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Weareenteringa
postinterventionary,
resilienceworld.Discuss.
LG233InternationalSecurityandConflict
AcademicYear2015/2016,SemesterOne
Lecturer:DrGezimVisoka
StudentID:14373271
WordCount(includingbibliography):3052
Introduction
Resilienceandpostinterventionism
Across many disciplinesandpolicy areas,resilienceisconsideredtobeausefulresponsetoa
world of rapid change, complexity and unexpected events (Chandler 2013, p.1). This is
because resilience as defined by the United Nations is the capacity of a system, individual,
community or society potentially exposed to hazard, to adapt by resisting or changing in
order to reach and maintainanacceptableleveloffunctioningandstructure(UnitedNations
2004, Ch.1, s.1:17). The implication of this is that the (in)security of a subject is no longer
restricted to merely the nature or severity of the specific threat,buthasbroadenedtoinclude
thesubjectitselfanditsresilienceandresponsetothethreat.
Furthermore, the literature on the subject of resilience has rapidly grown due to its
universal application and scope (although some may view this as aweakness).Asillustrated
in Figure 1 below, there has been a huge increase in the number of articles published onthe
topic, starting at approximately 600 publications in 2003 and increasing almost tenfold to
5000 publications in 2014. Significantly, this proliferation in publication in relation to the
concept of resilience within security studies underlines a dramatic transformation in our
traditional understanding of security governance as it links security to other seemingly
1
Figure1
.NumberofpublishedresiliencepiecesintheWebofScience
Source:WebofScienceonlinedatabase(adaptedandupdatedfromCavelty
etal
2015)
Resilience has also proved particularly insightful as a means of describing the changes in
relation to human security, particularly humanitarian/military interventions which
predominatedinternationalrelationsinthe1990sbutarenowseenashavingfailedinthetask
of implementing successful and sustainable peacebuilding. The work of David Chandler
(2012) charts what he describes as the shift away from liberal internationalism (that is,
intervention with the aim of protecting members of the global community) to a
postinterventionist form of external interaction (intervention with the aim ofpreventingand
empowering the vulnerable). This is summarised succinctly by Chandler (2012, p. 216)who
statesthatresilience:
this postinterventionary and resilience framework tackles some of the biggest criticisms
levelled against the liberalinterventionismofthe1990s,forinstanceitdoesnotviewthosein
need of helpaspassivevictimsbutrathervulnerablesubject[s]inneedofenablingagency
to become resilient (Chandler 2012, p. 223).Moreimportantlyhowever,followingthelogic
of responsibility to protect doctrine (R2P), resilience enables the emergence of
postinterventionary (or postliberal, as described by Chandler 2014) engagement as the
division between internal and external interveners ceases to exist as both parties are acting
towards the same goal of constructingsecuringcapacityandagency(Chandler2012,p.224).
Therefore the clash between the conflicting issues of respecting state sovereignty and the
responsibility to protect human rights is resolved undertheresilienceparadigm,asmuchlike
R2P, external intervention is used only when the state is itself vulnerable and lacks the
agency/capabilitytosecureitself.
This argument for the dawning of a postinterventionary world is compelling as it
echoes the larger trend of agencycentred approaches that have filtered into human security
anddevelopmentdiscourses.InthewordsofdevelopmentscholarAmartyaSen(1999,p.xiii)
individuals should be thought of asactiveagentsofchange,ratherthanaspassive recipients
of dispensed benefits and this belief is replicated in the context of the
postinterventionist/resilience paradigm where the emphasis is on prevention rather than
intervention, empowerment rather than protection, and work upon the vulnerable rather than
uponvictims(Chandler2012,p.216).
EmergenceofResilient(In)SecurityPractices:AnticipatorySecuritythrough
Surveillance
language of anticipation and preparedness) were formalised into UK national policy in the
2004 Civil Contingencies Act (CCA) which itself saw the establishment of the National
Resilience Capabilities Programme and the Local Resilience Forums. This was reechoed in
the UKs 2009 National Security Strategy, which envisioned resilience as being an
appropriateresponsetothenewandunpredictablethreatsfacingmodernsociety:
The above mentioned policies clearly show the deliberate incorporation of resilience
into national security policy (in this example, specifically the UK) due to the expectation of
the public for the government tomitigateagainsttheseunpredictablethreats(thusthe needto
respond preemptively and the development of anticipatory solutions to possible security
threats). However, some scholars have indicated that the incorporation of resilience and
technologyintogovernmentpoliciesishavinga harmful,detrimentaleffectmostnotablyfor
the invasive use of surveillance as a means of mass datagathering under emergency
conditions (Adey and Anderson 2012). Additionally others argue that surveillance has
become a visible symbol of a perniciousexpressionofsecuritydrivenresilience, (Coaffee
andFussey2015,p.99).
EmergenceofResilient(In)SecurityPracticesII:PreventionaryRiskmanagementand
internationalterrorism
As has been already mentioned, the notion of preparedness and prevention are two central
aspects of the securityresilience nexus which have been readily incorporated into state
policies. This highlights that the form of resilience adopted by states can relate to internal
policy and threats (i.e. resilience does not just have to focusonthesecurityofother statesor
intervention). Furthermore, in contrast to the stateled (liberal) responses to 9/11 attacks,the
London attacks on 7/7 led to a change in direction with a more community planning, local
empowerment approach to preventing terrorism. As outlined by Chandler (2012, p. 223)
resiliencebased approaches to security involve addressing the root causes of insecurity in a
bottomup manner. Therefore the UK governments decision to approach the threat of
homegrown terrorism was to address the underlying causes of extremismandpreventthe
processofradicalisationfromoccurring:
Moreover the governance of resilience (as it is being applied within the UK and beyond
currently) focuses on the individual not only as a vulnerable subject but as also being
responsible for preventing and preparing for potential hazards and security threats a
phenomenondescribedbyCoaffeeandFusseyastheresponsibilizationofcitizens(p.95).
In addition, many academics (Aradau 2014 Evans and Reid 2014 and Jabri 2006)
have analysed how the foundation premise of the liberal state to provide protection to its
citizens (in a Hobbesian social contract manner) has been undermined in a world where
security risks are consistently expanding and growing more complex. As put by Aradau
(2014, p. 10): The promise of security that underpins the liberal state is subtly rephrased
we may not be able to protect people. This indicates that we may beseeingtheendofthe
liberal state as previously conceived, and instead the emergence of the resilient state which
does not promise to control unknown security threats but how to adapt in response to them
andtosurvive.
TheCharlieHebdoattacksandthediscourseofresilience
The final part of the essay will provide a brief analysis of the discourse used by the French
government officials in theimmediateaftermathoftheCharlieHebdoterroristattacks,which
took place last January. This is done in order toillustratehowsuccessfullyandreadilystates
are willing to absorb the term and practices of the resilience paradigm into their security
policies. For instance, the French President Franois Hollande made a public address on 9th
January(twodaysaftertheattacks)saying:
Conclusion
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