverous valley of Oued-el-Kebir, the antient partition of Numidia
and the Province, enters the sea, lies Thabraca ^ on mamland and
slope to the sea level.

xabrac
Monast
?i^/;

Vict. Vit.
Pers. Vand.
I.

he here discovered, and not with the

the Membresitan Bishop Salvius by the

Henchir Ain Fournou 130 miles away,

near Zama Regia.
But it is not

people of Avitinae.

Augustin.

Parmen.

c.

demonstrated.

(t.

Al.

Sicilibra,

Sicilbra,

Sciliba also Itin. Ant.

Fortia d'
' 'El*

Urban

X'^/'^V

Procop. B.

V.

15, ap.

Neighbourhood

Dr

77,

and

c.

Ep.

iv.

49

note).

Carton,

Bullet,

archiol.

du

SvaK6\<fi,

cisterns, but, p. 247, 'pas d'habitation,

describes this feature

Ti.ssot,

II.

si

modeste

implied in the

horrid story of the religious ill-usage of

Sentt.

not only

On its

see Id. 1892, p. 69.

"

fut elle, qui

ces reservoirs.'
is

Crescon.

Comite des Trav. Hist, i^gx, p. 212,

327, with plan.

*

with

ig,

Anc.

(r845), p. 12.

ii.

Sicilippa,

Cf. Itin.

i/fv^V 'f fi

ix.

iii.

Epp.

25.

its

public

ne possedat de
Punic necropolis

32.

APPENDIX

582

K.

The mainland is still dense with 'glorious forest-lands,' the

'shadowed glades^' of Juvenal, among whose immense oaks were hunted
lions and leopards as well as deer.
The island is a towering fortified
rock, four hundred feet high, forming and sheltering a slight roadstead.
The sea is rich in coral, whose fishers have carried their craft and their
native name in colonies to Sardinia and Spain 2.
From either Hippo and from Bulla roads converged on Thabraca,
bringing material from east, west and south for embarkation along with its
own rich local exports. It is difficult to explore, but the basilica and some
mosaics of the Christians have emerged 3. Their bishop was at Cyprian's
island.

Council, Victoricus.

Fifty-one miles west along the coast-road

Hippo

is

another Royal Numidian

Hippo Regius*, on high ground between the marshy mouths of the

Seyboux and a lesser stream. The Seyboux draws waters from Augustine's

town,

Coiodia,

An^ia;
BOna.^

?35o, bef.'

Don. ?396,
^'

Augiistme

(395 43)-

Colonia Julia
cfr'ta'Nova
Sicca-.

Colonia Julia
Cirta Nova,
Bps. 349,411,
4i8,483?,646.

home, Thagaste, on the high Medjerda valley, and delivers them at this
home of his labour and his rest Of the six or seven known basilicas
^"^ churches of his time no trace yet appears. Relics of the cisterns,
^queduct, quay and bridge remain of what up to the sixth century, long
after its fall, was a strong city still.
Five important roads converged
here, for, though an insecure harbour until the French dominion, it was
one of the best along the iron-bound seaboard. King's Hippo then
was an active place. Its bishop now was Theogenes, one of the Seniors,
a martyr in whose Memoria at Hippo Augustine sometimes celebrated".
Above the valley of the Mellag, a great branch of the Upper Medjerda
System, towers the strongest, most commanding place in Tunisia, El Kef,
'The Rock.' This is Sicca Veneria'', known also by either name
severally.
It is on the road to Cirta from Carthage, more than 21 miles
beyond Thacia, where it forks off from the Theveste road. A Royal City of
Masinissa, and first to join the Romans after the Battle of Muthul, thence
honoured as a 'Julian' Colony. Seat of infamous, originally Punic, rites.
A fine inscription honours the Restorer of a Venus stolen by thieves
'interrupta templi munitione.' Arnobius born here, who is very strong on
the Heathen vice which such a place fostered. Another inscription
describes a charitable foundation for 300 boys and 300 girls.
Its bishop
was Castus and his text the duty of preferring truth to custom.
'

And
^

in

another southern side-valley of the Upper Medjerda, the Oued

Quales umbriferos ubi pandit Tha-

braca saltus.

Juv. Sa/.

x.

regibus, Sil. Ital.

of

194.

Tabarcini in Sardinia and also near

Toutain, Bull.

Trav. Hist.

i89'2,

Sentt.

iii.

'Iwirdtvi),

'
*

Epp.

14.

Antiquis dilectus

The changes

259.

are curious,

Ubbo, Phcen.

Bona,
is

Bone.

from

its

Its

jujube

trees.

tienne.'
^

name

'marsh'

195, speaks of a 'necropole Chre-

p.

its

Arab name Annaba

Alicanti.
^

-'

/.

Serm. ad Populum, 273, 7.

Sentt. Epp. 28; Tissot, 11. 375; C.

L. viii.

i.

nn. 1632, 1648.

THE
Tibar^,

Thibaris,

is

CITIES.

583

whose 'plebs consistens' Cyprian wrote

to

his 58th Resp.

nerve them for the expected persecution of Gallus. The

basilica of their descendants is traceable.
The bishop of Thibaris was
to

epistle,

Ai<^e'i.
^p- *"

Vincentius.

T/ie Circle

2.

We pass
call

it,

to the heart of

of Cirta.

The Circle of Cirta, as we may

Each sent its Christian bishop to
tragic capital of the Numidian kings,

Numidia.

was a unique group of towns.

the Council.

Lordly Cirta,' the

has well been thought

the noblest site in the whole world.'

A gigantic

foursquare pedestal of rock, a cubic mountain (like that of the Apocalypse)

Colonia Julia

Honoris et

Qna."*
Constantino.
Bps. 303, 305,
330, bef. 400,

touches the surrounding country at one point, islanded otherwise by 416,484/"'

Its precipices grow to a thousand feet in height as the plateau
streams.
of the city

tilts

Rummel, spanned

slowly up, while the ravine bed of the

here and there by giant arches of rock, slopes to

Antient epithets for

it

vied with one another

Palaces and temples

*the most opulent.'

its

beautiful cascades.

the most fenced

'

city,'

rimmed the highest edge

where the hideous barrack is now, and left marvellous remains even till
The most prosaic of races is still clearing away everything that is picturesque. Inscriptions record how many were its priests,
pontiffs, augurs and flamens.
Very antiently it had some close bond with surrounding pagi, and the
Roman wisdom of colonization is eminent in that it not only allowed the
exemption of so proud a place for a time from proconsular jurisdiction
and even from that of the quasstor, but gave to the four greater pagi
the title of Colonies. At the same time there was appointed to each a
The
praefect of its own, apparently under a 'prsefect of the colonies 2.'
union certainly existed under Trajan is not recorded after Alexander
Severus^, and perhaps at the time of the Council was becoming needless
the French came.

Sentt.Epp.^'j.

This name together

withan inscription C./.Z. VI II. Supplt.

i.

p. I486, n. 15435, fix the place but not

name, GENIO thibaris augusto

its

SACRUM R
Thibar.
^

P THIB. Dd.

It is within

C. I. L.

I.

it

Byzacena.

6944, 671

Mommsen's article
The title
p. 618.
that they

Tissot calls

C.

1,

I.

M.

'

Une

[la

L. Vlll.

i.

Ii.

p.

401,

says:

still

ou vers

le cours

shew

du

la fin

I understand the inscrip-

siecle.'

III

that the Confederation

was

active at the date of the inscription,

and that sometimes

as a

mark of respect

shews

the towns paid the fees or subscriptions

were not reduced to the rank

expected from members of the magis-

and

conferred

the

tracy

appointment of a prcefedits no longer

Z>.

of prizfectura

so,

think,

conveyed the idea of chastisement for

revolt as antiently in the case of Capua,
&c., yet

vol.

confederation] fut dissoute, probable-

ment dans
tion to

See

7978.

Tissot,

inscription de Milev prouve que

was

still

desirable as a security.

ill

on

their

appointment,

M. Commodi

viri

prxfeciura

aedilis aatguHs

jure

dicundo in

colonia Rusicad^wii et in colonia Chullitana et bis in colonia Wlevitana functi

APPENDIX

584
as a matter of policy.

K.

Yet as a matter of sentiment

it

remained

and

still

long after ^

The

Four Cirtensian Colonies

'

'

were

ChuUu and

Cirta, Rusicade,

Mileou, and with them was sometimes associated 'the Fifth Colony of
Cuicul^.'
Colonia

Samensis
Milevitana.
Bps. bef. 375,
?399.

40825,
484. 553.

The Mileou

of to-day was Mileou in its bishop's signature in A.D.

can
almost
be seen from Constantine, 18 miles away, with the
553.
snowy Djirdjura for a background. When Caesar recompensed his
strange ally, the Catilinarian P. Sittius Nucerinus, by the grant of West
Numidia to his Italian and Spanish volunteers, the exile touchingly disIt

figured the unchangeable

name

of the city into a reminiscence of his

own

Samus. It perhaps never was a very large place, yet

Two Councils were held here in 402 to
its Church life was memorable.
try reconciliation with the Donatists, and in 416 against the Pelagians.
Here S. Optatus ruled, and wrote his vigorous and accurate^ history. Of
one Bishop Honorius there was a dark story. Another was Severus, in
whom was the large and holy deep of heart.' To another Optatus
Augustine wrote on the 'Origin of Souls,' and one was banished with the
other bishops by Huneric.
Rusicade* was in reality the port of Cirta, thirty-seven miles distant
due north. The same reason for which France has re-created it into the
native stream, the

Colonia
Veneria
Rusicade.
PkilippevilU.
Bps. 305,

harbour of Philippeville led Rome to place it under the Legate of

Numidia, namely, to insure the most direct communication with them-

fine

411.

selves.

The area and

variety of

a centre as a group of centres.

its

The

seemed

ruins

make

to

it

not so

much

contractor and the archaeologist have

nowhere captured so much prey.

Colonia

Minervia
ChuUu.
Kollo.

Bp. 411.

Twenty miles west of Philippeville, on the same wide open bay, is

CoUo, once ChuUu or ChuUi, which the Greek form KoXXo\//' connects with
Its purple
the Chullabi of the Council the second city of Numidia.
manufacturers competed with those of Tyre. On till the X7th century A.D.
But merit was the great mart for Kabyle wax and hides and wheat.

chantmen and warships had to make the best of its harbour.

CuiCUL was sometimes counted a Fifth Colony with

quinquennalis, item ioluta contributione

credidit...'' C. I.

a Cirtensibj iterum in coXonia Mil^z'zIII virz ^aminis

ad legitimam qua/zta-

tana patria sua primi

perpe/ui quod

ei

tem pro adfectionum

in

ordme

i.

est ...

Under Constantine and Constans

'..

vill.

i.

n. 7013.

pp. 80, 81.

*

[See the

important

discovery of

materials described by the

Abbe Du-

Nov. 1890.]
* The name is thought to be from the
Phoenician pharos Hus ikda, Headland
d. Inscrr.

'

Forum

of

fire,' its

uln honorificentius erigendam

-i,

-em ;

of the Four, erect a statue in the

L.

the two basilicas of Cirta and

chesne in Acad.

n. 8210.

the Ordo of the Colonia of Milev, one

at Cirta

On

of

the Christian inscriptions see Schwarze,

a.6que in

populo mentis suffragio oblatum

C. /. Z. VIII.

those

it

cases appear as Rusicadis,

survives in

Cape Skikda.

THE
Roman

CirtaS seventy-five

and close on the

CITIES.

miles from

585

it (//.

Ant.), on the road to

Remains of

frontier of Mauretania.

its

Sitifis, RespubUca

Christian basilica

rum]"colonia

temples, theatre, and triumphal arch (to Severus, Julia Domna Cmcuhtanoand Caracalla). Its bishop at the Council was one of the juniors who Djemtu.

among

lie

voted acquiescently

Bps. 349,
411, 484, 553.

Pudentianus.
J

Macomades was 43 miles from Cirta, about

25 beyond Sigus, the Con- Macomades,

Traces of fine irrigation, 100 Mcuco/ioSa,
acres of ruins, baths, an aisled basilica 100 feet long so Tissot. Cassius Merekebits bishop rather copious and rhetorical in a short space 2.
b'^'^'^kV
Gazaufala (depraved from Gadiaufala, like Zaritus from Diarrhytus). 406,411,484.
It was two days' journey from Cirta,' as Procopius says, being about 45

mine, along the road to Theveste.

fessors'

'

A curious inscription on a
on the road to Carthage.
native veteran, who had campaigned in Britain, fixes the place and the
spelling^ The Bishop Salvian based his easy inference on the self-evident
miles from

proposition

it

o^uf^a^'
it-

Ant.

Procop.
Bp!'484.'"'

Haereticos nihil habere constat*.'

'

TUCCA. Unfound. It was 46 miles from Ilgilgilis, 60 from Cuicul^

was 'near the sea.' It 'commanded both river and sea".' It 'was
divided between the provinces of Numidia and Mauretania.'
Ptolemy
counts it Numidian and Pliny Mauretanian. At the collation of 411
in relations with Mileou.
its bishop was Numidian
Before Huneric,
in 484, its bishop was Mauretanian. Hence scholars have thought of two
But the conditions are fulfilled if we
cities and two sees, synonymous.
think of it as a double city, like Buda-Pesth or Mayence, seated on both
banks of the Ampsaga, where that stream, pouring down from Cirta,
becomes, at its confluence with Oued Endja, the boundary of the
two provinces. Their bishop now was Honoratus, who appears as a
It

Oppidum
Zaouiat-ei-

'

Cuiculi

(It.

Ant.)

is

ablative.

Cf.

cvicvL DEVOT,
Cagnat, Bull. Arch. Com. Trav. hist.
Cuiculum is not really
1892, p. 303.
proved by C. I. L. viii. i. 8318,
inscr.

of A.D. 256 RESP

"

Tissot

27)

(11.

is

warrant for the

finding of the distances

verify

(I

cannot quite

them) of the Peutinger Table,

which make it at

least out of the question

('Flamen perpetuus nil coloniarumCir-

Tucca should have been where

Wilmanns places it, on the mouth of the
Ampsaga. He speaks of the city as on
^^ left bank (p. 413), and thinks therefore the boundary shifted.
But the

tensium

difficulty

8319. ...FL

ET

cvic

NORiBVS

PONT
IN

im

CGI.

OMNiBVS
COL

et Cuiculi'

),

ciRT

HO

FVNCTVS...

but Cagnat,

Bull, des Ant. de France, 1889, p. 179,

gives

'Miles morans Coiclo ann v et

menses vim.'

Epp. 12.

Scntt.

C. /. Z. VIII. n. 4800.

<

Sentt.

Vand.
=

412.

ii.

Epp.

Tissot,

76.

II.

p. 477.

Procop.

de B.

removes

statement

[lll.

fnagnum and

Tissot,

il.

pp. 411,

the explicit

vii.]

^y the

This Juxta

Pliny's 'impositam

et flumini' {H.
cf.

itself at

Ravennat. Anonyrni Cosmo-

graph: 'Civitas Tuca quae juxta mare

magn im dividitur inter... pro vinciam
Numidiam et ipsam Mauritaniam Sitifensem'

15.

Tab. Peut.,

that

N.

v.

i, 2)

strategic position.

mare

man

are fulfilled

fps^^iM
484,646-

APPENDIX

586
Numidian

in

and

Epistles 62

70.

K.

He

allows Tradition no standing

against Truth ^.

A tires.

The Circle of

3.

Betwixt South Numidia and the Great Desert

Aures.

Its

manded by
and

eight thousand feet,

of refuge^,

its

its

the

com and

outer and inner plateaux, most fertile of

village-clustered crests,

grand mass of

lies that

the Southern Atlas which ranks by itself as Aurasius

central heights of

range of

combetween seven
fruit,

almost inaccessible rock castles and camps

its

copious springs,

its

endless valleys and ravines, with their

made Aures the nursing-ground, the

impenetrable warren and impregnable citadel of the Berber tribes and
perennial waters and cedar forests,

chieftains.

The Phoenicians had skirted but not pierced it. To the Romans it
was the borderland of danger. Yet it was to Aures that in this continent they devoted their chief attention.
They circled it with roads and
strong towns, and in its circuit founded model cities on lands higher

Roman

than Helvellyn, 'most splendid^' even to

waited and finally reconquered
Ci vitas
Lambsesis,

Aures

conceptions.

all.

From Augustus

to Diocletian the Third Legion Augusta held the

check from Lamb^sis*, a camp and city of its own creation.
This three centuries was the longest time that any Roman Legion was
fixed in one head-quarters. Its history gives us an idea of what a Roman
Legion had to do and further, what massive elements Christianity had
to grapple with.
Its camp and extant praetorium are a magnificent, a
grammatical specimen of a military centre. Outside the camp, detached
from it by a considerable space, the town grew up. Hadrian ran a
great road 191 Roman miles direct from Carthage to Theveste, engineered by his legate P. Metilius Secundus the Propraetor, constructed
by the labour of the legion^, and finished a.d. 123.

Municipium tribes in
Lanibaesi-

tanum,
Colonia
Lambaesitana,

Respublica
Lambaesis.

L ambese.
Bps. 240
(Cypr. E/>.
36), 411.

Epp. 77 and

II.

"

(See note on Tucca Terebin-

(C.

Sentt.

p. 619.

Tissot,

52.

thina in 'Three Routes,' Route

i,

p.

Imp

M.

Aurasio,

bus col

Cces

Divi

Divi . Traiani

civitaibdua-

Pot VII Cos

amug
C.

et
I.

mu
L.

icipi

viii.

i.

Thevestem

Theveste was in

than either Thamugadi or Lam-

more

Nervae

'splen-

Metilio

Pr

III

is

in-

Nepos

The modem French Lambessa

is

in

too barbarous.

F Traianus
Max Trib

viam a Karthagine

Per leg

Secundo

Leg

III
Aug
Aug Pr

inscription at

distance which

Inscrr. rarely Lambesis, Lambesit-

imitation of Tebessa

stravit

baesis.

LXXXV

An

Parthici

Aug Pont

2407.

did

fact

Lam-

And

an.

Carthage

at

10048)

ii.

Hadrianus

'...in splendi'issitnis

bsesitani....'

VIII.

pp.

13. 53-

'

Z.

Masqueray, de

found

niilliarium

/.

scribed

602.)
*

Tebessa gives the

modem

measurements

accurately verify:

Imp
Divi

Cses

divi Traiani

Nervae Nepos

Parthici

Traianus

Had-

THE
They had

nearly

CITIES.

587

camp

not quite finished their permanent stone

if

at

Lambaesis, having occupied two temporary ones before, when Hadrian

He delivered to them a great allocution
visited them in July a.d. 128.

which stands recorded on a special monument^ He speaks of the

of their works as having in no degree impaired the excellence of

number

their manoeuvring.

The town long remained a Vicus only. It was made a Municipium

probably when in A.D. 207 Numidia was made a Province. Its citizens
were enrolled in Trajan's own tribe Papiria.
Severus claimed to be a great reformer, and soldiers held him to be a
^reat corruptor, of military

Legionaries could not contract valid

life.

marriage before, but from him they received the jus conubii with cives
Romance and leave to reside with their wives^. At Lambaesis are many
traces of the working of the plan, in
ters of soldiers, in the curious

monuments to the sons and daughunknown fact that their children

elsewhere

by Roman citizen-women were enrolled in a special tribe Pollia of their

own, and not in Collina, the tribe of the spurious, and particularly in
the gradual covering of the great spaces of the camp itself by large buildamong them numerous scholce for the collegia and military clubs.
ings,
It is palpable that the legionaries were allowed to live in the town.

immense remains of
pomps beyond
temples of singular but somewhat irregular

Around us now spread miles

of fragments with

public buildings, a 'Praetorium' constructed for military

our conceiving, arches,

The

beauty.

triple shrine of

^sculapius, Serapis and Silvanus

We know

fantastic yet most elegant ground plan.

They were

of these buildings^.

all

is

on a

the very years of most

erected, whether in the

camp

or city

and the temples themIn the camp was no

selves were retained under military guardianship.
It will not be thought surprising that these and many more
temple.
(except perhaps the Capitol) by the Legion

itself,

j>articulars of the life of the great head-quarters are

rianus

Cos

Aug

Pontif

Max

Trib

Pot vii

viam a Carthagine The|vestem

III

Mil P cxci DCCXXX stravit P. Metilio

Secundo leg Aug Pro Pr Cos

23,

1,

known

35; 23,

2,

assert

that

But to

when

to us

it

3; 49, 17, 16.

children by

45,

their

foreign wives were citizens seems

diffi-

cult.

_,

Desig
&

T^
Per

'

r\

leg III

Ti
AugSJJ
'k

r-

(C. /. Z.

"' i^^4-)
leg III

Aug

stored, a fact

which

views, C.

essay, giving
r
,
L. viii. L p.

will

re-

be explamed

^^,^ ^^
3

283.

I.

is

Cagnat, Ar-

VAfrique, Paris, 1892.

E.g.-T\,^ great temple of Neptune

j^8^ dedicated 158, enlarged 174.

C. I. L. VIII.

Herodianus,

i.

iii.

n. 2532.
8.

and Serapis

Papinian and

Ulpian,
in and Jjust after Severus' time,
tr
'

speak of

The monumental work

has been erased and

presently.

Momm-

See Wilmanns'
sen's

'

their

matrimonium

were in all respects jus turn.

as

if it

Digesta

158, yEsculapius

Isis

and Salus

^^^^ ^^.^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^.^.^^ ^^

t
j c-i
Jupiter and Silvanus.
-^

-,

j
c-i
bilvanus
restored
..

APPENDIX

588
is realized

K.

that this one place yields to the Corpus over 1600 inscriptions.

many more are built into the French prison walls.

The Christians after awhile had at least four basilicas of dates unknown at present. We have already heard of the early Council here of
ninety bishops, and of the 'old heretic' Privatus^ Wilmanns and
Probably as

Tissot mention that no Christian inscription has been found.

there two

large sculptures

wreath, and on one of them

copied

of the labarum with a and 00 within a

the Dove^.
It is interesting that the time of

Cyprian was a marked period in the history of Lambaesis. He is the

who tells us that it ever was a Colony 3. From A.D. 238 to
253 the Third Legion was disbanded, and this is thought to be
the time when the town rose to that dignity, when the Capitol
only author

was founded and the noble temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus

on it.
The Legion was restored and replaced by Gallienus and Valerian* in
A.D 253, but only for about 40 years, up till the time of Diocletian^ Its
bishop appears in our Council, but apparently not in that of 41 ^ and as
no bishop appears in 484 or ever again, it is likely that after its abandonment as the seat of the Legate Propraetor under Constantine it fell into
decline.
The ceasing of inscriptions tells the same tale.
It has seemed worth while to dwell upon Lambaesis on account of the
vividness with which its life and its necessary problems for Christianity
suggest themselves. But what would be the interest of Thamugadi,
what of Theveste, if their story were as clear ?
built

THEVESTE^

Colonia

Teiessa^
Bps. 349,411,

at the north-east

corner of the Aures system,

no doubt

is

the place which the Greeks regarded as the capital of Libya, and as a

'Hundred -gated'

Roman

the best

from Thebes.

Yet

in

age and until Vespasian none but geographers

name

it.

city not quite distinguishable

Then, while Lambaesis was the military centre, Theveste was the centre
of communication.
Eight great roads linked it to Cirta, Sitifis, Lambaesis,
^

Cypr.

Another,

Dr Schwarze,

p.

10 Lambesitana Colonia,

/>. 36.

59.

agreeing

with

thus

C. I. L. VIII.

4;

i.

E/>. 59. 10, 11.

the

inscriptions

2661, 2720, 272

1, ii.

This inscription on a statue base,

which
lates
VIII.

copied in the Praetorium,

to their return.
i.

DEO

C.

It is

this will

1.

C.

/.

be generally thought stronger

L.

xxii, xxiii.

poteJTi

Mommsen

Z. viii.

Momms.

MARTI MLlTli^

re-

2634.
I

than those of

10228, 10229, 10256, 10259.

*

vitem posv|it votvm dedit dedicante| vetvrio vetv|riano ^ vc ^

LEG avggg pr pr
^ The arguments of Wilmanns for
|

p. 75.

C.

I.

tit.

i.

against him.

and

Lamb(zsis,

L. vol. viii.

In spite of Masqueray

i.,

pp.

must agree

with Wilmanns that Lambiensis

not

is

STATW^ IN HONOREM LEG III AVG

VALERlyV^ GALLlENit VALERIA;^

a likely appellative from Lambaesis.

SATTONivs iv|cvNDVS^ pp QVi|pRiMVS

Lauresh, Veron. H.

LEG RENo|VATA

APVT AQVIJLAM

Sentt.

Epp.

31,

Thebeste

MSS.

THE
Tacape, Sufetula and Thysdrus

most important, that

CITIES.

589

Hadrian (we have seen) developed the

to Carthage.

favourable station for Christian pioneering,

the remark seems to be borne out by the

it

has been said, and

number and apparently

early

date of Christian inscriptions^ from that region.

Procurators managed imperial estates in the neighbourhood.

Settlers

on military tenure of knight-service held wide lands, and were protected

with elaborate care. They planted out groups of towers throughout the
domains, with an eye to the raids from Aures.

The
its

with

and splendour of the place are marvellous its water-works,

The careful arrangement of its forum and market
marble pavement, marble screens, and cloisters, and with

scale

baths,
its

its

drainage.

stabling for troops of horses.

African architecture like African Latin

has marked peculiarities, and the fine temple of Jupiter is an excellent

instance of them, as is also the quadruple Janus, finer than that of Rome,
and again the simple grand basilica with its stately steps and mosaic
floor,

exactly contemporary with Cyprian,

and stopped, three or four

immense church

centuries later, in actual process of conversion into an

and establishment.

Rude

ready to be hoisted, and

masonry has been already
added, together with a bishop's house and chapel and a baptistry,
the whole defended vainly by the Byzantine ramparts^. The Vandals
Christian capitals

an immense array of monks'

lie

cells in solid

were driven back, but the spirit of the dry places returned to his garnished house, and the Arabs sit marketing by thousands in the dust
among their camels, and the ddbris of the city are spread out for miles.

The third of these glorious cities, which we must notice, that was so Coionia
grandly placed to do the work which Rome conceived to be hers in the Thamuwild world, was ThamuGADI, Timgad 'the African Pompeii.'
Iif^cla*^"''

Verecunda was a fourth not so much known

Carthage

(a see

to us nor represented at

Thamugadi was founded in A.D. 100 with a true soldier's eye by

Munatius Gallus, Trajan's legate and propraetor, to control the adits to
the very heart of Aures by the veterans of the Thirtieth Legion, Ulpia
L.

See Schwarze, pp. 63 ff.

I gratefully acknowledge the cour-

tesy of the

plished

Abbe

Delapart, the accom-

antiquarian

and

self-

devoted

parish priest of Tebessa, of the

Com-

mandant des Armes, and the Commandant des Indigenes, Captains Martineau

and Empiroget. One of M. Delapart's

most singular discoveries is the mosaic
plaque of a cross placed within an apse

between

A and

fi,

Jr^'J^"^

which he found some

beneath the altar of the

feet

basilica,

where he expected to
of consecration.
For

find

of Lambaesis, Theveste

andThamugadis

see

some token

fine illustrations

Mr Graham's Paper on the 'Remains

Roman Occupation of N. Africa,'

of the

Transactions of R. Inst, of Brit. Architerts, vol.

fair's

I.

N.S. part 3

Sir L. Play-

Travels ; Duthoit, Soc. Arch, de

Constantine, 1884. and especially Boes-

willwald and Cagnat's Timgad.

,.

Ihamugadi.

Timgad.

Morcelli).

optaui'

^^^\^.

APPENDIX

590

They were

Victrix, as colonists.

K.

own

enrolled in the Emperor's

tribe,

and held a richer, wider territory than any African colony. It is

unmentioned except by geographers, until with Bagai it is very much
mentioned for its Donatist terrors, and for 'the ten years long groaning
of all Africa' under its Bishop Optatus, the *Dux Circumcellionum.'
But who shall say what the long groaning of real Africa had been under
Roman Africa, or what the misery of the dispossessed and destitute
natives who listened to him ? The scene of his harangues in the curia
and the forum needs little imagination to complete it. After the disappearance of the baffled Vandals it was the Maurusii who poured in, depopulated Timgad, and made it uninhabitable, so that no civilized being
might find in it a pretext for even approaching Aures^ It was reoccunot restored, but quarried for his
pied by Solomon about A.D. 538
Papiria,

fortifications.

The long white

streak beneath the mountain brow, which you watch

you approach it, develops at last into an almost perfect city
which looks as if roofs and capitals had been taken away a year ago,
leaving walls and floors and bases perfect. The whole aspect is that
Its fine
of a city built on a perfectly considered and beautiful plan.
triumphal arch takes you into the long street with its smooth wheelgrooved pavements and shady colonnades towards the north breeze.
These lead on to the macellum, to the forum with its cloisters and
statuary, and then to the basilica and public offices.
A short stroll
brings you to the beautiful theatre in the hillside. Ever in your ears
is the rush of waters which once poured through these dry troughs,
channels and fountains, and charged the vast baths.
It is notable that the fine temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was built
under a severe Christian Emperor Valentinian I., and that when the
Arabs came a new basilica was in building^.
Respublica
From Theveste the road which encircles the ridges and defiles of
Oum^K^ Aures and commands the plateaux and skirts the salt-basins that lie
Bp.aDonorthwards, goes west through Cedias, whose ruins as yet serve only to
It was like Mascula a seat of Donatism.
identify it.
Two Christians
at some time built a church near, and dedicated it as men of Cedias,
sinners,' perhaps on their restoration to the Church ^
The road passes
for hours as

'

Procop.

de

Bell.

Vand.

ii.

13,

'civibus sublatis,' perhaps; but 'aequa-

verant solo,' no; for that

is

not

its

state

even now.
2

towards Lambsesis.

/.

Thimgad

as Lambaesis

is
is

essentially a civil city

a military one, but laid

May

d. Inscr.

Cagnat ap. Acad,

1891.

This noteworthy record

Z.

i.

DOMINI
atus feT navis
|

in

is

C.

in atri
2309
DfeFQUi feSTSfeRMONi DON-

viii.

n.

'

ius FfecfeRUNT cfeDi

|

out with

its

main

streets

crossing at

right angles,

Cardo N. and

Constantine,

Decumanus E. and W.

S.

towards

feNSfes
(?)

pfeCKATORfes,'

explained by

mine

Patris

De

corrected

and

Rossi as In no-

domini dei qui

est

sermoni.

THE

CITIES.

591

on through the wide strewn ruins of Mascula, on the north-east spur of Coionia
Auras, a critical strategic post, then and now commanding one of the jc^^Ma.
main passes of Aures, and covering the direct route from the Tell to ^^- 3s.
525Sahara to begin with, a great corn and cattle station ^
It communicated v/ith Bagai near the salt lake.
Bagai and Timgad Bagai. K'sar
the Donatists claimed as all their own. Augustine sarcastically makes one Bpf Doof them argue 'And ours too is a "Great Congregation." What do you atust343,
think of Thamugade and Bagai^?' Here was held their Council ofUoa, 404.*
*"'
Donatus the Circumcellion leader was a 484.
310 Bishops in a.d. 394^native of Bagai, and here were perpetrated many of the horrors of the
;

'

faction*.

These places were

all

revived into Byzantine fortresses by Solomon,

but were never likely to hold a country, whose

Yet they seem

force of arms.

all to

cities

have retained

had

failed,

by mere

their Christianity long

Arabs had exterminated it elsewhere.

of Cedias, Mascula and Bagai were now Secundinus,
Clarus and Felix".
Facing from Lambcesis towards Sitifis, capital of Mauretania, 21 Resp.
mountainous miles would bring you to Lamasba, the last station but one Antoniniana.
on the Numidian side of the border, a great depot for the products of the La"r^ba"
fertile plains beyond.
A great inscription on the distribution of water, Lamasua,
probably for the use of the numberless oil-mills, is an instance of the Lamasbua,
perfection with which the Roman farmers were attended to.
Pusillus, a Merouana.
''"
rare name, was their bishop.
^^^'
Westward and then southward, about 62 kilometres more, the road
from Lambsesis sweeps round down the stern deep defile which the
Romans called Hercules' Shoe and the Arabs, in amazement at the

after the

The bishops

'

Donatus

et

'

Navigius fecerunt Cedienses

Mommsen's

peccatores.

patre domini

(i.e.

in deo) defunctus qui

seems unnatural.

est

suggestion in

Schwarze, p. 69,

quotes for Dominiis Deus (of Christ)

C. I. L. VIII.

Domini d^i
IHU XPI

i.

2079: In nomine
atque salbatoris

n.

ostri

C.

L.

I.

Vill.

ii.

n.

8429 In nomine ^ Z>omini Z?ei and

on S'frwo for A(S7oy Tert. adv. Pi-ax. v.
I would therefore emend simply In
Patre Domini Dei qui est sermo Dei,
*In the Father of the Lord God Who
;

is

the
^

Word

treatise

anciennes de Khenchela.
Cf.
^

Schwarze,

Ruittes

Paris, 1879.

p. 73.

Aug. Enarr.

ii.

Optatus expressly distinguishes them,

lib.

iii.

init.

and

says,

'Donatus Bagai-

ensis collected the "insana multitudo."'

'

Sentt.

Epp.

11,

12.

79,

It is in-

teresting that from the neighbourhoods

of Cedias,

come the

Mascula, Theveste

Bagai,

inscriptions with

'

Deo laudes,'

the Donatist greeting adopted instead

of God.'

Masqueray has a

Aug. Contr. Crescon. Donat. iv. 10.

Neander, vol. III. p. 271 (Bohn), on
the question whether Donatus a Casis
Nigris and Donatus Magnus were one
and the same, says 'Optatus seems to
have knowledge of only one Donatus.'
'^

on Psalm

xxi. 26.

of the

Catholic

'Deo

Schwarze, pp. 69 f.
* Sentt. Epp.
75.
4440-

gratias.'

C. I. L. vlll.

See

i.

n.

APPENDIX

592

K.

Roman bridge *E1 Kantara'; then it suddenly bursts into that vision
of a hundred thousand palm trees which startle every traveller into the
sense that he has touched a

Japhet

will

From El

Tubunae

new

zone,

and a world

in

which the sons of

never be at home.

Roman

Kantara, a

road, quarried through wonderful de-

munic.

Tobona,*"

^^'Bj)s. 411,

484.

and

and ruins, turns up to THUBUNiE, the

westernmost frontier town and castle of Numidia, though Wilmanns
almost assigns it to Mauretania^ Its Nemesian was a very senior bishop

Bovfiovv, Pt. files

set all along with towers

and the lengthiest speaker twice as long as Cyprian.

Then from Biskra, about 112 kilom. from Lambaesis^, the inexorable
road sets itself back eastward to enchain the precipice walls of Mount
Aures on the south, with nothing but the sandy rock of Sahara in front
and far beyond the horizons of many days.

Out

into the desert of

of Biskra, the

Roman

foldly fortified

camp

Mokran

five-and-thirty kilometres south-west

planted his last outpost, the immense and mani-

of

Gemell^e.

We

come

shall

to

it

by another

routed

Great stations. Ad Badias and others, watched the valleys which

poured out their torrents of waters and of Berbers through the mountain
posterns.

By such a tremendous chain of fortresses, cities and colonies, by

'wardens of the marches' and tenants inheriting and holding lands by
military service, by actual 'moss-troopers' in the marshlands, the whole
vast frontier was continuously guarded.
From Leptis Magna the limites ran westward in this order, Thamellensis, Badiensis (then came Aurasius itself, which need not and could
not be a limes^), Gemellensis, Tubunensis. A similar line of limites then
ran northward to the sea, and behind was Mauretania Caesariensis
Alexander Severus had, just
itself (apparently) all held by this tenure.
before Cyprian's time, taken important measures for the security of the
limitanei duces et milites and their heredes in their 'sola,' and for keeping up their stock of cattle and slaves ne desererentur rura vidua
'

'

barbaricB.'

On the colonies and principal towns every

Rome in miniature was lavished. Officers
^

A Thubunas.

Sentt.

Epp.

5,

Tissot,

pp. 512 and 518.

II.

C. I. L. VIII.

See

infr.

i.

very

delight which could

make

of family, augurs, legates,

little

of

could be farmed.

it

See

Aurasio M.,
of the limites and their con-

his interesting sketch {de

pp. 70

p. 275.

'Three Routes'

Rte.

(i).

* Masqueray seems much impressed

and puzzled by the fact. But Aures
was absolutely ringed round with forts
and camps and legions, and certainly

ff.)

ditions, as also the laws against extortion

by these armed

farmers.

The marsh-

lands are particularly noticed

limitaneos universos,
in Cod.

lib.

XI.

tit.

cum

('agros

paludibus,')

LIX. (LX.).

THE

CITIES.

593
new homes.
an old praefect

proprjetors devoted themselves to the enrichment of the

Thus

at Theveste, before A-D. 212, C. Cornelius Egrilianus,

who belonged

of the 14th Legion,

a family which has

to

left

many monu-

bequeaths ^5,000, half to found the extant Triumphal

Arch, half for gymnastic games in the Thermae on fixed days through the

ments

at Lambaesis,

and gold vessels for the CapitoL

But not amusement only was provided, whether fierce or luxurious.
The courts indicate elaborate administrations complete upon the spot.
There were curias and rostra and the appointments of an apparent
republic.
The marriage privileges, the tribal arrangements all were for
the purpose of founding not only garrison cities for the marches but comyear, as well as sets of large silver

munities perfect in themselves yet identified in every interest with the

The country probably could

Empire.
all,

to capitalists (often

by them partly furnished

as

we

not at this time have been held at

had not been distributed in vast latifundia

members of the imperial families and even ladies) and

or cultivated to profit

if it

for

themselves with

fortified

country houses (such

see in the African mosaics) surrounded by large

sublet to
It is

Roman

villes,

and partly

farmers and contractors ^

evident that this civilization cannot have been carried on without

the co-operation of vast numbers of native tenants as labourers, as well as

poor colonists.

To them we must

ascribe the abundant traces of small

farmsteads in some of the larger and safer valleys.

called

'

Roman Gardens

'

of olives

and

fruit trees

Spots which still are

seem as likely to be
which would probably

Berber copies as to be original Roman plantations,

have borne Roman names.
When Rome grew Christian the mountaineers too were so soaked with
Christian usages that to this day they keep Christmas^. They call the
months by Latin names and measure the year, like Christians, by the sun
and not by moons.
Yet these cities were not at last captured by Vandals, but deliberately
desolated by their neighbours the first hour that the invasion called the
garrison away.

and Christianity were unable to overcome animosity

That is how we put it. Rather Civiliand Christianity sate helpless, not knowing or thinking how to deal

Yes.

Civilization

of race and wildness of temper.

zation

with the prodigious, multiplying masses of dispossessed, impoverished,

harried natives,

whom

mile by mile soldiers and settlers drove out before

them.

The Circumcellions had weakened everything long

before the Vandals

came. They liberated slaves, destroyed account books, broke up villas,

drove the gentry round and round in the mills. Their weapons were sticks.
They were accompanied by troops of women. Their numbers were
everywhere immense
such herds,' such crowds,' so many thousands.'

See

ap.

Masqueray,

'

'

De Auras.

'

Moolid, 'The Nativity.'

Monte, pp. 50, 57.

B.

38

APPENDIX

594

K.

they hated was proprietorship. The controversy was nothing to

such people. They attached themselves to the Donatists because these
were the disaffected party in Church and State. They had no hold on
When life was too miserable they quitted it by the
life except life.

What

thousand ^

It

seems plain who and what they were.

Material wonders are being worked in other parts of the world before

own

our

eyes.

The Theveste Road.

4-

Pertusa,

Ant.

It.

There were 20 stations on 197 Roman miles of direct road between

Carthage and Theveste; on the average 9J Roman miles apart 2. From
eleven of these station-towns bishops attended the Collation of Carthage
in the year A.D. 411. Between Thurris and Thignica the road was double,
and on the second hne the town of Valli sent a bishop to the same conBesides there is no reason to doubt that three other stationference.

Ad

El towns which had bishops before (two* of them also afterwards) had
bishops in A.D. 41 1 Ad Pertusa, Thurris, Thacia.
Bp. 393.
This makes 15 sees, or as nearly as possible a see every 13 miles.
Thurris, It.
Ant. El
Whether these all were sees in Cyprian's time there is no knowing.
Pertusa.

HaraXria.

Djentel.

Bps. 396,
a Donat.
411.

Thacia,
Tab. Peut.
a<rt'a, Pt.

Bordj
Messaoudi.
Bps. 348, a
Donat. 393,

Bishops from five of them, distributed all along the line, attended the
Council, viz. from Sicilibba (33 miles), Membresa (54), Laribus (117), Ad
Medera (172), Theveste (197).
With the exception of one or two older Liby-Punic towns, the others
were probably little more than travelling stations founded with the road,
and gathering settlements about them. Not much is known of them but

and

their Christianity.

525, 646.

their distances in the Itineraries

Colonia

Sicilibba and Membresa, in the Lower Medjerda valley, have been

described. A hundred and seventeen miles from Carthage we come
upon Lorbeus^ which represents Laribus, which again, from being an
incessantly used case, had become (first on barbarian lips) as in other
instances a substitute for the true Lares^. Widespread ruins in an un-

/Elia

Augusta.
Lares.
Laribus.

Lorbeus.
Bps. 411,
483, 525-

inhabited land once rich with forest ; built out of them, Justinian's
walls
a Christian basilica which saw the massacre of 30,000 Christians
;

and became a mosque.

bishop, Hortensianus*, had attended the

Its

Councils of 252 and 255 A.D.

1

Augustine supplies such particulars

The

Ad

stations are:

Mercurium

SICILIBBA
(44),

[2nd

BRESA
(78),

(33),

Agbia

(18),

Thurris

route

(54),

Ad

Valli

Tichilla

(186),

Pertusa (14),

sot, II.

443.)

Inuca

early in the

(84),

(44),]
(64),

Musti

(20),

Chisiduo

(38),

MEM-

Thignica

(91),

Thacia

Drusiliana (105), LARIBUS (117),

Obba (124), Altuburos (140), Mutia

(98),

AD MEDERA

(156),

curium

passim.

The

(172),

THElESTE
The
fifth

Ad Mer-

(ig-j).

italicized

(Tis-

were sees

century, or earlier.

mark the sees from which

bishops came to Cyprian. The figures
shew the distances from Carthage.
^

capitals

Eis Aapi^ov, Aapl^ovs, Procop. de

Bell.
*

Vand.

Sentt.

ii.

23, 28.

Epp. 21.

Coripp. Joh.

vi.

THE

CITIES.

595

Seven miles further Ebba, Orba in the Peutinger Table, miswritten it

seems for Obba, where the bishop was Paulus^. He thought the error of
* aliquis
a fall from the faith.
Then Mutia, and then Ammedera^, rather more than 19 miles
from Theveste.
Great ruins on both sides of the river, quays, great
theatre, five Christian churches, two triumphal arches, one very fine,
A.D. 195.
Hyginus relates how it was gated and streeted as a camp, and
'

we can

it.

Eugenius' speech consjsts of the four least offensive words of his

whom

he followed immediately.

5.

Three Routes.

Three main routes linked the Theveste road

to that

grand coast

which, south from Cape Bon, sweeps out the great gulf of

line

Hammamet

Gabes (Tacape), which forms the crescent of the lesser

and then trends south-east to the great Syrtis. (i) The coast

that of

Syrtis^,

Magna throws

road from Leptis

off at

Tacape, the

Emporia,

last of the

a great road passing the end of the salt lakes, and working northward
through the highlands, until it meets at Asturas (2) a second road from
Thenae, where the Emporia began then from Assuras a loop-line ran
;

two stations on the Theveste road, Althiburos and Thacia.

(3) At
Coreva, higher up on this same road, a third route falls in from Hadrumetum.
There was a MusuLA on the great Syrtis, 150 miles beyond Leptis
Magna, between Dissio and ad Ficum, which Tissot makes no attempt
to identify with the see of Januarius Muzulensis. But why not
Nothing
but its distance seems against it*.
to

.-'

143 (ap. Tiss.),

mediis tutissima
novis

quam

Urbs Laribus surgit

Et muris munita

silvis

condidit ipse Justinianus

Ft.

Epp. 47.
Sic Sentt. Epp. 32.
'AfifiaiSapa,
Ammsedara, Ammcedera, Corp.

Sentt.

Inscrr.

(It

has yielded 282 inscriptions,

34 of them Christian.
p. 50,

See Schwarze,

on two Christians

Astiiis bearing

petuus, so. of

6th century.)

the

Roma

Ad

Medera, Admedera,

title

o*"

the family

flamen per-

and Augustus,

Medera, Pent.

Ad

Medra,

//.

Admedera, Hygitt. Xv^eTipa,

Metridera,

in

Ad
Ant.
Proc.

Ort?^.

de ^di/.vi. ^: is K6\iroi'

Procopius dwells on the crescent,

fi-qvoeidrj. ^.

ij

dd.\aa<xa iv (rrevt^ dXi^ofiivr} airepyd^eraL

iJ.-r]voeidrj

apex.
^

Bps!'4n,
^*' 5S3-

Colonia

Augusta

ementa AmHaidra.
Bp. 411.

recognize

fanatical neighbour

and

Obba.

kSXttov...

SenU. Epp. 34, Tissot,

II.

pp. 228,

231.

There

is

(adopted by
tion

no ground

De Mas

'Januarius

of

for

Morcelli's

Latrie) identifica-

Muzulensis' with

There are two Muzucas near

Lama (Tissot, II. 603 f. PI. xix.). Morcelli says readings vary, as Mucuza,
Muzuca.

Muzuca, Muzucha, Muzulensis, Mosulensis,

Mutucensis.

Hartel gives no

variant in Cyp. save Mozulensis Cod.

Seg.,

though Rigault alleges a Muzucha

C<>a'.

CoriJ.'

'

the otlier

and Holsten 'Muzuca.'

hand the only reading in

382

On
list

APPENDIX

596

K.

Other roads too connected the towns \ but these three Unes striking
and traversing the inland, would bring up representatives

the coast road,

of at least three-and-twenty sees to Carthage.

Hadrumetum was about

Roman

108

miles from Carthage*, and Great

The

by the coast from Hadrumetum.

Leptis about 650'

hundred

last

miles of this were the sand-deluged coast of the Tripolis, a

name which

then meant the three early Phoenician Marts of Sabratoun, Oiat, and
Lebki*, but which, as

two neighbours decayed,

its

Oea and so remains. The conditions of life

much from all that we have been considering.

To

Colonia
Ulpia
Trajana

upon Oiat or

TripoHs differed

Livy* Leptis seemed 'the only city' there worth mention. Its conmust have been strong, since in our first century it was still ruled

stitution

Leptis.

Leptis

Magna,

settled

in the

PI.

Lebda.
Bps.aOonat,
393. a
Donat. 411,
484.

by the old Canaanite 'Judges' or Sufetes^. As Gibeon from Joshua, so

Leptis from Bestia sought and obtained instant conditions of peace when
the Romans appeared on the soil in the outset of the Jugurthan war.
Its enormous imports and exports may be estimated from its antient
tribute of an Euboic talent daily to Carthage^, and from the permanent
impost with which C. Julius Caesar visited

Oea, Ocea,
Colonia, It.
Ant.
Civitas
Ocensis,
Oensis, PI.
Tripoli.

its

reception of the shattered

Pompeians.
The splendour of Oea^ is witnessed still by the grandest Four-fronted
Janus extant''. It had been built by a chief magistrate, and dedicated by
a proconsul about a century before our date, and was probably surpassed
by the edifices with which Septimius Severus adorned this his birthplace.

Bps.aDonat.
411, 4S4.

of 484 A.D. (Labbe, v. 266) and

41

(Labbe,

province

The

is

III.

of

list

199) which refers to the

Muzu'censis.

Death; Oeath bilath Makar, 'town of

Makar,' the Tyrian Hercules'; the
'

t is

use of the adjectival form in

'

From Thenae

the

first

route might

be struck at Sufetula.

Ant.; but

//. Petit. 114.

//.

Ant.; but

It.

Hence

Sir

Peut. 632.

Their

monument

Museum had

i.

in

the

c.

Wilmanns, C.

/.

L. vili.

p. 3.
^

Liv. xxxiv. 62.

Hirtii de

97, tricies centena millia

B. Afric.

pondo

olei

Epp.

83.

marmore

ex

the

great

in material, construc-

decoration.

Lambert

It

is

Bruce's

Playfair's Travels, p. 280.

Orfitus
I

et

is

was proconsul about 163 a.d.

may remark that

Coins,

Ouiath,

if

Quintilian,viii.3,

right (and the reading right) in ascrib-

ing the

first

use of Munerarius to Au-

gustus,

it

is

interesting that in African

inscriptions, in Tertullian

and Cyprian,

Munerarius occurs several times and

Munerator never.

annually.
8 Sentt.

'

Calpurnius was 'curator muneris publici

English

strange

adventures under our Fourth George

and William.

and

as

surpasses

flamen perfectus.' Ser. Cornelius Scipio

62.

notable

itself

far

munerarius, duumvir quinquennalis

tanus side by side with Leptitanus.

British

and

'most exquisite and elaborate' sketch,

the Latin appellative Lepci-

Livy xxxiv.

praises

Roman specimen
tion

2 //.

'

It

solido'

p. 597, n. 6.

final

Literary foiins

Osa, Qza, Oca, &c.

Cyprian's time has a bearing on the

geography, see

the Punic feminine.

THE

CITIES.

597

The position of Sabrata appears perhaps in the fact that the cause in sabrata
which Apuleius had triumphantly pleaded for himself on the charge of jf'1"^'
magic employed in winning his wealthy lady was tried there though all Sa/Spafla, Pt.
the parties belonged to Oea. Travellers have seen its amphitheatre, the SabathraP'marble floor of its temple or basilica, and its pier amid the sand. A Bps.abonat.
vast space, apparently never built on, is included in its walls. This may 393?. 4".
be what the Punic name of Sabratoun^ is thought to describe a ' Corn-

Market of nations.
The Tripolis was
'

fusion of

its

at

our date somewhat more than

trilingual,

and the

population was never accomplished, any more than that of

three tongues, Libycized Punic^, Siceliot Greek and Latin.

its

The

Tripolis was held together at least ^

Oea about

unsubstantially that

by an annual council, but so

Garamantes to help

A.D. 70 brought in the

her quarrel with Leptis.

It is

a mirror

for colonists

who

which looks across

think

whom

to the religion of nations with

it

policy to be liberally indifferent

they dwell, or to the barbarism

their pale.

drift of the Sahara sand, successfully resisted for so

was seconded by the drift of Sahara tribes no less multitudinous*.
Protectors like Count Romanus made resistance to them
hopeless. Leptis was destroyed once more by the Ausuritani in A.D. 370,
yet bishops of all three towns appeared in 41 1. None however after their
banishment by Huneric in 484. So that the towns sank probably soon
after that to the condition in which Justinian found them, mounded deep
in sand^
His splendid revivals were soon buried again, and of Great
Leptis nothing now emerges but white sea-walls and a ghostly likeness

Thenceforth the

many

ages,

to Carthage.

The

self-governing organization which, adverse to war and unifying as

expanded, had arisen in that antient scene of industrious wealth and

anxious splendour, was the salt of their old world. It could not here
become the seed of the new. That element in Tripolis was represented
it

by Natalis of Oea, who with his own suffrage brought the

of Sabrata and Dioga of Great Leptis six or seven
hundred miles, and as Augustine says begged the question''.

at the Council

proxies of

Pompey

Which

is

also

its

j^dif.

d.

vi.

4 'AXXa koX lla^apadav

iTi.xt-<^a-To ttoXlv,

noWoO
2

Greek name
no. Procop.

other

'A^pdrovov, Scyl. Peripl.

ou

Srj

Kai \6yov d^iaf

Silius,

Pun.

iii.

256,

writes of their pre- Roman age not with-

out discrimination.

Sabratha turn Ty-

rium valgus, Sarranaque Leptis, Oeaque

The

diffident

C. I. L. viii.

i.

p. 2.

'Globi supervenere barbarici.'

mianus

at the

end of

Am-

lib. xxviii. relates

particle

is

due

justice,

to

"irdfi/xov

fieXijffdai

^dif.
*

Trinacrios Afris permixta colonos.

2

protest against any idea of

the 'terrific tragedy' \vith feeling and

iKK\r]<Tlav iSelfiaro.

Sail. j^u^. 78.

Wilmanns'

confederation.

irX^^et tcl iroXXd

Karaxuadeiffa.

t^

dvi]-

Procop.

de

The two

ab-

vi. 4.

Sentt.

Epp. 83

85.

sentee bishops are quoted in the forms

APPENDIX

598
Route

Now

Girba,
'

Djerba'^

Bps.aDonat.
393,411, 450,
484, 525.

Oea

(i).

to

we may make

if

K.

Assuras by the Salt Lakes and Capsa.

so bold with this said Natalis of

Oea

as to

watch his journey to Carthage by one or other of these routes, he would,

for any of them, take first the coast-road as far as Tacape, now Gabes.
Thence he might turn inland to Capsa, thence by Thelepte, Sufetula,
Sufes, Tucca Terebinthina to Assuras.
These all, save Tacape, were
sees which sent their bishops to Council with Cyprian.
From between the gulf and the dunes, below the curved escarpments of
the Nefousa hills, which do their best to break the endless drifts of sand
and catch them in their valley parallels, his road emerged on a level of
vast lagoons beyond which, but as if among them, lay the low island of
Meninx, which in these very years was beginning to be called GlRBA^ as it
is now.
It was the Lotus Eaters' Isle.
The Canaanites had brought to
^^^^ palms and the arts of the purple dye.
But the superior
brilliance
J
r
of the colour made here, and the marvellous fruitage of the isle, are due
still to the unbroken industry of the Berbers, who received and survived
the Tyrians, resisted the Mahommedans, though they accepted their
creed, and speak their original tongue among themselves to this day.
Like the Kabyles they accepted and dropped Christianity. They had
a bishop already in Cyprian's day, and he went to the Council, a senior
bishop, Monnulus by name. Besides his singular bad grammar, it is
interesting to find him expressing 'a stain' by using a technical term of
dyeing, and that in a form nowhere else existing-.
Then on Natalis' left opened out the extraordinary chain of the three
jj.

i:

ir

water Chotts, 215 miles of lake-basins^,

salt

full

of quicksands, crusted

thick with salt which has conveyed and betrayed armies and caravans in
single

for thousands of years

file

Sabratensis

z.x\.A

Leptiviagnensis ;

others as e.g. Natalis ab Oea.

a crust spread like 'floors of camphor,'

\}c\Q

tificetur.'

use

offectura as='tenebrse.'

of this form at this time ht this district

only

itself inclines

Muzulensis

one to believe that

in Sentt.

Musula on the Great

Later,

came

when

local

(to this

temporal lords

the bishops kept

I.

p.

I95n.

Girba

(as

Morcelli

does) in the Proconsular Province.

^

Monnulus 'Debent...
ut cancer quod habebant et

Sentt. Epp. \o.

baptizari,

damnationis iram

440, explains

But

it

means a

colour into another.

alienum colorem
qui

'Infectores

qui

lanam conjiciunt

proprio

Festus,

officiunt.'
*

in

colori

novum

lib. ix.

Lactis Salinarum = Sebkha.

It

was only

1853 *hat the

in

first

real exploration of this strange country

251 and 260; v.

There is no ground

for inventing another

/w(/. p.

dye specially for the conversion of one

offectores

designations be-

day) the adjective.

Between a.d.

Tissot,

de,

relates to

Syrtis.

territorial titles, the

used the a or the

^

Epp. 34

Hartel,

zXi

The

et erroris offecturam

per sanctum et cseleste lavacrum sane-

was made, by M.

The

lacustrine

Tissot.

valley

is

348 kilo-

metres long in the Carte de Reconnaissance, 188 1

map

1887.

Sir L.

Playfair's

gives 370 and Tissot's apparently

273, vol.

I.

p. 100.

'The

Chotts varies every month.'

size of the

'

THE
an

CITIES.

"

599

landscape under a sky of fire,' and set with fathomless lakes

among the mirage like molten metal. The first and greatest
the mystical lake Tritonis. The traveller crossed only ' the Mouth
'arctic

that shine
is

and passed behind 'the Lips' these are the Arab names for the gap
where Sahara comes upon the sea, and for the low north ranges which
fringe it.
Sheltered from the August heat of the weird valleys he would
use Roman roads and stations until, a hundred miles beyond Gabes, he
reached Capsa.
Capsa^ is but an oasis set in a great breach of the same perpendicular Capsa
north cliff which continuing beyond Biskra walls in the salt desert. There
Rer'u^il^
three vast valleys meet from north, north-west and east, and pour streams Capsensium.
and roads and merchandise out through the Mountain-gate. For from the Capsa"^^'
days of 'the Libyan Hercules' the first Phoenicians the city is warder av^^
of the mountain plateaux of the Tell, and keeps the gate of Sahara and ^p^- |^9.
Soudan^. Mediaeval travellers could still admire its fortress, defences 4". 484and masonry we have only its vast reservoirs and bathing tanks. The
Roman historians were amazed at its lonely greatness, amid immeasurable solitudes,' as Sallust writes, and at its security in mid Afric fenced
with sands and serpents' says Florus. No figure of speech the French
columns of to-day keep fires burning through their quarters, not to scare
the cerastes, but for instant cautery ^
Marius is still a legendary hero there on account of his preternatural
capture of the fortress in mere lust of battle. The Christians of the
district (Pliny observes that it is more of a clan {natid) than a city*) had
no bloody contest with Islam, but held their faith longer than others with
a quietude which is described as still characteristic of them.
Donatulus, who went to the Council, was" a junior bishop consecrated
as we have seen in a.d. 252, and it is rather amusing to notice that he
begins his brief speech with Et ego semper sensi.'
;

'

'

'

Far away, quite

lakes, the
defile,

Roman

at the

western end of the same vast valley of the salt

military road swept

the famous El Kantara, and

fine oasis of Mlili

thence

it

down

onward

south through another g^and

some 50 miles to reach the

returned up to Biskra, and ran east under
for

Aures and the. long vertical cliffs which rim Sahara. It reached the
Chott-el-Djerid, embraced it and went on to Gabes.
This military road was the south boundary of the Roman Province,
here called Limes Gemellensis, for the oasis which made its comer was

Gemells.

Bp'aDonat.
411.

Morcelli dreams of two Capsas also.

'^

Sentt.

Epp. 69

Capse, H.

I omit

the frequent statement that Capsa

was

'

Bruce did not find

this necessary.

Playfair, p. 286.
*

...ex reliquo

numero non

civitates

the treasure city of Jugurtha, because

tantum sed pleneque

Wilmanns,

jure dici possunt ut Natabudes, Capsi-

C.

I.

L.

vill.

i.

p.

22,

reasonably questions the accuracy of the

text of Strabo.

tani.
*

..

etiam nationes

H. N.y.\.

Sentt.

Epp. 69.

Cf.

Ep. 56.

APPENDIX

600

K.

was nothing but one magnificent fortified camp and preknown form of defence, with outlying forts and outposts.
It was the bastion of Rome against wild Africa. There is still on the spot
a monument erected in the year 253, while Carthjige was most angry

GEMELLiE.

It

cinct with every

a monument of the gratitude of a squadron (vexillatio) a

thousand strong of the Third Legion, Augusta,' disbanded by Gordian
and lately reconstituted and recalled from Rhaetia^, which on Oct. 23rd
with Cyprian

'

marched back

in that year

The

present desert of

into

old quarters,

its

Mokran became a

'

Gemell{as) RegressiV

garden, for Sahara soil

wants nothing but water, and the troops completely intersected the whole
tract as far as the first salt lake, Chott Melghigh, with channels from
their river and cross channels and ditches.
The great camp had its
bishop Litteus who went to Carthage, and there drew the metaphor
by which he proved his position, from the 'blind leading the blind
^'

into the ditch

No other Catholic bishop of the place is ever mentioned, and

the Donatist bishop of the year 41
Colonia
Thelepte.
1

Medinat

iHa^ichei

1,

states that he

The north road from Capsa

'climbs by
/ immense stairs' to the high
r
o
Thelepte stands a city of the usual inland type
theatre, baths, an old citadel and a Byzantine one as at Tebessa, a
platcau on which

^s^rSonat circuit of 3^ miles, and its insula traceable. That is,

Kdima be Thelepte. If Thelepte is Haouch el Khima^

411, 484-

Burcaton,

had never known one*.

Medinat el
on a still
higher plateau to the eastward, and still a city of similar type. But our
two great authorities differ as to the distance", and no inscription has yet
decided between them. Its bishop, Julian'', was at the Council.
^

Cp. sup. Lambaesis,

p. 586.

C. I. L.

no.

Mommsen's
3 Seittt.
*

VIII.

i.

is

'

is

unquam

Traha-

a fortress

intelligible that

should cease to be the seat of a bishop.

(At

Durham

or Carlisle the bishop

command.)

was

it would be hard to
had been, as Morcelli
thinks, Gemelbe of Numidia (Kkerbet
^raz), or the Gemellse one stage north

in

explain

But

if this

of Capsa.

The

and

II.

el

does not mention

Khima

or

Henchir

Mzira, two localities shewn near together

in Tissot, pi. xix., but

he describes con-

siderable ruins at Henschir-el-Khima-

ruta-Zarouia,

seem

to appear.

ploration

name in which both

The difficulties of ex-

are great

tale of miseries

viii.

p. 31.

i.

The

See Wiland misgivings,

here.

manns'

Peutinger

Table

miles

the

as

gives

44

distance

of

the fragment

Thelepte from Capsa, and the Itinerary

Table

of Antoninus gives 71; these numbers

'Mlili' prove that the Peutinger

(see Spruner) erred in placing

iil. p. 5,

Haouch

(Roman)

inscription

vol.

ff.

Cagnat,

either

ditorem non habeo neque

It

pp. 770
'

82.

His delicate dissenting style

bui.'

from his Notices Episcopales,

and

2482

Preface xxii.

Epp.

if

it is

Gemellae

map

fairly

correspond to the distances of the

named

two towns named above.

"
Sentt. Epp. 57.
The Gentile name
Julius was common here ; C. Julius

accurate author omits Gemellas altogether

Saturninus of Thelepte and C. Julius

east of Biskra.

glance at the

(Tissot, pi. xxii.) explains the mistake.

do not understand why the

last

THE
From

60I

CITIES.

either Thelepte to Sufetula^

The bishop

about 37 miles.

is

of

Sufetuia,

SUFETULA, Privatianus', came from a town unlike any type we have de- [^coionU].
It was not even ^^'"^^j_
scribed.
It was the very seat of wealth and of security.
It stood where the great 418, 484walled, and its spoil astounded its captors.
road from Theveste to the sea crossed the great road from Carthage
Its regular streets are full of beautiful relics of architecture

to Sahara.

among them,

without a single Arab structure ever having been raised

and

range of three

its

tall

temples 3, side by

side, in

golden limestone,

with their great gate and cloisters, was of unsurpassed beauty.

These

are of the Aurelius and Verus age, while a great triumphal arch

is fifty

years later than the Council, dedicated to Maximian and Constantine.

There are many temples traceable, and many churches.

The destruction of the Christian 'Tyrant' Gregorius by Ibn Saad was

a crucial event, which closed the Christianity of this region twelve centuries and a half ago.
The country below and all west of Sbeitla to the sea is one monumental test of what Islam has done for civilization. The crystal river of
the city, 'copious as Zaghouan,' and many streams besides lose themselves in the sand.
The now trackless, treeless, scorching plains were
once alive with 'villages* that touched each other,' says the Arab hisThe soil is all strewn with hewn stones.
torian, along infinite woods.
Dry fountains and broken stations dot the wayside. Roman oil mills
stand with no olives in sight, save some glorious giant which the Arab is
burning piecemeal. The very soil, no longer bound together by roots,
washed from the hills.
For all this denudation, physical and moral, Islam is to be thanked,
yet some earher thanks are due to Christian sects which, unlearning all
that Cyprian and Augustine had taught, sank for lack of charity into a
controversial and political religion, and armed opinion with material
is

forces.

Sufetuia may, to judge from

its

Jovinus of Thelepte are the names of

two
i.

C./.L.

viil.

'Probabiliter Colonia' C./.Z. VIII.

p. 40.

But

how

established?

Not

so in /tin. Ant. nor in any inscription.

C.

I.

Its

L. VIII.

i.

p. 40, Suppl.

people called

i.

p. 1180.

themselves Sufetu-

Yet

sign.

this division of styles,

with the fact that the

is

2568, 2569.
1

i.

Lambaesis.

officers at

sound, be a daughter of SUFES, and

gi-eat

taken

entrance

not centric to the fa9ade, seem to

to indicate extension at

Two

some

me

period,

beautiful drawings of Bruce's

have

been reproduced by Sir Lambert Playfair,

(

p.

155, while

Mr

Alex.

Graham

Travels in Tunisia) has two interesting

ientes as well as Suflfetulenses, C. I. L.

sketches and a restoration of the Triple

VIII.

Temple.

i.

233.

Sentt.

The two

Epp.

19.

side temples of the Corin-

thian order, flanking a middle which

is

Composite, are said to be one large de-

own
for

This word of Ibn Khaldoun, their

historian, seems to me to account

Wilmanns'

inscriptions

surprise at finding so few

among

so

many

remains.

APPENDIX

602

K.

name from

^Sou/^ or

Sufes.

Sufes seems a primaeval Berber

Colonia
Sufetana.

straight north road thither runs about nineteen miles along

...Aurelia

Sufetana.

Castellum
Sufetanum.
Sbiba.
Bps. 411,484,
Playf. 191.

its

The

river.

one of the

wondrous valleys of the Tell. About A.D. 399 the blood of sixty Christians was shed here for a broken Hercules whom Augustine scornfully offered to replace, and who in a fine inscription is yet honoured
there as Genius of the Fatherland.' That means an early settlement of
Phoenicians and one of the oldest Roman inscriptions in the country
The present
records the new settlings under or before Augustus^.
bishop was Privatus^.
The next stage was the next see, TucCA Terebinthina. The
bishop was Satuminus, for Honoratus belongs to Tucca of Numidia^
'

Tucca Terebinthina.
It.

Ant.

Dougga.

Saturninus

familiar with the teaching of Marcion.

is

Twelve Roman miles bring us

1

ASSURAS*, again a noble regularly

258.

Another Dougga near Tibursicum has

points out that the address

remains 'the most exquisite in Africa'

L.

C. I.

Wilmanns

to

viii.

nos.

i.

262,

of Augustine's indignant note {Ep. 50)

(Playfair) of a temple

and mausoleum

should have Sufetanje for Suffectanse.

from which the

Museum

The same correction

been made in Victor

appears to have

bilingual Libyan-Phoenician inscription

Vitensis, Pcrsec.

which gives us the key

Afric.

I.

alphabet.

7.

It

Dr

British

is

to the

now being

has the

Libyan

fully ex-

to

identify,

prevalent views of Life and Death which

I do not venture
Wilmanns does, either
Tucca (Thucca) with this Dougga because

Privatus was set to dispel.

its

spelling Thugga,

There are

little

VIII.

at Sufetula

i.

arte

Annis qui

L.

I.

fere vixit

Tertivim

Valida febre crematus

[Edendo nmneri

defunctus obiit.

At nunc videndo

jiigiter

Et

fletum et gemitus integral.

Sentt.

Epp.

a tucga, Cod. Seg.;

Cod. Regin.

airh Si/dc^s,

Alius Saturninus

52.

a Tucca, Hartel
attu*ca.

Gk. vers.

a Thucca, edd.
Morcelli trans-

Thugge, Tugga,

a dozen inscriptions

bishop

Epp. 11 Honoratus a Thucca, no

v.l.% dird AoiJ7/CT7J, Gk. vers. (?AovyKTji).

Where Tucca

it.

(Sabinus)

In 411

a Catholic

Tuccensis

called

is

and a Donatist bishop (Paschasius)

is

Victor

is

called Tuggensis.

In 649,

called Episcopus Municipii Togire.

courage us to follow Wilmanns in choosing either see as Terebinthina or in

Thugga

writing either of them

respond with the Proconsular

Pro-

Thugge

ToO/c/ca

and Ptolemy

Toi//f/ca.

copius however calls

{de yEdif. vi. 5),

to cor-

city.

Wilmanns declines to decide what Tucca

is

meant by Dio

7r6Xet Toi/(CK3

Cassius, 48. 21, h>

but one

t^

may modestly

point out that the person and the scene

poses them.
Sentt.

in

Neither do the MSS. of Cyprian en-

which name

diem.']

No. 251, acrostich. Genitor Junonem

dedicat Alteque Pompeiae locat Levamen hoc doloribus Lacrimisquepausam
credidit

Carton.

as

does not vary

Sed cum cuncta

Edendo, placiturus

muneris ante

Tertium

C.

plored by

Triginta et duobus.
parasset

those

forth

Marcellus hie quiescit

no. 241.

Medica nobilis

Diem

two graceful

epitaphs which set

Terebinthina should

be by the stages in the Itinerary of

Antoninus we find Henschir Dougga.

are concerned with Numidia.

On Nu-

midian Tucca see Circle of Cirta,

*

p. 583.

Hatsor, Punic 'precinct.' 'Acsffovpos,

Ptol.;
//. A7tt.

Assurae and indecl. ab Assuras

;

Assures, Tab. Peut.

and

^diL

THE
laid out city

one of

603

traceable great gates very perfect, with wall Coionia Julia

its

and

inscription adoring Caracalla

fine

Corinthian portions of

and

Oea

(2).

theatre with remarkably long stage

Like Sufes,

temple.

its

to be of earliest Punic settling

Route

CITIES.

Roman

earliest

to

its

two names shew

Zan^r.
Bps.aDonat.

it

401. 484-

resettling.

Assuras by Thence.

in another road which Natalis of Oea

And now
might have travelled, if (not turning inland at Gabes) he kept the coast
beyond Thenae and turned inland to Thysdrus. He would by this route
pass by sees as many as between Capsa and Assuras.

at Assuras swept

The

acropolis of

little

most of the Emporia.

circuit

Then^ rises

sternly over the sea, the northern- Coionia

Its port silted up.

Its solid city wall

two miles

The

nothing within but small stones and potsherds.

marks

necropolis

antiquity of settlement,

its

and

in

great

coined

name

the

'

is

xh^n^mo^-

Augustus rum.
Punic lettering. Yet Bpr4ii,

in the reign of

money bearing its old name Tainat in

thought to be the Berber of date palms ^'
Its bishop was now Eucratius
a man of precision and violence.
Blasphemy of the Trinity is his phrase for heretic baptism.

it still

^u^ta

'*^'*'

5^^' "54i.

'

'

The

great foss which in A.D. 146 the Romans made to bound their
province ran over the continent from the river Tusca over against
Tabraca, and it just took in Thense.

first

From Thysdrus

(it

sent no bishop to Carthage), at

with amphitheatre almost rivalling in

grandest known, a straight thirty-four

star of roads,

its

and studied as

size,

Roman

if

to excel the

miles in two stages would

bring our Natalis to Germaniciana.

So stands the Itineraiy of Anno verifying inscription. It is this place

which is commonly assumed to have sent Bishop Iambus to the Council^.
It was of course a different place from Abbir Germaniciana*, whose

Many

tonine^.

col.

ab

Assuribus,

Assuras,

Assuras

ruins about

C. I. L. vill.

Epp.

Sentt.

plain Bled-es-Sers.

631

i.

Itin.

p. 164,

name

the

Wilmanns, C.
Abbir Majus

a trace of As-

L. viii.

i.

n.

2991

Qha., Gaiva, Strab.

ttTrd

Tenitanus,

Wilmanns).

Q^vwv,
coll.

Seiitt.

Epp.

411, notit. 484.

Ep. 649

(ap.

Es beam Tha:nat,

'of

people of Thence,' Punic Inscr.

Acad.

perplexity

Germanicianas

Civitatis Thenisiis, Syn.

the

Epp. 42.

65.

(?

I.

Ant.

S^oivai, Ptol.

Grace.

Thg

is

I.

of

thus

L.

(coll.

Abbirs
resolved

viii.

411)

i.

p.

and
by
102.

and Abbir

Cellense (Municipium Julianum Philip-

Then(se), C.

Plin.,

Sentt.

Ep.

suras.)
^

^
;

plebi

68;

Cypr.

consistenti,

Graham and Ashbee,

d. Ittscrr.

Tissot,

II.

Jan. 1890.

p. 588.

planum Abbir

Cellense) or Cella {Not.

Epp.) are one

city; Abbir 411, 484,

Abbir Minus, and Abbir Germaniciana,
or Germanicianorum, are one city. This
may be, but I have failed to find any

trace

of

Wilmanns
tine's

the

name

Abbir

also does not note

Germanicianenses.

Minus,

Augus-

Germani-

it^nt.

APPENDIX

6o4
Abbir Germaniciana.
Bps. 411,

now was

bishop

419

A.D.,

Successus^, and which had

but has not

The Roman

419.

K.

its site

made

clear

by

bishop also in 411 and in

its

either itinerary or inscription.

had under Gregory the Great a patrimony at Germade the notary and record-keeper, Hilarus,

see

maniciana, of which he
*

Rector.'

Beyond Germaniciana, twenty-two miles by

Marazanx,
Marazanis,
It.

Ant.

Bps.
411,484,641.

the Itinerary, lay another

great centre of roads, Aquas Regiae, and on a cross road between this and

Marazana,

Sufes was
of

its

canons survive^, and

its

From

either Aquae

unknown

date, but four

;

as

with eleven weighty words.

we

Regiae or Sufes

Mactharis*

Arab

ruins heard of in

its

bishops appear in three other crises

Council of ours Felix^ did

in this
Ci vitas
Mactarita-

not visited yet, but

In this highland was a Council held, of

rumour.

among the high

The name has lived

rise fast

above the

norum.

plateaux.

Colonia

though not entered in itineraries nor, until the other day, found
Yet in the .^lian century Mactharis must have been
one of the stateliest of African cities. The ruins cover miles of ground
buildings finished in the noble if not strictly grammatical style of the
country. Aqueduct and amphitheatre, arches of triumph, bath and palace,
mausolea with stone doors on their pivots, and columbaria". Bruce's
beautiful drawings^ prove how fast they disappear,
like the surrounding
Aleppo pines which the Turk taxes for pitch and neglects to preserve.
Marcus the bishop gave not only his suffrage but a severe side stroke

XX\3l
Aurelia_
Mactaris.
Col. mxa,

Aurelia

Augusta
Mactaris s.
Mactarina.

Makter.
Bps.

a Donat.
411, 484.

944

feet

sea".

orally,

in

inscription.

Stephen.

at
Civitas

Mactharis lay high on the

Uzappa
Uzappensis.

is

Ausafa

leads to

Sentt.

Greg.
Diac.)

Epp.
53.

left

Uzappa^

i.

Vita (Joan.

75, 77;

Tissot does not

men-

tion that Augustine {Ep. iv. 25 1) speaks

Germanicianenses within his

of

jurisdiction

of

Hippo.

own

might be

It

oTri

lately discovered, partly of the

Sentt.

in the

ses

so

that the

middle letters.

and before

265 A, in.

carte

town may have been

drawn out

adjective

which the

Africans affected.
^

127, 220.
='

Harduin, Cone.

Sentt.

Epp.

46.

C. /. L.

I.

col. 1251.

Supplem.

'

i.

RP.

Pelet, Notiv. Atl. des

nn. iiSoi,
Col.

Col.

Necropoles de Mactaris,

Bull.

Mac-

Eranf.

(1891).

arch,

du Com.

1891, p. 509 sq.

'

des

Cagnat,

Trav.

hist.

entierement entouree

de necropoles.*
^

Six,

pp. 194

Ferrandus, Breviatio Canon. 44, 76,

But Cod. Seguier,

1809 Mactaris, 11813

Germania, and Germanicianensis only

the long

v.

list)

Ma-

Mactari; the Episcopal Lists, Mactari-

taritanas.

184 A, the latter in the Numidian

Macthari (Hartel),

vers.), the slip

Cod. Regin., and the modern

Mukthert (Play fair) suppose an aspirate

the distant or to the nearer place, but

there appear bishops called Germanien-

38, a

chari in

tanus

Huneric in 484 (Labbe,

Epp.

Ma^d/)wv (Gk.

doubtful whether the Roman estates

and the bishop at Carthage belonged to

that in the Collation of 41

from Aquae Regiae, which

of our road

Great ruins,

16.

M. Epp.

II.

or

II. p.

reproduced by Sir L. Playfair,

ff.;

621.

Plan of 'Macteur,' Tissot,

C.

I.

L. VIII. Suppl.

i.

n.

II 804.
*

Ausafa,

Setitt.

Epp. 73;

Avffd(p7],

THE
best age

605

undisturbed sepulchres, beside a stream

identified

CITIES.

by

inscriptions

speaks with a quiet

and answering

still

called

Ousapha

Municipium

Lucius, bishop, Uzappense.

to the itinerary.

piety.

^i.MeUk'.'^'

Roman miles to Seggo, and the road sweeps west

Zama Regia, for from Aquae Regiae to Assuras it circles

Twenty-three

twenty more to
by the high valleys round some very lofty plateaux and mountain heads.
There was not an African or Roman in Afinca who did not hold the
field of Zama to have determined, as Polybius clearly saw * it must do, the
dominion not of Libya or Europe, but of the world. The warring powers,
the fortresses and genius of the commanders, and the prize contended for
had trifled former knowmgs. But Zama has little to shew very broken
ground, an eminence among eminences; its old work very solid^, and
abundant evidence that at our epoch the place was populous, rich and

'

Bp. a Don.

^anj^ Regia.

^1'^
Hadriana

za^^Regia.
Zafio,i<t^o>i/,

Dji&ma.
Bp. 411.

artistic.

Marcellus^ was the bishop. He put the controversy in a nutshell.

Another ten miles completed this cross-country route, if we may call
from Thenae to Assuras. Thence the Theveste road to Carthage.

so,

Route

Oea by Thence and Hadrumetuin

(3).

to

it

Carthage.

Another perhaps easier way to Carthage was open to the traveller

from Oea when he had reached Thenae. He might go on from Thysdrus
to Hadrumetum, either direct or by Leptiminus.
Leptis, Leptiminus* was built to the waterside, with a fine road- Leptiminus,
stead but difficult to make^ A small city, but splendidly fortified from AeWi?'
the days of the first solid fort which sufficed the Phoenicians until it was 't.'emia.
fixed upon
as one of the two residences of the Governor of the Byzacene. ^p^ . ,
^
'

namesake with Rome when she appeared on the ground and reaped its advantage, in being a free and
exempt town for ever.
It

had sided

at

once

like its larger

Demetrius the bishop^ merely turns the whole question under

dis-

cussion into an assertion.

Zonar. (ap. Tissot),

of Usappa.'

il.

Found

p. 575.

Baal Usappan, 'citizen

only in 1884.

Punic Inscr. Acad, dcs In-

Polyb. XV.

This agrees with

who

says

it

'

Sallust,

yng.

56,

was 'magis opere quam

Sentt.

Coins until Tiberius

then A^tttis.
iiiKpi.

A^im

Leptis

(Phce(A^ttti;,

added in the second

if

is

said of

the port had

in the third century.

Christian (Phoenician?) burials

Leptiminus are curious; Schwarze,

at

53.

Stadiasmus, as

been destroyed

The

Procop.) until

Wilmanns misreads what

this in

natura munita.'

nician),

(indecl.);

mograph. Leptis minus (Leptis Parva

9, 3.

Epp.

Then Leptiminus

Lepteminus; Anonym. Ravennat. Cosin Tissot's Index, not antient).

scriptions, Jan. 1890.

century.

pp. 54, 55, and 59 and Tafel

*

Sentt.

Epp.

36.

i.

4". 404,641.

APPENDIX

6o6
Colonia
Concordia
Ulpia

Trajana
Augusta
Frugifera

Hadruinetina.

Colonia
_

Concordia
Ulpia

Hadrumetum._

Justinianopolis.

Susa,
Sousse.
Bps. 348, a

Donat. 393,
397.411.451
4S3, 551.

Horrea CaeAnt.
Hergla.
lia. It.

Bps.

a Donat.
411, 419.

Hadrumetum*

K.

rose picturesquely, a white pyramid, over

its

elabo-

mighty breakwater and secluded cothon like

Carthage. As at Carthage, a massive yellow-coated temple topped the
citadel, and a noble suburb overspread the walls. For it came direct from
Tyre, an older settlement than Carthage, and now was second city of
frugiferous,'
It never had a history, for it was strong,
the province.
commercial, opulent, and unpatriotic. Czesar had stalked round its triple
When the war was
walls, and knew he could not afford to take them.
over, he would make them pay for their regard to Pompey.
It was chief
of the seven cities which, at the first scent of danger, had gone over to
Rome. Henceforth it is styled a Free City. Trajan made it a colony.
Its forts, cisterns, circus, grandly porticoed theatre, and huge edifices of
undivined intention date through all its ages. The two events which the
critic records of it, its long litigation with Thysdrus over a temple, and
its rough reception of Vespasian as Proconsul, are less significant to
real history than Cyprian's visit to its clergy and instructions about the
Roman see. Its bishop, Polycarp, had perhaps not been in attendance
He missed no Council of which the list reat Carthage before this.
mains*, and at this of A.D. 255 he assisted with six sufficient words*.
The traveller, leaving Hadrumetum for the north, whether he kept
close to the sea or pursued the parallel road a few miles inland, soon saw
before him, clear against water and sky, a castle-crowned promontory.
This was one of the great grain depots. It gave its name to the small
town of quays and magazines which surrounded it, Horrea Qxaax^.
This too had a bishop, Tenax, who begins scriptum est, inserts ecclesia
una in Eph. iv. 5, and so proves his point easily. Tenax might be taken
up by the way, or might join the travellers from Oea further on. The
bishop of Segermes^ might also join them at Bibas (Djeradorl or Birel-Foouara), and thence the way was short through beautiful Zaghouan

rately created harbour^ with

'

^ 'A5/)t5/i?jy,

-firyros, /j.7it6s,' AdpovfnjTos,

'Adpa/iiJTTi^, -nvTos, -firiToi, -fievTOi.

In

Greek never aspirate. In Latin medals

and inscriptions always, Hadrumetum,
-imetum, -ymetum. Elsewhere Adrimetum, -umetum, -3rmetum. In Mysia
was also an 'A5pa./Ji&mov, -vTeiov; in
Lycia an 'ASpa/iirrrts, and an Arab tribe
is called' Adpafiirai.
(W. and P.)
2 Is it presumptuous to think that
d\lp.vos (Stadiasm.c. 1 i6)means with no
natural harbour, and not (as Wilmanns)
that in the third century its port had
disappeared ? For the breakwater must
have been serviceable when Justinian
repaired it, and in the twelfth century

El-Bekri speaks of

its

harbour.

fine

569 sup., A.D. 252, />. 57;

254, p. 67; 255, Ep. 70; 256, Setiif.
*

.See p.

Epp.

his

3.

Epp.

Sentt.

low place

3,

On

a senior place.

Council

in

II.

Ap-

see

pendix, p. 566.
^

Sentt.

Epp.

has (without
the

Greek

v.

The text of Cyprian

d'f
1.)

CL-Kh

'ab Horreis Caeli?e,

'OpiQv

KeWiuv
ft.
The va
;

Ant., 'Horrea Caslia vicus.'

riants of the bishops' titles are several

at last 'O^peoKlXrj^;

Iracted

name

is

and

Hergla.

its

now con

From Hadru

metum, 18 miles (It. Ant.).

Above, p.
579.

THE
and Gor and Thuburbo Majus

607

CITIES.

into Carthage^, striking the Theveste road

usually at Coreva.
6.

The proem

Mauretania.

Council says that there were assembled at

of the

it

Bishops very many, out of the Province Africa, Numidia, Mauretania.'

Mauretania seems to have been represented, except as claiming to itself a

BURUC and
Thubunae^ might be claimed for Mauretania,
Whatever the reasons in favour, they are not the

half share in the bishop of Tucca, only by the bishops of

tBoOpxa, Pt.

Nova.

Donat. 411.

Wilmanns

thinks

but does not claim

it.

same as for Tucca.

BuRUC. There

are independent reasons for beheving Quietus"^ to be

Quintus, and

Quintus to be the correspondent of

Quintus was a Mauretanian, our colleague established in Mauretania,' and if so BURUC was a Mauretanian
see, which from other considerations also is more likely than not*.
As for Nova, two bishops, each styled Nobensis, both of Mauretania,
from different cities, presented themselves before Huneric in A.D. 484,
and were banished. One of them, Mingin, barbarous name, died in

wrongly read

for

Cyprian's seventy-first

epistle.

'

Also a bishop from one of them assisted

exiled

Bps.
"*"' *

"*'

in a.d. 411 at the Col-

lation of Carthage.

There

is

no African Nova except

Oppidum Novum

Roman

62

South Egypt, but two

in

One

Mauretania.

are in

of these

is

cities called

too far, only

The other is near Manliana and only about 210 miles beyond the
Numidian frontier. This may be the Nova of our very explicit bishop
Rogatianus.
TJie Cities

7.

Unidentified.

list seems complete as far as was known up to 1893

have been conjectured or proved since. E. F. Benson.]

[This
tions

It

it is

possible th^t fresh identifica-

only remains to add the names of the sees which yet await disThe disinterment of inscriptions alone could

covery and identification.

^

Route, Tissot,

11.

p. 539.

Tab. Peut.

Mauretanian Burca, and the Burugiaten-

Bibae to Onellana (Zaghouan) 16 miles,

sis

Onellana to Thuburbo Majus

133

15.

C. I. L. VIII.

Note on Quintus appears

i.

Episcopus of a.d. 411 (Labbe, iii.

Leontius
B) may belong to it.

Burcensis, A.D. 484 (Labbe, v. 263)

p. 453.

p.

363

Numidia.

is

of

Rigault has Buruch, Baluze

before the Third Council.

Baruch.

Epp. 71, 72, I. \-a.Sentt. Epp. 27

Mss. have and editions attest 'Buruc'
and 'Burug.' It is no way impossible

Labbe, v. 268

see also 269 B,

that these should be latinised as Buruca,

so Nobabarbarensis, Nobagermaniensis,

Burugia,

It.

Ant.

miles from Tangiers, 16 13 from Carthage.

and

that

Ptolemy's BoOp/ca,

Sentt.

Epp. 60,
B,

'a Nova.'

In

per stands for peregre;

III.

Nobasparsensis, &c.

326 D.

Nobensis;

Ptoi.

and

APPENDIX

6o8
set

K.

which arise, so that further criticism would

There is a list of late authorities in Tissot, ir.
The MS. readings are from Hartel.

at rest the questions

be mostly misspent.
p. 771,

note

I.

/ Numidia.
Oiara,
Str.] Bp.

Vada.
Vicus Caesaris=V. Augusti?

484-

23

Bps. 411,

33

484.

Bamaccora H.
Ab amacora Lauresh. Abbamaccora T.
{Regin.) ab amaccura Aug. de Bapt. c. Donatt. vi. xl. [Felix]
The reading

(Vamaccorensis.
cures, a
P-

Bps.

[Dativus]

Sententia 15

[?

a Do-

45

777 gives

H.

Midili

nat. 411, 484.

Numidian
it

tribe,

Coll.

shews that

among known

Carth. with Pliny

see-sites,

4 Bama-

v.

belongs to name.

Tissot

II.

but no more.)

Seg. Regin. Madili Lauresh. Midila August.

cod.

de Baptism, contr. Donatt.

[lader]

Vll. ix.

(Numidia by list of 484, and therefore not as Morcelli, Pagus Mercurialis Veteranorum Medilitanorum,' which was found in Prov.
'

Proc.

Tiss. II. 591.)

(The Bishop's name Iader has a Barbarian look.

where only

Mai
Bp. 484.

54

in a Christian inscription at Tebessa,

occurs else-

It

Acad, des Inscrr.

1890, 'lulio laderi patri dulcissimo in pace a w.')

Ulul^ ('ab

More, would identify with

Ululis')-

(Ullitanus, a.d. 484,

Bp. 484.

56

Tharassa H. Tharasa.

Bps. 411, 484.

66

Marcelliana,

Labbe

UUse

[Irenaeus]

v. 265).

[Zosimas]

Giru Marcelli.

QulianusJ

In Provincia.
Bps.

411,

Abbir

35

Thasualthe

Abbis

Lauresh.

germanicipiana

Regin.
a Do-

nat. 393, 397,

411, 484.

Bp. 646.

Do-

nat. 393, a
Donat. 411
484 (vacant).
Bp. a Donat.

[Successus]

H.

Thasuate

Regin.

August, de Baptisrn. contr. Donatt.

Ant.

411.

[Primus]

ix.

germaniciana H.

16

419.

Bps.

[Caecilius]

contr. Donatt. vi.

?

August, de Baptism, contr. Donatt.

Misgirpa H. miscirpa Lauresh. Migirpa August, de Baptism.

484-

Bps.

Bilta. Vilta

VI. viii.

Bps. 397, 411.

Bps.

H.

Biltha

a Do-

nat. 411, 525,

646.

[?

Thasualte,
vi. xlii.

Thasbalte

PTabalta

omitted by Tissot] (Byzac).

//.

[Adelphius]

43
48

Rucuma H. rucuna

50

Ausuaga H. ausuago Seg. Ausuagga Lauresh. adausuagga

[Ahymnus]
Regin. Auzagga Coll. Carth.
(Two

sees of that

[Lucianus]

Seg. rucima Lauresh.

Dionysiana (Byzac).

[Pomponius]

name, as Primianus, Donatist bishop

at Carthage,

explains in the Collation of Carthage A.D. 411, Prima Cognitio

179,

Labbe

iii. p.

318.)

THE

CITIES.

609

Victoriana H. Victorina Seg. (Byzac).

Sententia 51

in

(Oi)t/cTop/o, Pt.

Mauretania

[Saturninus]

Csesariensis...' Victoriana dicitur villa,

ab Hippone Regio minus xxx milibus

abest,'

Bps. 393,484,
^'

August, de Civ. Dei

25, 8, 7.)

64

Avitin^, Abitin^.
Tissot

II.

\al.

Saturninus]

771 infers neighbourhood of Membresa from Aug.

Epist. Parvien.

iii.

6.

(In 411 Bp. of Avitta also present.)

Acta SS. Saturnini, Dativi

in Africa (a.D. 304), Ruinart Act. Martyr.
civitate Abitinensi,' ap.

65

Aggya H. so August, de Baptism,

acbia Mon. Regin. acdia Lauresh.
(?

80

Agensis Ep. Syn. ad Paul. Constant.

<:.

Bps.

before

304, 411, 440,

525, 649.

*In

aliorum

et

contr. Donatt. vii. xxix. Bp.

646.

[Quintus]
a.d. 646.)

a Thambis H. Thanbis Seg. Thambeis August, de Baptism.

contr. Donatt. vii. xliv. (Tambaiensis 411, Tambeitanus 484)
(Byzac).

Bps.

Do-

"s^.^^^'*"'

[Secundianus]

Province Uncertain.
7

Castra Galbae H. Castro Aug. de Bapt.

c.

Donatt.

vi. xiv.

[Lucius]

44

Luperciana.

55

Cibaliana,

[Pelagianus]

Djebeliana Tissot

ll.

781 [near Usilla on Lesser Bp. aDonat.

[Donatus]

Syrtisj.

63

*"'

a Buslacenis H. abustiacgenis Lauresh. abustlaccens Reg.

abusti lacceni

Monac.

Felix]

[al.

(More, conjectures contraction of Bisica Lucana, west of Thuburbo

Majus; Tissot

II.

Visicensis in Coll. Carth.

p. 333.

411, and in Ep. Syn.

ad Patdum

Constant.

Labbe

A.D. 646.

III.

1880.)

74

a Gurgitibus ? Gurgaitensis (Byzac.) More.

(The regular form a gurgitibus can scarcely be traced
ble corruption from Gergis in Byzac.

^dif.
II.

vi.

p. 35.

4 C.
B. V.
;

Stadiasm. 102

X. Miiller Numismatique
Head Historia Numorum

Gergis on a medal in Brit. Mus.

78

'

but

484.

Procop.

p.

CERC

735 read

Gerg.

for

(Cercine).')

[Victor] Bp.

(Octabensis in
4.

Felix] Bp.

any proba-

de Vancienne Afrique

Octavu.

iii.

\al.

to

Numidia 484; massacre by Circumcellions, Optat.

Octabensis, Octabiensis in Byzacene 484.)

39

484.

APPENDIX

6lO

Readings of

The
which

Crawford MS.

following axe the readings of the cities in the Crawford MS.

from Hartel's.

differ

When

noted.

Cities in

L.

no MS.

is

Hartel's

MSS. which they resemble are

noted none agrees.

qx ab noted only

when

necessary.
4 thamoga

3 adrimeto

i^bacai^"

15 badis

27 buruch editiones aliquot

40 gor

35 thevalthe

47 a bobba

T {Aug)

7 galha

ii accedias 7"

10 girpa

17 ad huccabori, dhuccabori

(.<4m^)

31 theveste

LV

LT {Aug)

ZT"

33 abamaccora, ab amacora

4.2

ger maniciana

45 medeli
ad ausuagga

48 dionisiana
50 a bausuagga, ausuagga Z
T
62 Membressa Z
54 Ubulis
63 a bustlacgenis,

51 victoria {OviKTopla Ptol.)

a bustlacgenis
70 rusicca
J1

abustlaccens

tucca

72 hip

71 cuiguli

78 octaviu

65 achia

pomine

harit to

A nd how

it

Cyprian's

comes

68 asurag

caelise

LT

81 chulabi.

APPENDIX
S.

67 orreis

76 gazauphala, gazauphalia

to

be in

Day

in

L.

Kalendars

England on

the 26th instead of the

i^th September.

This enquiry

is

not so trivial as

logically curious as a

but

it

has a spiritual

it

may

seem.

It is

not only archaeo-

good instance of the gradual formation of kalendars,

side, too, of which we will say a word when we have

finished ^
S. Cyprian suffered on the 14th of September.
Accordingly in the
Martyrology of the African Church and in the earlier Roman kalendars

this

was the day of his commemoration by himself alone.

juartirutn' of

Rome

in

The

'

depositio

the middle of the fourth century records the

memorable fact that, (though his relics were of course not there,) his
Day was celebrated in the Cemetery of Callistus. The Missal of the
Mozarabic rite and the Sanctorale of its Breviary also give complete
evidence how he was at first commemorated alone in the Services,
although there have been uncritical and unhistorical guesses hazarded
about Cornelius' absence from the Depositio.
{Note A.)
The first change made was by uniting in the commemoration with
^

In the collation and verification of some of the kalendars I

indebted to M. Larpent.

am

greatly

S.

CYPRIAN'S DAY IN KALENDARS.

6X1

Cyprian his friend Cornelius, who had died in June 253. The change
was made at Rome, and it is notable that the Pope was placed on
Cyprian's Day, not Cyprian transferred to his but the name of Cornelius
;

is

placed

This

first.

what we

is

of the fourth or

Leonian Sacramentary and in a kalendar

century from MSS. once at Grasse and Avignon.

find in the

fifth

(^Note B.)

The Feast of the Exaltation of

West the recovery of that precious

Holy Cross, commemorated in the

from the Persians by Heraclius in
A.D. 628.
The date of the introduction of the Festival is unknown, but it
was kept on the 14th September, as if traditionally the day on which the
cross was re-erected.
The addition of that commemoration, usually in
the first place, is the next change in the observance of the day. This we
see in the Gelasian and Gregorian Sacramentaries as they stand. {Note c.)
For a long time after these, which have the appearance of having been
neatly re-edited, kalendars shew themselves to be copied carefully from
older ones by the perpetuation of the word Ro7nce after the observance
had become universal, and of Karthagbie after Carthage had ceased to
be.
This continues, though diminishingly, until quite the end of the
tenth century.

From
appear.

{Note

this

period

They

are at

the

relic

D.)

the local origins of

home

the

commemorations

dis-

But at the very same time

singular instances occur of the saints themselves too disappearing from
the kalendars. This does not, however, mean that they disappeared from
the Offices, although it shews the increased appreciation of the Exaltation.
{Note E.)
But all the time the Celebration of Holy Cross Day was growing in
everywhere.

popularity and observance, and was also of civil importance as the unre-

formed Quarter Day. The commemoration of Cornelius and Cyprian on

the same day became inconvenient, and began to be moved to various
days.
The first to move it was Cardinal Quignon in the Reformed
Breviary of 1535, which was allowed to be used by secular clergy who
desired it. {Licence of Paid PP. III.., Feb. 5, 1535.)
He moved it on to
the next day, the 15th.

{Note

F.)

England throughout had the same usage, but with a curious groundwork for future confusions. In the Sarum Breviary Calendar, 1531 (as in
the Roman Missal of 1477), Cornelius and Cyprian are omitted, though
their commemoration is provided for in the Office itself.
Perhaps this
was for typographical reasons, but even so it shews that Holy Cross Day
had quite overshadowed theirs. And this had occurred in earlier kalendars,
English and foreign. Nevertheless the Ambrosian Missal still exhibited
the old order

the Saints

The ordinary
StcB Crucis

first.

{Note

entry then has

SS. Cornelii

et

G.)

now become

XViii Kal. Oct. Exaltatio

Cypriani, and so remains until the Council of

Trent, after which, in 1570, the

new Roman books appear and remove

392

APPENDIX

6l2

L.

the true and antient commemoration of S. Cyprian as Quignon had done,

but to one day later still. {Note H.)

The
and

Bull A.D. 1568,

substitutes the

Quod a

New

nobis postulat

Breviary.

In the

ratio,'

first

abolishes Quignon's

post-tridentine

Roman

Missal and Breviary Cornelius and Cyprian are transferred to the

i6th September. i^Note I.) In the Gelasian Sacramentary stood the error

XVI Kal. Oct. (Sept. 16). {Note C.) It is impossible to say vi^hether this
had anything to do with the new selection, but there it was.

error

It is interesting to

mark in the caxly Drafts {Note K)for our own Common

which Dom Gasquet called attention) that Cranmer did not

follow Quignon, but restored Cyprian to his own day without the Exaltation, and also in his own handwriting replaced Cornelius, who was at first
Sept. 26, with Cyprian and Justina, is dropped in both drafts.
left out.
But in the Festivale, a collection of Third Lessons for Holydays, in this
book, there is a long lesson for this day, composed of extracts from
Prayer

(to

Gregory Nazianzen {Orat. xxiv.), and from the Acta Proconsularia,

and with some interpolations, beginning as in Sarum with
Cyprian is here identified fully with
the examination before Paternus.
the magician-bishop of the Justina legend. It must have seemed then that
the two Cyprians were one, and that there ought not to be a second day.
Archbishop Parker and his Commission for framing our own ' New
simplified

Calendar' in 1561 had no

difficulty as

to

concurrence of services and

increasing of commemorations as there were no collects or lessons for

these black letter days, but they returned to the principle of the earliest

kalendars to have but one

name

or event on one day.

was desirable to retain Holy Cross Day, not merely for its historic
interest, but on account of the civil functions which depended on it.
Where to place Cyprian?
We do not know whether they had before them Cranmers drafts,
dropping the other Cyprian and Justina on the 26th, restoring Cyprian to
But if they had, the drafts were mishis 14th, and adding Cornelius*.
It

leading because the 'Third Lesson' identified the two Cyprians with each
other,

and thus gave a colour

for

choosing the 26th.

They had old kalendars before them which omitted the Cyprian from
the 1 6th and named a Cyprian alone on the 26th.
Further and separately, Dr Wickham Legg has pointed to the
mediaeval accumulations of namesakes on the same day. Thus in the

Acta Sanctoru7n, taking days at random, e.g. from Feb. 7 17 there is

not a day which has not two or more saints of the same name. Feb. 14
has two Valentines (BoUand, Acta Sanctt. Febr. vol. II. Antv. 1658).

And
1

there are instances in almost every week.

They were asked for by the ConWhether produced

vocation of 1547.
is

not recorded.

F. A. Gasquet and

Edward VI and the Bk. of

Common Prayer p. 2.

E. Bishop,

CYPRIAN'S

S.

DAY IN KALENDARS.

613

and probably
must have the 14th for Holy Cross Day, and
'there are abundance of old kalendars which have no mention of S.
'
Cyprian on that day. Even if it is his feast we are bound to move him.
We had better move him, according to precedent, and not arbitrarily, to
'the next S. Cyprian on the 25th. And in all probability those two

Each of these

each had

three conditions supplied a fair argument,

its effect

'We

'

'

Cyprians are but one.'

This was what the Commissioners under Parker

Cross

Day paramount on

by himself

At any

to the 26th.

They

did.

left

Holy

Cyprian's true festival, and translated Cyprian

rate they substituted a true saint for

an

intolerable legendary wizard.

We

said that this enquiry

was not

trivial,

not merely an illustration of

had somewhat

the nature of entries in kalendars, but

of the spiritual to

exhibit.

We have seen the reverence with which such entries had been made by
Cyprian himself {Ep. 12, 2; Ep. 38. 3) we have seen the way in which
;

own commemoration was welcomed

his

we have seen the passing away of

new interests. But the instance

After that,

in other countries.

the original local setting in favour of

question shews also the original

in

moral force of commemoration infringed first by the jealous dignity of

another Church, then gradually pushed off by an imperial association
of little or no moral power but of much superstition, and finally subsiding
into a

mere application for patronal help.

and typical of many ideals lowered and

powers allowed

depart while

to

we cherish

Note
* Martyrologiiim Ecdesia

That

material symbols.

Church needs

persistence of nature against which the

Spiritual

lost.

Parallel to

all

her energ>'.

A.

Africaruz (Morcelli,

Christiana, vol.

Africa

Ii.

P- 372).

xviil Kal. Oct. Carthagine S.

Depositio

M. Cypriani

Episc.

Th. Mommsen, Chronogr.

viartiriim (ap.

v.

J. 354,

633).

p.

{Biicher. Kalendar.)

XVI II Kl.

Octob. Cypriani AfriccB

RomcE

celebratur in Calisti.

39 n. (c), makes the unhappy conjecture in

postremis verbis fortasse excidit nomen Comelii Papse in which, alas, De Rossi
Muratori, Lit.

Rom.

Vet.

I.

'

c.

'

and

Mommsen

celebratur

have followed, the

may be

latter

dreaming

(op.

cit.

p.

633

n.)

that

a corruption of Cornelii.

* Missale inixtum secundum regidam

Ximenes A.u. 1500) has
without Cornelius, and

fo.

fo.

beati Isidori dictum

ccclxxix (verso) the missa

Mozarabes

ccclxxv (verso) Exaltatio sancte Crucis.

A. Lesley, 1755, pp. 379, 375; Migne, Lit. Moz.

The kalendar has a mass of late entries.

i.

c.

(ed.

Card.

In Festo Sancti Cipriani

856, 848.)

(So also ed.

APPENDIX

6l4
* Breviarium secundum

L.

Ximenes A.D.

regulas beati hysidori, ed. Card.

Kalendar. XVIII Kls Octobris Exaltatio See

1502.

VI capparii Cipriani ix

Ic.

(without Cornelius).

in Festa

Sanctorale:

Cipriani

festo sancti
ccccii...

In festo

Septetnbris,

Ad

e}i.

cccc Exaltatio Sancte Crucis....In

fo.

Urbis magister tuscie

Vesperu....IIymn.

fo.

sancti cornelii epi mris...

(Ed. Ant. Lorenzana, Matriti, 1775) Kalendar. XVIII Kalendas Octobris

Cypriani novem lectionum.
Sanctorale p. ccxcii Festa Septetnbris die Xiv in Festo Sancti Cypriani episcopi

[The kalendar has been corrected by Lorenzana and ExalAppendix, p. 17; Migne, II. c. 1341. The obvious

(without Cornelius).
tatio

and Cornelius

slip in printing the

for

'

Tuscise

rejected.

September days reappears

Hymn, ad

'

Vesp. correctly,

in

Migne,

11.

c.

['Tascise'

41.]

though embodying a peculiar theory of

Cyprian's name.]

Note
* The Leonian Sacramentary

B.

(Muratori, Littirg.

Rom.

Vettts,

i.

c.

404, cod.

bef. cent. x.).

xviii Kal. Octobris Natale sanctorum Cornelii

* Missale

(Gallo-)Gothicum (Muratori,

in Natale Sanctorum

* Ant. Kalendarium
Andreae Avenionensis
Anecdd. vol.

S.

II. c.

Martyrnm

et

Cypriani.

629, cod. bef. cent,

Cornili

et

ix.),

Cypriani.

R. E. ex MSS. codd. Grassensis monasterii

(cent, iv or v. ace. to

et S.

Martene and Durand, Thesaur. nov.

v. c. 76, Paris, 1717).

die

XIV mensis Septembris

Lucam

cap.

CXL

(sic)

natal. SS.

Cornelii et Cypriani, secundum

Dicebat...\x%Q^&...generatione.

Very curious kalendar ; has no saint later than Sylvester, cent. iv. init. ; no
commemoration in Lent; (the loth Council of Toledo, a.u. 656, decrees
this 'sicut ex antiquitate regulari cautum est,' ap. Bruns, Cann. Apostt. et Concill.
feast or

I.

p.

298; as Council of Laodicea had done, a.d. 352, canon 51, Bruns, I. p. 78;)
Exaltatio S. Crztcis; no feast of B. V. M. except Assumption,

no mention of
which must be
was later than
Assumptio but

interpolated

if (as

appears)

as a

whole genuine

for

this feast
first

Transitus, Dormitio, Pausatio.

Note
* The

is

it

the Annuntiation and the Nativity and was not called at

C.

Gelasian Sacramentary (our recension

Muratori,

I. c.

667, 8) has

LVi In Exaltat. Sanctce Cnicis xvili Kal. Octob.

Lvn In
This XVI
Index,

I. c.

is

Natal. Sanctorwn Comeli et Cypriani xvi Kal.

no doubt an antient error corrected without remark

Octob.
in Muratori's

771.

In Exaltatione Sanctce Cruets XVIII Kal. Oct.

In natal. Sanctorum Cornelii et Cypriani. Item XVIII Kal.

And

in his Kalendar.

Gelasianum (Murat.

I.

c.

XVIII Kal. Octob. exaltatio Sanctce Crucis.

et

Cypriani.

Octob.

49).

Item Sanctorum Cornelii

But

it is

* The

IN KALENDARS.

615

a question whether the error had not a remarkable permanent result

Roman

in the

DAY

CYPRIAN'S

S.

post-tridentine books, see above

Gregorian Sacramentary, Muratori,

XVIII Kalendas Octobris id

est

Natale Sanctorum Cornelii

et

Item eodem

die

XIV

and Note

II. c.

I infra.

119.

XI v die Mensis Septemb.

Cypriani

dicti mensis Septembris

Exaltatio Sanctce Crtuis.

[How

darium, which

is

XIII

the

in

Marmoreum

Vettis

S.

Eccl.

P.S. Cipr.

et exalt.

Magno Gregorio

descriptum, ab

non

prseteritum et expetitum

c.

i.

855.

See Crucis.]

Vetustius Occidentalis Ecdesice Martyrologium D.

Romanum

is

Neapolitaruz Kalen-

given in Lesley's note on Liturg. Mozarab. Migne,

(?)

Beda, Walfrido, Notkero, aliisque scriptoribus tributum,

saeculis

Rome

long the association with Cornelius was in spreading from

possibly exemplified

leviora

Maria Florentinius nob. Lucensis ex suo

&c. integre vulgavit. Lucse, mdclxviii.

Hieronymo a Cassiodoro,
Quod nuncupandum esse

Adone laudatum, Proximioribus

argumenta suadent.

Franciscus

prsesertim, ac Patriae Majoris Ecclesise,

XVIII Kal. Octobris. Exaltatio Sanctce Crucis. RomcE in Cimiterio Via

Appia

natalis Cornell Episcopi... in Africa civitate Cartagine natalis

S. Cypriani Episcopi [? cent,

vii, viii,

E.G.].

* Martyrologium

vetustissimum S. Hieronymi presb. nomine insignitum, ed.

D'Achery, Migne, P. L. t. XXX. c. 475: cent. ?vii, viii (ace. to Bede vi or vii
Retract, in Act.

App.

c. i).

XVIII Kal. Oct. Exaltatio Sanctce Crucis. Romez via Appia in ccemeterio
Calesti natalis
civitate

Sanctorum Cornelii episcopi et

In Africa

confessoris.

Carthagine natalis sancti Cypriani episcopi

et

Note D.
* Romanutn Parvum,^ so called by Sollier as the source of Ado; 'Vetus
Romanum,' Rosweyd; venerabile et perantiquum martyrologium' Ado, who
given by the Roman pontiff cuidam sto
first edited it, having found it at Ravenna
^

'

'

episcopo

'

at Aquileia.

(Cent,

viii

or

end of vii.)

XVIII K. Octob. Romce Cornelii episcopi etmartyris Carthagine Cypriani

Exaltatio Stce Crucis ab Herculio imperatore

episcopi et Martyris.

a Persis Hierosylmam reportata quando et Roma lignus salutiferiim

Crucis a Sergio Papa inventum ab omni poptilo veneratur.
(Had

Rome
* Martyrologium

a rival Cross

?)

Vetus ab annis circiter mille sub nomine Hieronymi com-

pactum ex MS. S. Germani Antissiodorensis (cent, viii ix) (Martene and Durand,
Thes. Nov. Anecdott. III. c. 1560).
XVIII Calendas Octobris Romce Cornelii, Cypriani martyris, et
Salutatio S. Crucis.
(If this implies

much

knowledge that Cornelius was not a martyr

earlier source.)

it

represents

some

'

APPENDIX

6l6

L.

* Kalendarium Frontonis. *Kal. Romanum nongentis annis antiquius ex MS.

Monast. S. Genovefse Parisiensis in monte, aureis characteribus &c. ed.... F.Joannes
Fronto [Fronteau] Can. Reg. S. T. Prof, in Mon. S. Genovefae, & in Acad.
Paris. Cancellarius

seems

It

'

(Paris, 1552) (A.D.

714

741

F.).

Roman.

distinctly

Die XIV mens. Sept. Natal. SS. Corneli Pontif. et Cypriani. Sectind.
Luc. cap. CXL (sic) Dicebat... usque... accusarent eum.
Die sups, exaltatio S. Crucis secund. yoann. cap. XXI II Erat homo...
Nicodemus. ..usque. .ceternam.
.

This very curious kalendar numbers and

Day and
Hebd.

1. 11.

in. iv. v.

(meaning also post S. Cypriani)^.

vil.'

It has close affinity with the

mentioned

Weeks between S. Cyprian's

w.postS. Cypriani

calls the

week before the Nativity 'Hebd.

the 4th

exaltatio S. Cruris has

four Feasts of the Virgin,

Natal. S. Marise^.

2.

above-named Grassense, but Cornelius

been added, but after S. Cyprian.

In Octabas Domini

i.

It

not

it

has

?Jan. 11] die supn^s.

3. Die xv mens. Aug.

Die ix (?unice) mens. Sep. Nativitas
the same day with the same Epistles and

4.

has often two missce for

Gospels as Grassense

is

(Mar. 25) adnuntiatio Domini.

Sollemnia de Pausatione S. Marise.

S. Marise.

[i.e.

And

for that

which

common

is

Grassense counts the six Sundays

'

to both

Dominica

only longer.

&c. a Festo Sancti Angeli

[Michaelis].

Bedce Martyrologium

by Florus, a.d. 830).

Pomes natale S. Cornelii

(as edited

XVIII Kalend. Oct.

Cypriani episcopi...7nartyrium
Carthagine, juxta mare.

* His Martyrologium
* Martyrologium

piscopi...Item Sancti

consummavit

Eodem

milliario

sexto

die exaltatio Sanctcz Crucis...

Poeticum agrees.

Gellonense sive

Monasterii S. Guillelmi de Deserto O. B.

Dicecesis Lutevensis pervetustum, ineunte scilicet sseculo nono anno circiter 804
[ap.

D'Achery, Spicilegium,

11.

p. 25 (Paris, 1723)].

(Printed at end of old editions of Gelasian and Gregorian Sacramentaries.)

XVIII Kal. Octobris

Roma

(sic).

Cornelii et Cypriani

Mart

Et

salutatio Sanctce Crucis.

* Rabanus Maurus,
XVIII

ICal.

A.D.

cir.

845, has dropped

Roma

&c.

Sancti Cornelii episcopi. ...Eodem die natale Sancti

Oct.

Episcopi... eodem die exaltatio est Sanctce Crucis.

But Rome and Africa were still perpetuated to a much later
to the end of the roth century.
'

'

'

'

Wandalbert^ Deacon and

Monk

in

the diocese of Treves,

Martyrologium in verse gives the Exaltation, Cornelius

Carthage on this day. (One line versified from Jerome

cujus sacra dicta per orbem,' ap. D'Achery, Spicilegium,

at
'

date, at least

fl.

Rome and

854.

His

Cyprian at

totum Ecclesiae scribunt

11.

p. 38.)

1 So the Mozarabic Breviary dates the

September fast by his feast, 'Incipit Officium
Jejuniorum Kalendarum [Nov]embriuin, quod observatur tribus diebus ante festum Sancti
Migne, 11. c. 708.
Cypriani....' Lorenzana, ^rff. G<?/A. p. 431.
* Cf. 'de S. Maria in Octava TiomxCx' Antiphonar., Greg. M. ap. Pamelium: Liturgic. (1571)
II.

p. 71.

S.

for

CYPRIAN'S DAY IN KALENDARS.

* Ado. Not so much a kalendar as

Holy Cross being postponed here.

Roma

XVIII Kal. Oct.

brief memoirs,

617

which accounts

sufficiently

Obiit a.d. 875.

via Appia in coemeterio Callisti natale

Cornelii episcopi: qui sub persecutione Decii

Sandi

^c.

Item apud Africam natale beati Cypriani episcopi Valeriana

Gallieno

et

maximo proconsule &'c. (from Pontius mainly)...

Referuntur autem cum beato Cypriano passi Crescentius ^'c. (scil.
the four commemorated same day in JCal. Eccl. Afric).
Eodem die Exaltatio Stce Cruets.
impp. Galerio

* Usuard, A.D. 875

circ.

Exaltatio Stce Cruets... Roma via Appia beati Cornelii

XVIII Kal. Oct.

papa. .In Africa sancti Cypriani episcopi. martyritim conswnmavit

.

. .

sexto milliario a Carthagine jtixta

runtur cum

* Ant. Kal.

eo passi Cresc. Ssfc.

Corbeiense, written for

XVIII

Cal.

sup.) Refe-

(from Ado).

Abbot Rathold, who died 986.

Exaltatio

Oct.

mare (from Beda

Sanctce

Kartagine sancti Cypriani

Roma

Crucis.

episcopi et martyris

papa

Cornelii

{Papa;

sup.

cf.

Usuard).

(Martene and Durand, Th. Nov.

* Ant.

III. cc.

1548, 1601.)

Martyrol. Morbacense, xth cent.

Roma

XVIII Cal. [Oct.]

Cornelii Cypriani

et

exaltatio S. Crucis.

(Mart, and Dur. Th. Nov. in.

Note
*

Missale Vet. Hiberniciun ap.

c.

1569.)

E.

CCC. Oxford (cent, xii) p. 39

(ed. F.

E. Warren,

1879).

Exaltatio Sancte Crucis.

xviil Kal. Oct.

* Antiquum

Corbeiensis monasterii Martyrologium (cent. x).

XVIII Cal. Oct.

Exaltatio S. Crucis.
(Mart, and Dur. Th. Nov.

Note
* Brev. Romamim a Fr. Card.
p.

1583.)

W.

Legg,

F.

Qiiignonio edit. A.D. 1535 (ed. J.

xli).

XVIII

XVII

CaV (Sept.)
Cap

* Sanctorum historia
is

III. c.

[i.e.

14

Exaltatio sancta Crucis duplex tnajus

15 Cornelius

et

Fuerunt

Cyprianus.

heri.

Proprium Sanctorum abbreviated]. The Third Lesson

of Cornelius and Cyprian [said rightly in Index to be from Platina et cseteri, but

the Cyprian part of

it

seems paraphrased from Jerome, Vv.

Cornelius part from the Liber Pontificalis (ed. Duchesne,

The note fuerunt

heri and that on Sept.

made

octavam, shew that Quignon

8,

the change

it

was the octave of the Nativity

though dating only from a.d.

345.

III.

and the

Ixvii.

pp. 150, 151)].

the Nativity of the Virgin,

habd

the 15th deliberately.

But

to

afterwards Cyprian and Cornelius were not ordinarily

because

I.

moved

to that day,

of the Virgin, a feast

much

probably
observed,

APPENDIX

6l8

L.

Note G.
* Missale Romanum, Venet.

1477.

Kalendar. xviil Kl. Octobris Exaltatio Sancte Crucis Propr. Temporis.

Crtuis

exaltatione Sacte

Secreta P. Coram.

Com.

et fit

et Cyp.].

Missale Ambrosianunty Mediol. 1475.

XVIII Kl. Oct. Scor Cornelii et Cipriani m.

code die exaltatio See

Propr. temp, (no octave of Nativity B.V.M.)

Crucis

(verso) z scor

martyr

exaltatio Scte Crucis.

in

commemoratio de Sactis [Oratio

[Cornelius and Cyprian

fo.

clxvi

eodem die

cornelii et cypriani, fo. clxvii

still first.]

* Calendarium Anglicanum (cod. anno circ. M. exaratum), Martene and

Durand, Vett. Scriptorum et Monum. amplissima Coll. VI. cc. 635, 651 (Paris,
1729).

XVIII Kal. Octembres. Exaltatio Ste Crucis

Leofric Missal,

Kalendar.

Exeter,

1050

lo?^

(ed.

F.

et

SS. Cornelii

et

Cypriani.

E. Warren, Oxford, 1883)

p. 31.

XVIII Kl. Oct.

* Sarum

Exaltatio See Crucis, Cornelii,

Missal, Rothom. 1492 [ed. F.

XVIII Kl. Octobris.

de SS. Cornelio

H. Dickenson,

Cipriani.

^s** &c. 902].

Exaltatio See Crucis mi. dup. nov. led. med.

et

Ic.

Cypriano.

lessons, assigning the

(The note about the

et

p.

middle three of the nine lessons to

Cornelius and Cyprian, applies to the Breviary.)

provides a Memoria, Secreta and Post-Communion

commemoration on Holy Cross Day.

The Proprium Sanctorum

for their

* Sarum Breviary Kalendar, Chevallon,

worth,

1531 (ed. F. Procter and C.

Words-

fasc. i).

XVIII Kalen. Octobris.

Exaltatio S. Crucis festum minus duplex IX

lectiones.

Cornelius and Cyprian omitted in the kalendar, but provided for in the Offices

with Collect and Lessons.

Proprium Sanctorum (Fasc. 3, pp. 810, 815):

Memoria fiat de martyr ibiis Cornelio et Cypriano cum Ant.
MedicB

lectio?tes fiant

&'c.

de inartyribus Cornelio et Cypriano.

(In the middle of the middle lesson Cyprian begins.

It is

a shortened and

edificatory version of Pontius, beginning with the examination before Paternus.)

* W. Maskell, Monume7ita Ritualia

Appendix

to the
I.

Eccl. Anglic. (1846) vol.

II.

pp. 179

Prymer, gives three early and 'valuable' English Kalendars,

ff.,

viz.

In Bodleian (Bodl. MS. 85) xvili (Kl. Oct.) Exultacion'^ of the

(Douce 275) XVIII A7. Reisyng of
2.
crois...\\ Seint Ciprian.
3. Enchiridion ad usum
the cros. VI Kl. S. Ciprian bischop.

Sarum

(Maskell Collection), Paris, 1530.

S. crucis.

VI Kl.

Cypriani

et

XVIII Kl.

Exaltatio

Justince.

There must have been many such. Here we have three, chosen only for their
day and two of them giving Cyprian alone on
the 26th. For foreign examples see Note c above.

value, omitting Cyprian on the right

So exultatio sometimes

in foreign

Kalendars.

S.

CYPRIAN'S DAY IN KALENDARS.

* York Missal /Calendar

(v.

i.

619

p. xxxviii, ed, Surtees Soc. 1874).

XVIII Kal. Octobris Exaltalio Sanctce Cruets. S. Cornelii

media

IX

lectiones.

Comparative

(see

lect.

et

Cypriani,

Calendar,

v.

11.

p. 267).
(v. II. p.

loi)

Proprium Missarum de Sanctis

in Festo Exaltationis Sanctce Crucis.

p. 102,

(xviii Kal. Oct.)

eodem die Satutorum martyrum Cornelii et Cypriani

oratio.

p. 104, secreta...postcomm.

* Hereford Missal Kalendar (W. G. Henderson,

XVIII

Kal.

1874, p. xxix).

Exaltatio Sanctce Crucis festum duplex, SS.

Octobris.

Cornelii et Cypriani commemoratio IX

Proprium Sanctorum
second collect

is

(id.

p. ^ii).

The

Cypriano,

et

Post-Communio.'

1502.

XVIII Kl. Octobr.

lect.

exaltatione Sanctce Crucis.

memoria de martyribus Cornelio

'

Oratio... alia Secreta...alia

* Hereford Missal,

In

Exaltatio S.

It is to this stage that the

^ Cornelii et Cipriai

Calendarium Mozarabicum

'

int.

sczpius aitctum

'

has

been brought down (Lit. Moz. Migne, i. c. xoi)

XVIII Kal. Octobris Exaltatio sancte crucis vi capp.
Cornelii et Cipriani

ix

lect.

Note H.
So
x

for

xi),

example Calendaria Verdtmense, Stabulense, Antissiodorense (all cent.

many do) and the four African martyrs

the last adding Pantaleon (as

of the day.
(Mart, and Dur. Vett. Scrr.

* Kalend.
Milan) (cent.

Sitonianuni (called from

its

owner

et

Mon.

SS. Cornelii

exaltatio S. Crucis

et

Cypriani eodem die S. Nicomedis

(Muratori, Rer. Ital. Scrr.

XVIII Kal. Oct.

et

ad Dionysium.
t.

11.

pt. 2, p.

1040 (Mediol. 1726).)

Antiq. Calendariuvi ex MS. Lyrensis monasterii (cent, xi

xii).

Exaltatio S. Crticis SS. Cornelii et Cypriani.

(Mart, and Dur. Thes. Nov.

And

vi. c. 720.)

Camillo Sitonio of

xi).

XVIII Kal. Oct.

in i8th cent.

thus Missale Ro77ianum, 1533.

XVIII Kal. Octobris Exalta. S.

Crn. d.

mi.

mis. 211

iii. c.

1614.)

Cornelii et

Cipriani m. oro 211.

* Breviarium Romanum, 1534

XVIII Kal. Octobris

(Venet.).

Exaltatio Ste

Cornelii et Cypriani martyru oro

1564, Venet. (the last

known

XVIII Cal. 14 Octobris.

Cornelii

Ss'

edition of the

Crucis
lee.

mi.

omnia

320 Et

Old Breviary, superseded

Exaltatio see Crticis

Cypriani martyrum, 342.

d.

IX 322.

dii.

mi. 340.

1568).

APPENDIX

620

Note

L.

I.

* Breviaritim Romanum ex deer, sacrosanct. Cone.

Max. jussu, ed. Rome, 1570 (Manutius).
XVIII 14 Exaltatio S. Crucis du. cu com Oct.

Tridentini restitutum,

Pii V. Pont.

XVI 16

It appoints the 4th

This

latter is

Nat. S. Ma. 821.

Cornelii et Cipriani pont. et Mart, semid.

and 5th Lessons

and the 6th for Cyprian.

for Cornelius,

taken from Jerome, de Viris Illustribus,

Ixvi.

Romanum

ex deer. Cone. Pii v. jussu, ed. a.d. 1572, Venet.

XVIII Sept. Cal. 14 Exaltatio San. Crtuis dup. cum commemo. Octavse

Missale

Nativitatis Sanctae Marias, 189.

XVII Cal. 15

Octava Nativitatis

beatae Marise dup.

cum commemora.

San. Nicomedis mar. 190.

XVI Cal. 16

Cornelii

Roman

In the modern

Cypriani pont. 5^ mar. Sane. dup. &c.

et

books, A.D. 1631 &c.

Missal, XVI Kal. Sep. 16

Cornelii et Cypriani Pont,

Breviary, XVI Kal. Sep. 16

.S'.S".

Cornelii

et

et

M.

semi-d.

Cypriani Pont,

et

Mart,

semi-d.

* Lyons,
The

a.d. 1737, has Cornelius on i6th and Cyprian on 17th.

following references were sent to the Archbishop by his friend the Rev.

Christopher Wordsworth

Breviariitm Satictce Lugdunensis Ecclesia

priiitcc

Galliarum

sedis,

Lugduni,

M.DCC.XXXVII.
XVIII 14

XVII 15

Cornelii PapiE et Alar tyris

XVI 16

XV

die i+).

\In

ecclesia

Primatiali.

entries witness to the transfer

* Brev. Ambrosiaft, (Mediol. X582 and

et

Cypriani

ep.

{i

die i:^.

Cypriani Carthaginensis Episcopi

17

These curious

Duplex minus,

Exaltatio Sanctce Crucis.

an. 326.

Octava Nativit. B. Maries Virginis. Semiduplex minus....

Siviplex.

an. 252....

Martyris.

Simplex

(<?

Semiduplex majus\ an, 258.

and

1841).

et

to the reasons for

it.

SS, Cortielii papce

12 Prid. Id,

m?n.

Brev. Paris. A.D. 1778 commemorates Cornelius (Pap.

iS:

Mart.) on

Holy

Cross Day, but also keeps the semi-double feast of Cyprian (Episc. Eccl. Doct.

&

Mart.) on i6th.

Note K.
*

British

Museum, Royal MS.

First

7,

Kalendar

B. iv.

September 14 Cypriamis.

Cyprianus et Cornelius.
Second Kalendar
Et Cornelius added in Archbishop Cranmer's own handwriting.
F. A. Gasquet and E. Bishop, Edward VI. and the Book of Common
Prayer, 1890, p. 16.

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LIST OF

Many authorities are quoted in this book and some important works {e.g.
Mommsen, On the Chronography of A.D. 354; Lipsius, On the Chronology of the
Roman Bishops; Morcelli's Africa Christiana, Tissot's great work On the Roman
Province of Africa, &c.) have been of necessity referred to in an abbreviated form.
It has been thought that the reader would find it convenient to consult a more

complete description of some of these authorities.

Alexandre,

Charles.
Editio altera, 1869.

AUBESPINE, Gabriel de

Oracula Sibyllina
1'.

S. Optati... Opera

G. Albaspinaei.... 1631. Fol.

tiae Parisiorum, 1623.
3 vols.

Paris,

cum

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vol.

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De Veteribus Ecclesias
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Baluze, Etienne.

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Baluze, Etienne.

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et

Accessere vita Baluzii

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64.
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continuatione
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O. Raynaldi
Lucee,
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Bingham, Joseph. Works, quoted from the Oxford edition. 1855. 10 vols.

BOECKHIUS, Augustus.

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Bright, William.

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Select Anti-Pelagian Treatises of S. Augustine.

London,

8vo.

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Bruns, Herman Theodor.

selecti.

BUNSEN,

Berolini, 1828

Fol.

Berolini, 1839.

Canones Apostolorum
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et

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8vo.

Christian Carl Josias.

Hippolytus and his Age. London, 1852.
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Christianity and Mankind... 7 vols. Hippolytus and his

4 vols.
Age.

(i, 2.)

Analecta Ante-Nicasna.

(5, 6, 7.)

London, 1854.

622

BOOKS QUOTED.

LIST OF

Burn, Robert. Rome and the Campagna. London,

Burnet, Gilbert. Some letters containing accounts

1871

4to.

6.

of what

seemed most

remarkable in Switzerland, Italy, &c.

Amsterdam, 1686. 2 vols.
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8vo.

See Baluze Capitularia Regum Francorum. Histoire des

Capitulaires des Rois Francois de la premiere et seconde race ou traduction de la preface mise par E. B. k la tete de son Edition des Capitulaires.
Avec la vie de Baluze
Paris, 1779.
8vo.
Clinton, H. F. Fasti Roman!. Oxford, 1845. 2 vols. 4to.

Chiniac,

p. de.

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.

parts

VIII.,

i,

Inscriptiones

ii.

Berolini, 1873 1891.

Chiefly vol.
Africae Latinae, collegit Gustavus

Wilmanns.
1881.
Supplementum ediderunt Renatus Cagnat et
Johannes Schmidt. 1891.
Corpus Juris Civilis (edited by Theodor Mommsen and Paul Krueger).
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2 vols.

8vo.

Councils. When no special mention of editions occurs, Councils are quoted

from
Labbe, Philippe, and COSSART, G., Sacrosancta concilia ad
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regiam editionem exacta... 25 vols. (Apparatus 2 vols.)... Supplementum... collegit J. D. Mansi. Venetiis, 1728 52. 29 vols. Fol.
When references are made to Mansi, the reader will consult the

following edition
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Sacrorum conciliorum nova

Florentiae, Venetiis, 1759

Cyprian.
S.

31 vols.

98.

et

amplissima coUectio

Fol.

The works of Cyprian are quoted from the following edition

Thasci CiECiLi Cypriani opera omnia, recensuit et com:

mentario critico instruxit Guilelmus Hartel.

Vindobonas, apud
Geroldi Filium Bibliopolam Academiae, 1868
8vo.
1871.
3 vols.

Dirksen, Heinrich Eduard. Manuale

Romanorum. Berolini, 1837. 410.

DODWELL, Henry.
Cyprian.

Dissertationes
Oxonii, 1682.

Dcellinger, Johann
Regensburg, 1853.

Joseph

Latinitatis

Cyprianicae.

Ignaz

von.

Ap.

fontium

juris

Fell's

J.

Hippolytus

und

C.

civilis

edition

of

Kallistus.

8vo.

Du

Cange, Charles Du Fresne. Glossarium mediae et

Niort, 1883 1887.
10 vols.
Duchesne, Louis. Le Liber Pontificalis. Paris, 1884.

infimae Latinitatis.
2 vols.

4to.

Le

Dossier du Donatisme. 1890. Fastes Episcopaux de I'Ancienne

Gaule. 1894. Les Origines Chrdtiennes. ? 1891. 2 vols. ,4to. (LithoEtude sur la
graphed throughout.) Origines du Culte Chretien.
liturgie latine avant Charlemagne.
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Ewald, Georg Heinrich August

1840.

Fechtrup, Bernhard.
Miinster, 1878.

Fell.

von.

Die Propheten des Alten Bundes...

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Sancti

Der

hi.

Cyprian.

Sein Leben und seine Lehre.

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LIST OF BOOKS QUOTED.

623

Les P^res Apostoliques et leur Epoque....

^rnile.
Saint Cyprien et I'Eglise d'Afrique au III si^cle.
8vo.
8vo.
5.

Paris,
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Freppel, Charles
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1864

Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in

der Zeit von August bis zum Ausgang der Antonine. Leipzig, 1862 71.
Leipzig, 1888 90.
Sechste...vermehrte Auflage.
3
8vo.
3 Thle.

Friedlaender, Ludwig.

Thle.

Fronteau,
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Kalendarium

Jean.
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Epistolae

Romanum

nongentis annis antiquius....

Veronas, 1733.

et dissertationes ecclesiasticae....

Gallandius, Andreas.

Veterum

Bibliotheca

Patrum

Antiquorumque

Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum. Venetiis, 1765 81. Fol. 14 vols.

Gams, Bonifacius. Series Episcoporum. Ratisbon, 1873. 4^.
GOAR, Jacobus. Euchologion sive Rituale Graecorum. Paris, 1647. Fol.
Gretser, J. De jure et more prohibendi, expurgandi et abolendi libros
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hereticos et noxios....

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Grisar, H. (S. J.) Le Tombe Apostoliche di Roma. Roma, 1892. 4to.

Monumenta S. Patrum Orthodoxographa....
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Harnack,

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Adolf.
2 vols.
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Sources of the Apostolic Canons, with a
Leipzig, 1893.
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Translated by L. A. Wheatley. London, 1895. 8vo. Die Briefe des

romischen Klerus aus der Zeit der Sedisvacanz im Jahre 250. Ap. TheoCarl von Weizsacker, zu seinem siebzigsten
logische Abhandlungen.
Articles ap. Texte und
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von Gebhardt und Adolf Harnack.

Hefele, Carl Joseph von.

traduite

1869

Conciliengeschichte.

Histoire des Conciles...

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12 vols.

Paris,

70.

HODGKIN, Thomas.

Italy

and her Invaders.

2nd

6 vols.

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Hurter, Heinrich von.

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Jaffe, Philippus.

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JUSTEL, Christophe.

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624
Leydekker,

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LiGHTFOOT, Bishop Joseph Barber. Epistles of S. Paul [Galatians, Philippians,

Colossians, Philemon]. London, 1865. 8vo. The Apostolic Fathers.
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Ignatius, S. Polycarp.
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LiPSlUS, Richard Adelbert.

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Mabillon, Jean. Vetera Analecta. Parisiis, 1675. 4

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Patrologiae Cursus Completus.

Series Latina.
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logisch-Historischen Classe der Koniglich Sachsischen Gesellschaft der

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Wordsworth,

Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesu

B.

40

INDEX.
Note.

The Reader

the work of the

will kindly bear in

mind

that a special Geographical

Table

given at page 574; that table relates to the

Appendix on the Cities, but the towns mentioned in the body of the Book have been
University Press

is

entered in the Index.

Abstinere, sense of the word in Cyprian,

143. n-

Acta Proconsularia, 518

Actors, 46
Adam (date for), 266, n.
Adsertor, use of the word, 6, n.
Adunatio adunatus, use of the words,
386 and nn. ; 407
^milius, the Martyr, 78
^mulus princeps, Valens, opportunity
afforded for the election of Cornelius,

126, n.

Agrippinus.
See Baptismal Question.
Tradition of Africa, 337 ; date of
Council, 337, 348
Alexander Severus, the Emperor, his
organization of the city of Rome (curatores), 67 and n.

Alexander III., Pope (Conditional Baptism), 522

Amanthts, acolyte, carries with others

Numidian

Cyprian's letters to the

Bishop-Confessors, 473

Ambrose,

S., 11, n.; 55, n.

286, 384, n.; 49 r, n.

272, n.;

Antioch

(Council of), 167, 168, 347

Councils on Paul of Samosata, 376

and n.
Antioch (first and second capture of). See
special note on Points in the Chronology of Valerian's reign, 552
/f^c7zaMJ (Letter of Cyprian to), 156, n.;
157 and n. ; 167, n.
Apollo Salutaris, allusion to the Plague
on Coins and Medals, 243, n.

Apostolic Canons and Constitutions, 27,

n.;46, n.; 54, n.; 294, n. ; 341, n.; 404,
n. ; 420, n.
Apostolic Succession, 34, 389, 525
Aries (Church of). See Gaulish Appeal.
Foundation of this Church, Trophimus
and the tradition handed down by
Stephen V. and Gregory of Tours,
Council of Aries : see
314, 315, 316.
Councils
Assuras, a town, 232 and n. ; 369, 602
Atrium Sanciolum, 501 and n.
Auctor Schismatis, sense of the words,

^36. n.

Aiigendus, a deacon, joins Felicissimus

(see name), 113, 136, 137, n.
Augustine, S., 23, n. ; 42
43,
;

rm.

55, n.; 59, n.; 81, n.; 112, n.; 147, n.;
174, n.; 249, n.; 259, n. ; 271, n.

283; 285, n.
272, n. ; 273 and n.
291, n.; 296 and n.; 331; 334. n. ; 338,
n. 343, n.; 369, n.; 402, n.; 403, n.
405, n.; 409, n.; 412, n. ; 413, n.
415, n. 417, n. ; reaffirms the teaching
of Stephen on Baptism, 418, sqq.
;

424, n. ; 433, n. ; 434, n. ; 437 and

448, n.; 451, n.;
;
443, n.; 445, n.
453' n-; 471. n-; 493*' 499'"-; 5o6, n.;
510, n.; 512, n.; 513, n. ; 517; 519;
S23> n-; 533 and n.; 538
Aurelius, a young Confessor (Persecution
of Decius), 71 ; his name used by Lucianus, 93
Aureus, value of the aureus in Gallienus*
n.

time, 505, n.

"

INDEX.
Baluze, tienne, his edition of Cyprian
published after his death by Dom
Maran; the interpolations introduced,
212, 213, 114, 115, 216, n. ; 131, n.
Baptism and Baptismal Question (the),
231. 295> 331. sqq. ; Tradition of
Africa, 335 ; Tradition of Asia Minor,
East, 339 ; Councils of Iconium and
S)ninada (dates), 340, 348; Cyprian's
First and Second Council on Baptism,
349, 351 ; Attitude of Stephanus, 351
Dionysius of Alexandria, 354 Third
Council on Baptism, 364 ; Towns which
sent their Bishops, 366, sqq.
See also
Appendix on Cities and Index of same
;

Appendix.

SententicE

Episcoporum,

627

Bishop, on junior Clerics and

professed virgins, 47, the same as Caecilius of BUtha
Ccecilius f Bishop of Biltha, 291
Caesarea, 373; date of its fall, 373, n.; 555
Csesariani, sense of the word, 480, n.
Ccecilius,

Caius (Hippolytus himself), 482

Caldonius, a bishop, 84 one of Cyprian's
five representatives during his retirement, 107
excommunicates Felicis;

simus, 113, 114, n. sent to Rome (see

'the Title of Cornelius'), 131, 133,
145. See also Herculanus, Numidicus,
Rogatianus, Victor
Callistus, the Pope, 31, 308, 336 and
;

n.,

348

authenticity of the document, 371, 372 ;

C3T)rian's Arguments on Rebaptism,
401 ; Baptism performed by a demoniac

Callixtus II., Pope, his citation of de

Unitate, 218 and n.
Canonize (to), origin of the word, 90, n.

woman, 410; The Councils

Capsa, a town, 223, 368, 599

Captives (redemption of), 238
Carpos, a town, 421, n.; 579
Carthage.
See Introduction. Carthage
and her Society; where "was Cyprian
Martyr buried? 509 where was Cyprian

why, 424
Baptism by one that

is

failed,

dead, sense of the

words, 411

Baptism in the Name of Christ alone, 398

and n. 406, 407
Basil, S., 54, n.
166, n.; on Dionysius
the Great, 356 and n. ; on Firmilian,
375 and n.
Basilicse, 41, n.
68 and n.; 296, n.
;

Basilides, a lapsed Bishop, 37, n. ; 233.

See also Spanish Appeal, 311, sqq.
Benson,
White (died Oc-

Edward

tober II,
cubration

His 'juvenile
1896).
on the Martyrdom

lu-

and executed? 512;

tried
n.

and

112,

also 45, n.; 79,

113, 359, n.; 497, 498, 500

n.

Castus, the Mart)rr, 78

Catacombs, 61, 481, sqq.
Celerina, the Martyr, 69, 70
Celerimis (Persecution of Decius), his
family; his history, 69, sqq.; 93.
See

and
Commemoration of S. Hippolytus, and
Bishop Lightfoot's Comments on it,
his article on Agrippinus,
169, n.

Confessors at Rome
Cemeteries, 233, 481, sqq. See
Catacombs and Collegia
Chromatius of Aquileia, 280, sqq.

337. n-

Chrysostom, S.John, 54, n.; 284, 294,

Church of the Future (the), 534
Cirta, a town, 368, 583

'

Berber Raid (the), 236, sqq.

Bieunium, use of the word, 128, n.
Birrhus, 514 and nn. See Lacerna
Bishops. See Apostolic Succession, Episcopate see also Examination of the
Lists of Bishops attending the Councils,
Appendix, 564 also Cities from which
the Bishops came to the Seventh Council, Appendix, 573, sqq.
;

Bona (Persecution

of Decius), her history,

78
Budinarius, 117
Bulla Regia, a town, 231, n. 581
Bunsen, 27, nn.; 28, n. 45, n. 46, n.;
;

54,

n.

n.

72,

337,

n.

341,

n.

404, n,
Butler, Bp.,
also 524

Byzantium

to

on Resentment, 250; see

Rome.

Distance, journey

from, 479, n.

Clement of Rome
attributed

7, 9, 18, 19,

48

n.

to Virgins

to), 56, n.

Clement of Alexandria,

37,

355 and n.

412, n.

Clementianus, one of the Lapsed;

ennium of penance, 223
Clinical baptism, 121, n.; 404, n.
Clypea, a town, 467

tri-

See also Ceme233.

and Catacombs
Commentarii (Commentarienses), sense
Collegia, 61, n.

teries

of the word, 495,

n.

Commission of five representatives appointed by Cyprian during his retirement, 107. See also Caldonius, Rogatianus, Herculanus, Victor, Numidicus
Conditional Baptism, 522 and n.
Confessors at Rome (Persecution of Decius),

Ccecilianns the presbyter,

(Epistles

also

69,

sqq.

(See

also

Moyses,

Maximus, Rufinus, Nicostratus, Urba-

628

INDEX.

nus, Sidonius, Macarius, Celerinus.)

After the death of Moyses (119, no)
they place themselves on the side of
Novatian, 140, sqq. ; the 'brief letter'
of Csrprian, 146; Letter of Dionysius

of Alexandria, 147; Restoration of

Roman Confessors, 159, sqq.; on Nicostratus, delegate of Novatian to Carthage, permanently alienated from the

Church, 159, 160

Confirmation, 394, n.; 404, n.; 420, 421
Consessus, 20, 21, 324, 325 and n.
Contestatio, use of the word, 372, n.
Coprianus, 5, n.
Cornelius, the Pope, 70; his character,
his family,
124, sqq.; his election
(dale discussed), 127 and n.; First
Council of Cyprian, the title of Cornelius, 129, sqq. ; letters of recognition
Novatian, the schism,
sent to him
134, sqq. ; Restoration of Roman ConRoman Council,
fessors, 159, sqq.;
163; his letters, 168 and n.; Felicissimus goes to Rome as legate of Fortunatus, attitude of Cornelius, 228;
Cornelius banished to Centumcellse,
298; his death, 299; date of his death,
299, n.; place of his repose, 301 ; Commemoration of Cornelius, 303
Cyprian Companion
and
Cornelius
Saints in Kalendar and Collect, 310
and n. See also S. Cyprian's Day in
Kalendars, 6io, sqq.
Councils of Cyprian. First, 129; Second,
224; Third, 231; Fourth, 233; Fifth
(I. on Baptism), 349 ; Sixth (II. on
Baptism), 351 ; Seventh (III. on Bapthe Baptismal Councils
tism), 364

failed doctrinally

African,

Councils.
1

and why? 424, sqq.

but not Cyprianic,

43, n. ; 49, nn.; 53, n. ; 55, n;

14, n. ; 129, n.; 163, n. ; 237, n.

36, n.

520
Councils (not African), quoted.

Antioch,

168, 347. 376, nn.; Aries, 173,

n. ; 312, n.; 520; Basle, 429, n. ; Constance, 415, n.; Elvira, 43, n.; 46, n.;
79, n. ; 166, n.; 173, n. ; 312, n.
499, n.; Florence, 292, n.; London,4i5,
n. ; Macon, 501 ; Neo-Csesarea, 166,
n.; 244, n.; Nicsea, 55, n.; 163, 166, n.;
167,

333. n.; 520

Nid, 432,

n.

Orange. 429,
Trent,

n.; Quini-Sext, 294, n.; 521;

293, n.; Tribur, 292, n.

Crementiust a sub-deacon sent to Rome

(retirement of Cyprian), 100, n.
Crescens, Bishop of Cirta, 37 1, n. 420, n.
;

Crimen

Majestatis, 61

and

;;;

n.

Curubis (Cyprian deported to), 467 and n.

Custodia, use of the word, 499, n.

his name, i, n.
at the African bar, 2

Cyprian,

and

place, 5

Cyprian

his wealth, 4;

s; his person
Catechumen,
7

Influence of Tertullian and Minucius

Felix, 9; his first exercise, 9; Quod
Idola dii non sint; the Grace of God,
13; Cyprian Deacon, 17; his charity,
18; Cyprian Presbyter, 19, sqq.; Scripture studies. Testimonies, 22, sqq.
Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, 25, sqq.
his title of Papa, 29; his view of the
Authority and the Design of the Episcopate, 31, sqq.; his work as a Bishop, 41,
sqq. ; Virginal life in Carthage, 5 1 ; The
Dress of Virgins, 55 ; his retirement
(Persecution of Decius), 84, sqq. ; his

scheme

for restorative discipline, 95,

the thirteen Epistles of which
Cyprian sent copies to the Romans,
102, sqq. ; his Diocesan disquietudes,
and his confidence in the Plebes, 106;
his five representatives, 107; Ecclesiastical parties at Carthage, the Five
Presbyters, 108, sqq.; return of Cyprian
First Coimcil;
Carthage,
128;
to

sqq.;

Cyprian

at

Hadrumetum,

129,

132,

Novatian 's delegacies to Carthage, 143, 159; Cyprian on the return

of the Confessors to the Church, 163,
133, n.

Analysis of the de Lapsis, 174; of

Unitate Eccksice, 180, sqq.;
Catena of Cyprianic passages on the
Unity signified in the Charge to Peter,
197, sqq.; Persecution of Gallus, 222;
Second Council, 224; softening of the
Penance, 224; Maximus and Fortunatus
made anti-popes at Carthage, 226, sqq.;
Third Council, 231 ; characteristic
mistake of Cyprian, 232; Fourth Council ; Intercourse of Churches and Dioceses,
233, 234; Cyprian's Charity
during the Berber Raid, 236, sqq. the
Plague; the work of Cyprian, 240,
sqq.; on Work and Alms deeds, 246;
ad Demetriatiuni, 249, sqq.; de Mortalitate, 256, sqq. ; Cyprian's Epistle to
the people of Thibaris, 258 ; ad Fortunatum, 264, sqq. (also 474, 475); on
the Lord's Prayer, 267, sqq.; Cyprian
on the mixed cup, 289, sqq. ; his views
on the dignity of the Roman See, 307
the Spanish Appeal to Carthage, 311,
sqq.; the Gaulish Appeal, 314, sqq.;
the Baptismal Question, 331, sqq.;
Tradition of Africa, 335; First and
Second Council on Baptism, 349, 35 1
Attitude of Cyprian towards Stephanus, 351, 352; Cyprian's letter to
Pompey, 358. sqq.; Third Council on
Baptism, 364, sqq. ; speech of C3rprian,
1

74

the

de

;;

;;

INDEX.
369; Arguments of Cyprian on Rebaptism, 401, sqq. the Catholic and
Ultramontane estimate of Cyprian, 432,
sqq.; of the Good of Patience, 437;
of Jealousy and Envy, 448, sqq. ;
Cyprian sent to exile, 466; Cyprian at
Curubis, 467; Cyprian's dream, 469;
the Numidian Bishop Confessors, 471,
sqq. ; C3T)rian returns to Carthage, 494
,'

Cyprian condemned to
death, 503 ; martyrdom, 505,506; where
was Cyprian buried? 509; where was
Cyprian tried and executed ? 512;
Dress of Cyprian, 513 516; Ideal of
Cyprian, see Chapter xil. Aftermath,
his

horti'y

620, sqq.; S- Cyprian's Day in Kalendars, 610, sqq.;

Mai's supposed

fragment of Cyprian, 179

Cyprian and Cornelius, Companion Saints
in Kalendar and Collect, 310 and n.
See also S. Cyprian's Day in Kalendars,
610, sqq.

Dalmatica, 514
Damasus, the Pope, 30; on Hippolytus,
165, n. ; his inscriptions, 95, n.; 301

and

n.

483, n.

484, n.

488, 489,

490, n.

Dativus, Bishop of Vada, 471, n.

Deacons, Hie (Fabianus) regiones divisit
Diaconibus, 67 and n. ; 68 and n. ; (the
third priesthood), 114; case of a contumelious Deacon, 234; as administrators of churches, 312, n.
Decius, the Emperor, 64; the persecution, 64, sqq.; 75, sqq; his death, 127

and n.
Demetriamis (ad D.), 249, sqq.; D. perhaps one of the Five Primores, 250, n.
Tertullian's ad Scapulam compared,
251 Style of the 'Demetrian,' 256
;

Deprehendere, in its legal sense, 503, n.

Didache, Teaching of the XII. Apostles,
44, n.; 294, n.

410, n.

Dionysius the Great, of Alexandria, 29;

79, n. ; 65, 158; on Novatian and
Novatianism, 141, 142, 147, 164; his
'diaconal letter' 'through Hippolytus,'
Baptismal ques164, 167, 169, 171
tion, 341, 353, 354, sqq.; on Stephen's
liberality, 311;
on Firmilian, 375;
letters to Xystus, 355, 358; his exile to
;

Kephron, 456, 463

Doctor Audientium, 44,

629

Donatus, Bishop of Carthage, predecessor of Cyprian, 7, 25, 227

Donatus, one of the Five Presbyters,
original opponents of Cyprian, i
n.
See also Novatus

of

Dress,

Virgins

(of

the),

sqq.;

51,

57. sqq.

Duchesne, Abbe L., 68, n.; on Deacons

as administrators of churches, 312, n.
on the Vicariate of Aries, 315, n. ; on
the autonomy of Carthage, 4th century,
527 ; on Principalis Ecclesia, 537 ; also
483, n. ; 484, n.; 485, n.; 490, n.

491, n.

492, n.

Edicta feralia, 222, n.

Egnatius, the Martyr, 70
End (nearness of the), 266 and n.
Ennodius, 30, n. 3
Epictetus, Bishop of Assuras, elected after
the lapse of Fortunatianus, 232
Episcopate. Election and Consecration
of Bishops, 27, 35, sqq.; 327; the
Order is of Divine creation ; Character
derived from the Apostles, 34; Authority of the Episcopate, 31, sqq.;
106, 193, 195, 196; Unityof the Episcopate, i8i, 182; Restoration of Lapsed
Bishops, 166 (and n.), 230 ; Bishops
and the rights of the Laity, 313, 327
Government of churches when the See
is vacant or the Bishop absent, 329
Episcopus Episcoporum, 30, 31, 197
Etecusa (Persecution of Decius), 71 ; note
on her name, 74
Eucharist (the Holy), 45, 86 and n. ; 90,
;

92, 108, 225, 248, 259, 268, 284, 285,

289 295, 410 and n.
Eucratius, Bp. of Thense (the training of

actors), 45, 46
Eusebius (questions of dates),

14,

n.;

128, n.; 347, 463, 487, n.

Evangelium, character of, strictness attached to this word (Novatianism),

147 and n.
Evaristus, a Bishop, the promoter of
Novatianism, 136, i6o
Evil (Deliver us from), on the clause, 272

Exomologesis, 98, 99
Exorcism, 10 and n. 253, 258, 409, n.
Extorres, use of the word, 102, 103, 107,
;

n.;

114, n.

Fabian, the Pope, his death, 65

F.
'divided the Regions to the Deacons,'
67, 88, 90, 120, 227
Fabius of Antioch, his leaning towards
the schism letter of Cornelius to him,
(See also Council of An167, 168.
;

n.

Dollinger, 337, n.; 340, n. ; 342, n.

Donatulus, Bishop of Capsa, date of his
ordination, 224, n.
Donatus, fellow neophyte of Cyprian, 4,
13; Ad Donatum, 13, sqq.; 445, n.

tioch.

;
;
;!;

INDEX.

630
Fechtrup, B.,

19, n.; 65,11.; 83,11.; 88, n.;

94, n.; Ill, n. ; 115,11.; 116, n.; 130,
n,; 158, n.; 163,11.; 166, n.; 336,11.;
342, n.; 396, n.; 416, n.
Felicissimus, a layman, one of the earliest
Confessors at Carthage in the Persecu-

tion of Decius, 77
Felicissimus, a Deacon

who

NoMonte

joined

vatus...non communicaturos in
Presbyters
*his
secuni...the
Five
satellites,* 113 and nn.; was already a
Deacon when he joined Novatus, 116.

of Carthage: Decision
on Felicissimus, 131, 133... 180; his
journey to Rome as a legate of Fortunatus, 228
Felix, Bishop of Bagai, 471, n.
Felix, Bishop of (?) Bamaccora, 413, n.
First Council

471, n.
Felix,

pseudo

Lambaesis,

bishop of Privatus (of

name), appointment,

see

227
Felix III., Pope... Penitential discipline,
167, n.

Fidus, a Bishop: his views on penitential

discipline and infant Baptism, 231,
295, 296, 297
Firmare concilium, 363, n.
Firmilianus, Bishop of Csesarea, his

Cyprian, 372, sqq. ; Genuineness of this Letter, 377; Greek locJuQuotations of Scripture
tions, 381;
in his letter, 386; Origen and Firmilian, 374 ; Dionysius of Alexandria on
Firmilian, 375; Basil on Firmilian,
375> 388; Firmilian's influence in assembling Councils, 376 and n.; Latino
Latini on the Letter of Firmilian, 378
Florentini (his Martyrology quoted), 483,
n.; 615
Florida (confessio), floridiores...use of
the words, 78, n.
Florus, one of the Lapsed ; triennium of
letter to

penance, 223
Fortunatianus, Proconsul at Carthage,
Persecution of Decius, 76, n.
ForUinatianits, the lapsed Bishop of Assuras, 232
Fortunatus (ad F., Exhortation to Confessorship), 264, sqq.; 474, 475
Fortunatus, Bishop of Thuccabor, 402, n.
Fortunatus, a Bishop, sent to Rome with
Caldonius (see name), 131, 133, 145
Fortunatus, a sub-deacon, sent by Cy-

prian

and

to

the

clergy of

Rome,

no

n.

opponents
Fortunatus, one
of Cyprian, in, n. anti-pope at Carthage, 227, sqq. ; the Five Bishops who
created him anti-pope, 227, n.
of the original
;

Fortunatus, Venantius, 280, sqq.

Freppel, Mgr., 26, n.; 55, n.; 66, n.;
87, n.; 91, n.; 94, 97, n.;
202, 218, 227, n.; 267, n.;
321, 370, n.; 475, n.

Furni, a town, 45, n.

98, 201,
307, n.;

580

Gains of Dida and his deacon, 107, 113,

n.; 328
Galerius, the Proconsul, 502
Gallienus, the Emperor, 300 concessions
made long ago to the Christians, 304
and n. 458, 460, 477 and n.
Gallus (Persecution of), 222
Gaulish Appeal to Carthage (the), 314,
;

sqq.
Gemellse, a town, 369, 592, 599
Geminitis, Bishop of Furni, 50
Geminius Victor, of Furni, nominates a
presbyter as tutor, 45
47
Geminius Faustinus, the presbyter, appointed as tutor, 45, 47
Girba (the isle of Sleninx), 367, 598
Gordius, one of the Five Presbyters,
original opponents of Cyprian, in, n.

See also Novatus

Graecising-Latin Inscriptions, 306 and n.
Gratia Dei (de), 13. See Donatus
Gratian (Decretum of). Quotations of De
Unitate, 219

Gregory of Nyssa,

27, n.

284
Gregory Nazianzen, 3, n.
90. n.
8, n.

242, n.

II, n.

54, n.

240, n.

5, n.

6, n.

432, 433, n.

Gregory Thaumaturgus, 27,

65, n.

65, n.

n.

29, n.

242, n.

Gregory the Great, 315, 515

Gregory of Tours, on Trophimus of Aries,
316 and n.
Gretser,

manuscript, 206,
209 and n.

his Bavarian

207 and

n.

Harnack, Dr A., 67, n. 389; see note

Cyprian before the Roman PresbyAdditers,'
See Appendix,
150.
tional note on Libelii, 541, sqq. and
Appendix, On the Nameless Epistle ad
Novatianum and the attribution of it
;

'

to Xystus, 557, sqq.

Hartel (readings of his edition of Cyprian),

8,n.; 22, n.; 23, n.; 34, n.; 44, n.; 70,n.;
80, n. ; 85, n. ; 87, n. ; 88, n. ; 107, n.
112, n.; 116, n. ; 130, n.; 144, n.
I45, n. 146, n.; 185, n. ; 204, n. ; 205,
n.; 206, n.; 207, n.; 208, n. ; 209, n.
2to, n. ; 211, n.; 288, n.; 313, n.;
363- 371. "; 393. "; 394. n.; 469. n;

473' n-; 481, n. ; 531, n.

votum decisivum
on
Hefele,
'

'

and

;;

INDEX.
'votum

consultativum

431, n.
Heraclas, his

'

in

Councils,

of Pope, ag
Herculanus, a Bbhop, one of C3T)rian's
five representatives during his retirement, 107. See also Caldonius, Rogatitle

tianus, Victor,

Numidicus

Heratnianus, a sub-deacon, carries with

others Cyprian's letter to the Numidian
Bishop Confessors, 473
Hilary, S., 280 and n. ; 286
Hippo Diarrhytus, 367, 578
Hippolytus of Portus, 31, n. Difficulties
identifying
Hippolytus through
in
whom Dionysius wrote to the Romans
with Hippolytus of Portus, 169; on
;

Callistus, 336, n.
n. ; 334335

Hooker, 325,

Hort, Dr, 8, n. ; 44, n.; 427, n.

Horti (Cyprian's), 18, 494, 496
Hosius, Cardinal, his Codex of de Unitate,

111, 216

631

164, sqq. ; the treatise De Lapsis, 174,

sqq.; 230, 259, 298, 305.
See also
Spanish Appeal, 311, sqq.
Latino Latini, withdraws his annotations
from Manutius' edition of Cyprian, 209,
210; on the Letter of Firmilian, 378
Laurentinus, the Martyr, 70
Laurentius, S., Martyr, his dialogue with

Xystus, 491 and n.

Laying on of hands, 400.

Cyprian's and
Stephen's explanation.
Three intentions with which it was used besides
that of ordination, 420 and n.
Leo I., Pope, 166, n.; 315, nn.
Levitica tribus, 36, n.
Lex Regia, 62, n.
Libelli, 81, 82, 265; additional note, 541.
See also Martyrs (Letters from)
Liberalis, a Bishop, accompanies Cyprian
to Hadrumetum, 132
Lightfoot, Bp., on Hippolytus of Portus,
1 69 and nn. ; on Dionysius' Epistle called
diaconic, 171; 1 1 n. 20, n. ; 37, n. ; 38,
,

lader. Bishop of Midili, 471, n.

Iconium and Synnada (Councils

of),

340

342, 347. 348

'Idols are not Gods' (That), 10, sqq.
Indulgence granted by Lucianus to 'all
Lapsed' in the name of 'all Confessors,'
93. 109

Infant Baptism, 231, 295, 296

Intercourse of Churches or Dioceses, 232,
See Aftermath, end
233.
Interpolations {^de Unitate), 200, sqq. ; 547
Irenseus, on the Episcopate, 38, n.
427,
;

529
Linea, 516
Lipsius, 65, n. ; 67, n.; 120, n. ; 126, n.
(on the date of the election of Cornelius, 127, n.); 133, n.; 138, n.; 145, n.;
299, n.; 304, n.; 316, n.; 373, n. ; 485,
n.; 488, n.
Litteus, Bishop of Gemellse, 369 and n.
.47i..n.

Liturgies (mixed cup symbolism), 293, n.

Longitnis, a. member of the first Nova-

540
yanuarius, Bishop of Lambsesis, 227,
Jerome, S., i, n.
10,
3, 6, n. ;
;

n.
n.

21, n. ; 53, n.; 54, n. ; 72. n.;

112, n.; 141, n.; 164, n. ; 255 and n.;
351. n.; 356, n. ; 359, 374, n. ; 391,
12, n.;

404, n.; 448, n.

n.; 39, n.; 40, n. ; 57, n.; 68, n.; ir6, n.

164, n. ; 165, nn. ; 284, n. ; 445, n. ;
452, n.; 476, n.; 484, n.; 485, n.; 525,

474, n.

Jewish priesthood, 33
yovmzis, a lapsed Bishop, 227
jhibaianus, a Bishop of Mauretania, his
Letter to Cyprian, 352; Cyprian's Letter
to J., 352, 372, 373. n- ; 398. 399
Justin Martyr, 37, 38, n.

Kephron and the Lands of Kolluthion,

tianist delegacy to Carthage, 136

Lucamis, acolyte, carries with others the
letter of Cyprian to the Numidian

Bishop-Confessors, 473
Lucianus, a Carthaginian friend of Celerinus (see name), Persecution of Decius, 70, 93. See letters from Martyrs.
Grant of a general indulgence to 'all
Lapsed' in the name of 'all Confessors,'
93. 109
Ltutus, the Pope, successor of Cornelius,
his exile and recall, 304, 305; a 'precept' attributed to him; his treatment
of the Lapsed, 305; his death, 306

463, 464

Lacema

birrhus, 514
Lacinise manuales, 516
Lactantius, 5, n. ; 255, 266, n. ; 462, n.
Laity.
See Plebes
Lambxsis, a town, 226, n.; 586
Lapsi, 79, sqq. ; the Lapsed and the Martyrs, 89, sqq.; 106, sqq.; 156, sqq.;

Abbe du, his letter ap. 'Memoiresde Trevoux'...the interpolations

Mabaret,

{de Utiitati) are restored in Baluze's

edition, 213, sqq. ; Appendix, 546

Macariiis, Roman Confessor (Persecution

of Decius), 69.
See Confessors at

Rome

INDEX.

632
Machaus, a member of the

first

Nova-

delegacy to Carthage, 136

Macrianus, his influence on Valerian, 457,
tianist

sqq.

Mactharis, a town, 369, 004

Magalia, Mapalia, Mappalia, 510, n.
Magister Sacrorum, 6r
Maptus (Letter of Cyprian to), 349
Majestas.
See Crimen Majestatis
Manualis, -e, 516. See Laciniae
Manutius' edition of Cyprian's works,
209 212. Special note, Appendix,

544
MappalicHS, the Martyr, 77, 92
Maran, Dom Prudent, see Baluze

213,

214, n.; 215, n.

Marcianus, Novatianist Bishop of Aries,

See Gaulish Appeal
317, sqq.
Marcion, Marcionites, 347, 398
Martialisy a lapsed Bishop, 37, n. 233.
See also Spanish Appeal, 311, sqq.
See Notarii and
Martyrs (Acts of the).
;

Eucharist
Martyrs (Letters from), see the Lapsed
and the Martyrs 89, 92, sqq.; 172, 173,
;

n.

Massa Candida, 517

Maximus, Roman Presbyter and Confessor (Persecution of Decius), 69;
joins the schism of Novatian, 140,
141 ; is reconciled to Cornelius and

becomes

his supporter, 160

162;

Lo-

culus, 69, 162

Roman

Presbyter
Maximus, Novatianist
sent by Novatian to Carthage to announce the election of Novatian as
Antipope, 136 ; made Antipope at
Carthage, 226
Maximus, acolyte, carries with others
Cyprian's Letter to the Numidian
Bishop-Confessors, 473
Metator (of Antichrist), sense of the word,

70
Mettius, a sub-deacon sent to Rome with
Nicephorus the acolyte, 145
Minucius Felix, 9, sqq.
Mixed Cup (the), 289, sqq.
Mommsen, 61, n. ; 67, n.; 162, n. ; 231,
n. ; 237, n.; 300, n.; 303, n.; 472, n.
485, n. ; 488, n.; 491, n.
Monnulus, Bishop of Girba, 367 and n.
Mons, in Monte, i.e. Bozra, 112 and n.
113, n.

Moses of Chorene on Firmilian, 375 and

Moyses, Roman Presbyter and Confessor
(Persecution of Decius), 69, 70; refuses
to act with Novatian, 120, sqq.; his
death, 119, 120
Munerarii, use of the word, 248 and n.

Natalis, Bishop of Oea, 360

Neapolis, a towm, 467
Nemesianus, Bishop of Thubunae, 371, n.;
387; 412; 421, n.; 471, n.
Nicephorus, an acolyte, sent to Rome vrith
Mettius the sub-deacon, 145
Nicostratus, Deacon, Roman Confessor
(Persecution of Decius), 69. See Confessors at Rome.
N. delegate of Novatian to Carthage; his character;
permanently alienated from the Church,
169' '60

Ninus, one of the Lapsed, triennium of

penance, 223
Notarii, 67, n. ; 90, n.
See also Acts of
the Martyrs
Novaiianus, 88 his character and talents,
;

120, sqq.; his works, 123; the schism,

134, sqq.; Novatian's delegacies to

Carthage, 136, 143. 159; the Roman

Confessors join Novatianus, 140; Maximus the head of the first legation made
Antipope at Carthage, 226
Novatianus, on the Nameless Epistle ad
Novatianum, and the attribution of it
to Xystus.
Special note, Appendix,
557
Novatus, Bishop of Thamugadi, 337
Novatus, the presbyter, his life and

in-

trigues, no. III, sqq.; in Monte or

in morte, 112, n. ; Novatus leader of
the Five Presbyters, 112 and n. ; did
N. confer orders upon Felicissimus,

his connection with Novatianism,

;
136, sqq.; his journey to Rome, 137,

115

138, n.

Numeria, see Etecusa

Numidian Bishop - Confessors.
tion of Valerian, 471, sqq.

Persecu-

their

names,

471, n.

Niimidicus, a Carthaginian Presbyter

(Persecution of Decius), 77; one of
Cyprian's five representatives during
See also Caldohis retirement, 107.
nius, Herculanus, Rogatianus, Victor

Offering sacrifice pro dormitione, 45,

323' nOtferre nomen, use of the word, 92

and

n.

made Teacher of
Catechumens, 44
Optatus of Milev, 18, n.; 42, n.; 68, n.
147, n.; 157 and n.; 231, n.; 313, n.;
Optatus, the reader,

394, n. ; 409, n. ; 413, n.; 416, n.;

427, n.; 459, n.; 471, n.; 529, n.
Ordo, the clergy, 19

Origen, 36, n.; 41, n.; 65; O. and Firmilian, 374; O. on Baptism into Christ,

;
:

INDEX.
by

Pompeius, an African Bishop, present at

the Consecration of Cornelius, 135 (also

See also Visions of

Pompeius, Bishop of Sabrata (Letter of

Cyprian to), 358; special note on this
Letter, 361
Pomponius, Bishop of Dionysiana, 371, n.
Pontianus, the Pope, 169, 170

407; on consultation of the

Bishops, 428 and n.
Orosius, 504, n.
Ostensiones, 222, n.

laity

133. n.)

Cyprian
Pallium, the philosopher's pall, 5 and n.
Pam^le, Jacques de, his edition of Cyprian's works, 206, 216, n. 3

Papa, Title

of,

29

Paternus, the Proconsul. See Treatment

of Cyprian, 464, sqq.
Paul of Samosata, 376 and n.
/'a/a Sarcinatrix, 117
Paulinianists, 333, n. ; 520
Paulus, the Confessor, at his request
Lucianus begins the system of Indulgence to the Lapsed, 93, 109
Pearson, 4, n. ; 18, n.; 29 and n.; 71, n.;
77, n.; 85, n.; 90, n.; 105; 163, n.;
224, n.; 235, n.; 250, n.; 258, n.;
259, n.; 289, n. ; 291, n.; 299, nn.
341. n-; 373' n.; 479, n.
Pelagius II., Pope, 217; his letters to
the Bishops of Istria, 220, 221.
See

Appendix, 549

See also Inter551.

polations {de Unitate)
Penitential discipline, 166 and n.; 176,
229, 230, sqq.
Perferre coronam, sense of the words,
223, n.
Persecutions, Roman theory, 60.
See
Decius, Gallus, Valerian
Peter (the Charge to the Apostle), catena
of Cyprianic passages on the unity
signified in the Charge to Peter, 197
Peter and Paul (the Apostles), removed
to the Catacombs, 484, 485, 486
Peter of Alexandria, S., 81, nn. ; 82,
95. n.
Peters, Dr, 5, n. ; 24, n. 146, n.; 319, n.;
321, n.; 343, n.; 348; 350, n.; 351, n.;
353. n-; 370, n.; 373, n.; 398, n. ;
409, n.; 416, n.; 434, n. ; 435, nn.;
;

440, n. ; 459, n. ; 475, n. ;

476, n.
Philip, the Emperor, his toleration of the
Christians, 64 and n.
Plague (the), 240, sqq.
Platonia (see also Damasus), 483 and n
Plebes, the Commons (the Laity), 19
32, n.; 36, 106, 173, n.; 188, 430,
43 r ; Right of the Laity of with
drawing from the Communion of sacri
legions or sinful Bishops, 194, n. ; 313
314, 327; the Laity silent in the Bap
tismal Councils, 426, sqq.
Polianus, Bishop of Milev, 471, n.
Polycarpus,
Bishop of Hadrumetum,

436;

371. n.

B.

633

Pontiff (the title of), 33, 197

Prseceptum, 465, n. ; 492, n.
Prserogativa (martyrum), sense

word, 91, n.
Prsescriptio, use of the
Prsesens,

of

the

word, 313

Praesentes, use

of the words,

32, n. ; 88, 96, n. ; 328, 329, 430, n.

Praeses (of Numidia), 472, n.
Prayers, thrice daily, 269

Presbyterian theories with regard to

Novatus, 115 and n. ; Presbyterianism,

528
Presbyters,

193, n.; Presbyters as

the Administration, 323,

36,

members of

sqq.; 381
Presbyters (the Five), a faction hostile to
Cyprian's election and authority, 25,
Novatus their leader
26, 109 and n.
;

their identification, r 10, n.

Priesthood, of the Laity, 20, 37, 38, 404, n.
Primitivus, a presbyter, sent to Cornelius,

Primores quinque. Commissioners

thage, Persecution of Decius, 76

at

Car-

and

n.;

"3
Princeps, sense of the word, 537, 538,
404, n.
Principalis, Principales, sense and use of
the words, 495, 538, 539
Principalis Ecclesia, 192, 234
special
;

note, 537
Principalitas, sense

and use of the word,

539. 540 and n.

Principes, use of the word, 497
Privatus, Bp. of Lambsesis, condemned of
heresy, 226, 227
Probation (idea of), 254, 258, sqq.
Prophets, 410, n. (the Cappadocian case
of a professed prophetess)

Prudentius, 2, n. 7, n. ; 165, n.; 169, n.;

404, n.; 491, n.
Puppiaftus (Letter of Cyprian to), 28, n.;
;

37

Quadriennium, use of the word, 41, n.

Quintus, Mauretanian Bishop, 350; Letter
of Cyprian to Q., 350. Special note
that Quietus of Buruch {Send. Epp.
27) is Quintus, Recipient of Ep. 71,
363
Qutrinus, a lay friend of Cypnan ; the
Testimonia compiled and classified for

41

;;

INDEX.

634
him, as, sqq.; 473; his

liberality to the

Namidian Bishop-Confessors, 473

baptism of Schismatics, 336

R. under Xystus, 475, sqq.

Rome
Rebaptism. See Baptismal Question
Rebaptismate (de), the Nameless Author,
390 ; antiquity of the Treatise, genuine
reading of S. John vii. 39, 392 and n,
arguments, 393, sqq.; did the Author
know Cyprian's later writings on Baptism ? 396
had Cyprian read the
Author ? 397 ; possibly the Treatise
which Jubaianus submitted to Cyprian,
;

Modem Church of
See 'Principalis Ecclesia,'
Freppel, Peters, Rivington
Rossi, G. B. de, 5, n.; 30, n. 69, n.
(claims of the

R.), 2o8,sqq.

72, n.; 95, n.; 125, n.; 162, n.; 183,

n.; 300, n.; 301, n. ; 303, n. ; 483, nn.;

484, n.; 487, nn.;

490, nn.; 491, n.

488, n.

489, n.

Rufinus, Deacon, Roman Confessor (Persecution of Decius), 69. See Confessors

at

Receptum eum...contmmt..., use

the C. of

Rome

of the

words, 498, n.
Repostus of Tubumuc, apostate Bishop,
80
Repraesentare, 324, n.
Resentment (on), 249
Respondere Natalibus, 245
Restoration of Clerics, 166 and nn.
230
Rettberg, F.W., 15, n, 23, n. 54, n.

Sabrata, a town, 358, 597

Sacerdos, Sacerdotium, use of the words,
33, n.; 36, 166, n.

(Persecution of Decius),

Sacrificati

Sacrilegium, 502, n.
Salonina, Cornelia, wife

of Gallienus,

65, n.;

probably a Christian, 300, 458, n.

Salzburg Itinerary, 482, 490, n.
Sanctificare, use of the word, 404, n.

n.

Sarcinatrix, 117

Ill, n.; 161, n. ; 225, n.; 255,

289, n.; 349' n; 35'. "; 357. n.;

373. nRitschl, O., t8, n.

Saturus, appointed to read the lesson at

40, n.; 85, n.; 94, n.;

125, n.; 130, n.; 135, n.; 143, n.; 144, n.
See notes: 'Cyprian before his own
presbyters,' 148; ' Felicissimus as a
more faithful representative of the
;

Church,' 153; 'Evanescence of Novatus under Ritschl's analysis,' 154

161, n.; i66, n.

80,

See also 223

166, n.

189, n.

n.; 235, n.; 289, n.; 31

i9i,n.

196,

330; 373, n.;

on Ep. 74 to Pompeius, 361 on Ep.
72 to Stephanus, 362 on Ep. 75 (Firmilian's), 382, sqq.
1,

n.;

See Mixed Cup, Water, Wine,

Unction
Rivington, Rev. L., 220, 539, 540
Rogatianus, Bishop of Nova, case of a
contumelious deacon (Cypr. Ep. 3),
234. 235
Rogatianus, presbyter at Carthage, trustee
Ritual.

of Cyprian's charities during his absence, 77, 85 ; one of Cyprian's representatives during his retirement, 107.
See also Caldonius, Herculanus, Numidicus, Victor

Rogatianus, a deacon, who carried the

Letter of Firmilian, 372
Rome (the Church of), under Fabian, 67
interference of the C. of R. (Persecution
of Decius), 87 ; Cornelius elected, 127;
Novatianism, 134, sqq. the C. of R.
under Lucius, 304, 305 under Stephanus, 307, sqq. ; the Spanish Appeal to
Carthage, 311, sqq. the Gaulish Appeal
to Carthage, 314, sqq.; tradition on re;

Easter, 41, n. ; 44, n. 45

Scruples (a case recorded by Dionysius
of Alexandria), 355
Secretarium, 464
Secundinus, Bishop of Carpos, 421, n.
Sedatus, Bishop of Thuburbo, 4O4, n.
Seniores Plebis, in later African Councils,
427. n.
SentettticE Episcoporum, authenticity of
the document, 371, 372
Sexti (ad), 500, 512, 513
Shepherd, Rev. E. J., 47 51, 224, 280,
;

297.364. 371.379
First mention

Sicily.

Church

of a

Christian

95 and n.
on Christian Humility,

in that island,

Sidgwick,

H.,

441, n.
Sidonius, Roman Confessor (Persecution
of Decius), 69.
See Confessors at

Rome
Signs (the mines of), 473 and n.
Sin (original), 273, 297 and n.
Slavery, slaves, 14, 81, 252, n.; 260
Soldiers and officers named in Cyprian's
trial,

516

Soliassus, budinarius, 117

Sorrows (Interpretation of), 256, &c.
Spanish Appeal to Carthage, 311, sqq.
See also Basilides and Martialis
Spectaculum, use of the word, 504, n.

Speculator, 505, n.

506, n.

Spisina (Espesina), 74 and n.

Sportula,
325. n.

'...sportulantium

fratrum...,'

;;

INDEX.
Stantes (The), at Carthage (Persecution
of Decius), 75, sqq.
Stephen V., the Pope, on Trophimus of
Aries, 315 and n.
His characStephanus, the Pope, 307.
ter and policy, 309, sqq. ; Spanish Appeal to Carthage, 311; Gaulish Appeal, 314; the Baptismal Question,
331, sqq.; Tradition of the Roman
Church on Rebaptism of Schismatics,

635

nn.

293, n. ; 339, n. ;
n.; 402, nn.;
n. ; 408, n.; 409, n.;
nn.; 441, n.; 443, nn. ;
n.; 446, nn.; 447, nn.;
;

n.; 392,

343, n. ;
403. n.;
414, n.;
444, nn. ;
474, n. ;

364,
404,
439,
445,
501,

n.; 509, n.
Tertullus, a presbyter of Carthage, advocate of the concealment of Cyprian,

86
Thabraca (the island rock of), 367, 581
Thamugadi, a town, 337, 368, 589
Thelepte, a town, 369, 600
Thense, a town, 45 and n. ; 603
Theophilus of Antioch (Introduction of
the word 'Trinity'), 269, n.
Therapius, Bishop of Bulla, 232 and n.

336; First and Second Council of

Cyprian on Baptism, 349, 351; some
African Bishops in sjrmpathy with
a deputation of''
Stephanus, 351
Bishops from Cyprian waits on Stephanus, his attitude, 352; he threatens
Theveste (road to), 368, 588, 593
to withdraw from the Communion of
Thibaris (the Epistle to the people of),
the Bishops of Asia Minor, 353; note
on ws oil Koivuv-qffuv, 354 are Letters
258
Thibaris, a town, 258, 583
missing from the correspondence with
Thirteen Epistles (the), of which Cyprian
Stephanus? 360; special note on the
sent copies to the Romans, special note,
Epistle to Pompey, 362 Cyprian's Third
102, 103, 104, 105
Council on Baptism, 364, sqq. 370, n.
Thomas Aquinas, Conditional Baptism,
argimients of Stephanus on Baptism,
522, n.
413, sqq.; note on Stephen's 'Nihil
Thuburbo, a town, 369, 579
innovetur nisi,' 421
Thurificati (Persecution of Decius), 80,
Stephanus, an African Bishop, present
at the Consecration of Cornelius, his
166, n.
Timesitheus, on the name, 3, n.
return to Carthage, 135 (also 133, n.)
Tinguere, i.e. Baptizare, 387
Strator, use of the word, 497, n.
Tractatus, Tractare, sense of the words,
Subintroductse, 47, 54, n.
Successus, Bishop of Abbir Germaniciana
32, n.; 165, n.; 508, n.
(Letter of Cyprian to), 493
Traditor, Traditores (disqualification of,
by the Donatists), 415 and n.
Suffragium, use of the word, 25, n. ; 28, n.
Superius, a Bishop (See unknown), 224
Traversaria, sense of the word, 472, n.
Superstitions, 269
Tria Fata (temple of the), 71, n.
Triennium, use of the word, 223, n.
Synnada (site of), 340, n.
",

Trinity, Tptds (earliest use of the word),

Taylor, Jeremy, on Stephen the Pope,

310; on Stephen and Cyprian, 335

Te Deum

(clauses of), 264

Tertium genus, 6r. See also Introduction
TertuUian, 'the master,' 9; on the priest-

hood of the

38 ; on ' Episcopus
Episcoporum,' 30, 31, 197; on Virginal
life, 52, sqq.; de Fuga in Persecutione,
85; on the Prayer, 269; Table shewing the verbal debts to TertuUian in
Cyprian's Treatise de Dominica Oratione, i'j6, 277, 278; date of the de
Baptismo, 338, 348. TertuUian's de
Patientia, 443, sqq.; References: 5,n.;
13, n.; 20 nn.; 21, n.
33, n.; 38, n.;
laity, 20,

39, n.; 41, n.; 43, n.; 45, n.; 51, n.

52, nn.; 53, nn.; 54, n.; 56, n. ; 57.n.;
58, nn.; 59, nn. ; 61, n.; 64, n. ; 85, n.;
89,91; 197, n. ; 250, n.; 251 and n.
254, nn. ; 265, n. ; 266, n. ; 267, n. ; 269,
nn.;27o, nn. ; 271, nn.; 272, nn.; 283,

269, n.
Trinity, '...sacrament of the Trinity...,'

269 and

n.

Tripolis, a town, 367, 596, 597

Trqfimus, a lapsed Bishop, restored to

the Church as a layman, 166.

Penitential Discipline
Trophimus of Aries, 314, sqq.
Tubumuc, a town, 80 and n.

Tutores

Unam

(clerics), 45, 46,

Sanctam

See also

47

(Bull), 322, n.

Unction (baptism, confirmation), 403, n.

Unity of the Catholic Church, Treatise of,
180, sqq.; Codices of de Unitate, 204,
sqq.
See also Appendix, 547, sqq.
Urbanus, Roman Confessor (Persecution
of Decius), 69.
See Confessors at

Rome
Ursinus, supposed author of de Rebaptismate, 391

INDEX.

6^6

Visions of Cyprian, 60, 85, n.

Ostensiones

^mulus, princeps, opportunity

afforded for the election of Cornelius,

Valens,

See also

116, n.

Valerian, the Persecution of; the Edict

and its occasion, 456, sqq., 459; his
departure to the East, 460; the levee
of Byzantium, 477, sqq.; the Rescript
(its date), 479, and n. ; 480 ; special note
on Points in the Chronology of Vale-

Water

rian's reign, Appendix, 552

Vatican decrees, 322, n.
Veil (to take the), original meaning of
the words, 53 and n.
Victor, a Bishop, one of Cyprian's five
representatives during his retirement,
107. See also Caldonius, Herculanus,
Numidicus, Rogatianus
Victor, Bishop of Gorduba, 402, n.
Victor, Bishop of Octavu, 471, n.
Victor, a presbyter readmitted to Communion by Therapius, Bishop of Bulla,
224, n.; 231
Viduatus, the Order of Widows; their
seat of honour in the church, their

functions, 53

and

414, n.
Virginal life in Carthage, 51, sqq.
Virgines (custodi virgines), a word of
Cyprian before his death, 499 and n.
Visconti, Carlo; his letter concerning the
edition of Cyprian (1563), 211, 212.

See also Appendix, 544

oil

for

404

n.

consignation of the baptized,

Westcott, Bishop, 9 n.; 57, n. ; 427, n.

William of Malmesbury, 483, n.
Wine alone cannot be offered, the reason
why, 292
Wordsworth, Bp. Christopher, on the
Diaconal Epistle of Hippolytus of
Portus, 171
Wordsworth, Bp. John, on Latin MSS. of
the Gospel, 272, n. 392, n.
;

Work and Alms Deeds

(treatise on),

246

Wyclif, 415; Wyclifite proposition con-

demned, 415,

n.

n.

Vigil of the Martyr, 499

Vincent of Lerins, 311, n. 335, 422
Vincentius, Bishop of Thibaris, 371, n.;

CAMBRIDGE

(instead of Wine) in the Eucharist,

290 and nn.; water alone cannot be
offered and reason why, 292 ; water in
Baptism, 403, 404 and n. ; profaned
and polluted water, 351 and n.; 404,
Water used instead of
n. ; 412 and n.

PRINTED BY

J.

AND

C.

Xystus, the Pope, his Election, 475; his

immunity, 477; Memorials of Xystus

and his Martyrdom, 487, sqq.; on the

Nameless Epistle ad Novatianiim and
the attribution of

it

to Xystus,

557

Zephyrinus, Bishop of Rome (date), 348

Zosimus, Pope, on the Rights of the
Metropolitan of Aries, 315 and n.

F.

CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

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