Social Networks in Time and Space: Homeless Women in Skid Row, Los Angeles

Author(s): Stacy Rowe and Jennifer Wolch

Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 80, No. 2 (Jun., 1990), pp. 184204
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2563511
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Social Networksin Timeand Space:

HomelessWomen in Skid Row, Los Angeles
Stacy Rowe* and JenniferWolch**
of Anthropology,
*Department
of SouthernCalifornia,
University
Los Angeles,CA 90089-0042
**Schoolof Urban& RegionalPlanning,
University
of SouthernCalifornia,
Los Angeles,CA 90089-0042
Abstract. Social networksoperate withina
specifictime-spacefabric.Thispaper develops a theoreticalframework
forunderstanding the role of social networksamong the
homeless.The conceptoftime-spacedisconis offeredas a wayto conceptualizethe
tinuity
impactsof homelessnesson social network
formation,daily paths, life paths, personal
identityand self-esteem.Ethnographicresearchamonghomelesswomenin Skid Row,
LosAngelesis used to illustrate
thetheoretical
framework.Results indicate that homeless
womendevelop bothpeer and "homed" social networksas a meansof copingwiththeir
circumstancesand reestablishing
time-space
continuity.Networkrelationshipscan also
serveas substitutes
forplace-basedstationsin
the daily path such as home and work. The
characteristics
of social networksand daily
time-spacepathsappear to have affectedthe
identitiesand self-esteemof the homeless
women.
KeyWords: Homelessness,
socialnetworks,
daily/
lifepaths,
time-space
discontinuity,
peernetworks,
homednetworks,
homeless
ethnography,
women,
SkidRow.
OMELESSNESSin Americais widely
acknowledgedto be a nationaldisgrace,one thatwillnot go away.The
risingnumbersof homelessmen,womenand
childrenhavepromptedsocialscientists
to investigatethe dimensionsof the problem,the
complex natureof its causality,and its geographicdimensions(Baxterand Hopper 1982;
Lamb1984;Bassuk1984;Robertsonet al. 1985;
Erickson
andWilhelm1986;Bingham
etal. 1987;
Dear and Wolch 1987; Morrow-Jones
and van
Vliet1989).Thisbodyofresearchsuggeststhat

theremaybe up to 3 millionhomelesspersons
inthecountry,
concentratedin largecitiesbut
also scatteredthroughoutsmallertownsand
ruralareas.Manyoftheseindividuals
suffer
from
mentaldisorders,physicalhandicaps,and substance abuse problemswhichcontributedto
the onsetof homelessness.
Inaddition,economiccircumstances
haveled
to the growingnumbersof homeless(Robertson et al. 1985).Formost,homelessnessis the
end stagein a processof increasingmarginalizationdrivenby largerstructural
forces,includingdeindustrialization,
plantclosings,and
the rise of low-wageservicejobs; deinstitutionalization
and a restructuring
of the Americanwelfarestate;sociodemographic
shiftsresultingin greaternumbersof female-headed
households;and in manycities,skyrocketing
homepricesand rents(Bluestoneand Harrison
1982;Baer1986;Wolchet al. 1988).Thispolitical-economic context has increased the
chances thateconomicallymarginaland dependentpeople willfacejob loss,eviction,domesticviolence, loss of welfarebenefits,or
failureto gain access to appropriatecommunity-based
supportservices.
Despite a significant
researcheffort,
there
are serious deficienciesin our geographic
knowledge and understandingof homeless
people. Forexample,littleanalysisofhomeless
socialnetworks
or theirspatialcontexthasbeen
forthcoming
(forexceptions,
see Mitchell1987;
Glasser1988; Cohen and Sokolovsky1989).It
is well-recognized
thatnormalsocialnetworks
constitute
a sourceofsecurity,
health,andwellbeing(Cohenand Sokolovsky
1989;Sarasonand
Sarason1985; Whittaker
and Gabarino1983).
Theyalso providea wide rangeof materialresources (fromfriends,relatives,employers)
whichcan sustainmostpeople facingadverse

ofAmericanGeographers,
Annalsof theAssociation
80(2),1990,pp. 184-204
a Copyright1990 by Associationof AmericanGeographers

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

circumstances
(e.g.,job loss,eviction,violence,
or loss of welfaresupport;Sinclairet al. 1984;
have found that
Wenger 1984). Investigators
the deterioration
of supportivenetworks,
due
to the combinedand prolongedpressuresof
poverty
and personalproblems,
can contribute
to homelessness(McChesney1986).
How do homelessindividuals
cope withthis
socialnetworks
breakdownin theirtraditional
intheirdailylivesitentails?
and thedisruption
How do theyrebuildtheirsocial networksto
obtainnecessarysupportinthe newsocialand
Howdo
contextofhomelessness?
geographical
these new networksand livingplaces affect
To date,most
personalidentity
andself-esteem?
homelessnessresearchhas focusedon quantitativeindicatorsand cross-sectional
analysis,
ratherthan the fine-grained,
qualitativeevidence about the dailylifeexperiencesof the
homelessnecessaryto answerthesequestions
(Koegel 1990).Thus,neitherthewaysinwhich
homelesspeople seekto reconstitute
socialties
(and thusgain access to associatedemotional
and materialresources),nor the geographical
have
dimensionsor contextof such networks,
receivedmuchscrutiny.
Inthispaper,we beginto addressthisgap in
the homelessnessliterature.Specifically,
we
for underpropose a conceptualframework
standinghomelesssocialnetworksin timeand
space,usingethnographic
analysesofhomeless
women in Los Angeles'sSkid Row area to illustrateour model.First,we providean overviewof the geographyof serviceresourcesin
our studyarea,SkidRow,and detailour field
methods.We thenpresenta model of homelesssocialnetworks,
fromthe
usingillustrations
research.Thismodelemphasizes
ethnographic
the role of social networksin meetingbasic
needs and delineatesthe waysin whichtime
and space shape the socialnetworksof homeless individuals.
Italso stressesthatforthe average"homed" or stablydomiciledindividual,
social networksand dailypathscreatea powwhichin
erfulsense of time-spacecontinuity,
turnmoldsindividual
and self-esteem.
identity
Homelessness,in contrast,createstime-space
discontinuity-thelack of locationally-fixed
stationsin the dailypath.Our examplesshow
howtime-spacediscontinuity,
and thestruggle
of homelesswomen to survivein a degraded
can alterperand threatening
environment,
sonalidentity
and haveimpacton self-esteem.
The examples also illustratehow homeless

185

womenrebuildtheirsocialnetworks
and in so
doing,tryto reestablish
time-spacecontinuity
and a valuedindividualidentity,
bothofwhich
areessentialincopingwithand recovering
from
homelessness.
Our conceptualmodeland findings
basedon
ethnographic
researchprovideotherscholars
withtestablehypotheses
aboutsocialnetworks
of homelesspeople. Theymayalso assistthe
helpingprofessions
understand
howsocialnetworkscan be rebuiltand how theymightfacilitatethe re-entryof homelesspeople into
the mainstream
of Americansociety.

Investigating
Social Networks
among the UrbanHomeless
Our ethnographicresearch on homeless
womenwascarriedout overa two-yearperiod
in the Skid Row area of Los Angeles.First,in
orderto providea geographical
contextforour
findings,
we briefly
characterizethe structure
ofthe SkidRow district
and describeitsspatial
organizationand resources.Next,we outline
the ethnographicmethodsemployedin the
field.
GeographicalContext:SkidRow,LosAngeles
SkidRowisa dingy,
arealocated
deteriorated
intheclassiczone oftransition
eastoftheCentral BusinessDistrict.The historicallocus of
transient
workerhousingin Los Angeles,Skid
of resRow's housingstockconsistsprimarily
identialhotels,roominghouses,and low-rent
The 1970s markedthe beginning
apartments.
ofa majorincreaseinthe numberand typesof
privatesocialserviceagenciesand shelterprovidersinthearea.Thisincrease,whichcontininthe
a shift
ued throughout
the 1980s,reflects
numberand needs of the residentsofthe district.Estimates
ofthecurrent
populationofSkid
Row fluctuatefrom6000 to 30,000.The populationforthetwocensustractswhichaccount
formostof the districtwas placed at 8979 in
1980.Thereis a consensusthatthe population
has continuedto growand changeat a rapid
pace (Hamiltonet al. 1987).Priorto 1980,the
ofolderwhite
populationwascomprisedmainly
men, manyof whom were alcoholicsor disabled,andwho livedon publicassistance.Now,
however,the populationis generallyyounger

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Rowe and Wolch

186

10

,\

DPSS WelfareOffice-

-~8

--\

, ,

0~~~

~.Love Camp~
I0
I

FredJordanMission

ii /t'

*^
S~~~~~~f5;;

f ..az
r
L 'U'
B X...vg~~~~~~~~~~~~~cj3,x&
LawCenter
InnerCity
0*~~~~..
..

.fii?28

San JulianPark

0~

*...CityHall.

-,a,

,B'

GrandCentralMarket
Perfacp

','.B

.... . ...
...
ssBB

Clifton'sCafeteria

*-*-Justiceville

c'
$

*
*--

Overnight shelter facilities: men only

Overnight shelter facilities: women only or men and women
Hotels
Social service providers
no shelter facilities
Park
Park
I
Skid row boundary
_____.
Feet

~~~~~~~0
~

1000
?I

ofservicesin SkidRow,Los Angeles.

Figure1. Distribution

and morediverse.It includesmanyblacksand

Hispanics,
singlewomen,andfamilies
withchildren (Robertsonet al. 1985; Hamiltonet al.
1987).
The growthof shelterand serviceresources
hastransformed
SkidRowintothelargest"service hub" in the city(Fig. 1). Some of these
resourcesare outsidetheofficial
boundariesof
the neighborhood,
as definedbythe City,but
are heavilyused by Skid Row residents.Currently,there are approximately
2000 shelter

beds in SkidRow. Halfthatnumberare available to womenand justover 100 beds are exclusivelyforwomen. Longer-term
housingis
availablein the area's SRO (SingleRoom Occupancy)hotels(countingthehotelsone block
beyondofficial
SkidRow boundaries,approximately6700 units;Hamiltonet al. 1987).Some
of these hotels accept short-termhousing
vouchersfromthewelfaredepartment
and are
thussimilarto emergencysheltersinfunction.
In additionto the shelterfacilities,
thereis a

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

publicwelfareoffice,and more than50 programsare providedout of the social service

agencies, missionsand shelters.These programsinclude meals,clothing,advocacyand
legalassistance,alcoholand substancedetoxificationand counseling,health and mental
healthcare, familyassistance,outreach,employmentplacementand special servicesfor
NativeAmericans.
Two vestpocketparks,managed bytheSingleRoomOccupancyHousing,
Inc. (an SRO rehabilitation
agency) provide
greenspaceforsocializing
andrecreational
uses.
Charitablegroupsfromoutsidethe area (parcome intoSkidRow
ticularly
churches)
regularly
to serve mealsto homelessand otherneedy
SkidRowresidents;San Julian
Parkand Towne
Avenueare the commonsites.
The risein the numberof socialserviceand
shelterproviders
sincethe 1970shasbenefited
theresidentsoftheareaand hasdrawnhomelesspeople fromservice-poorpartsofthe city
(e.g., South CentralLos Angeles).The expansionof resources,however,has notkeptpace
withthe rapidlyincreasingneed forservices.
Compoundingthis is the factthatsince the
1970s,therehas been almostno new housing
constructionin Skid Row, only demolitions
whichhavereducedthesupplyofSRO housing
(by more than2000 unitsbetween 1969 and
1986; Hamiltonet al. 1987).As a result,an estimated500to 4000SkidRowresidentsmaybe
withoutshelteron anygivennightand thouand/ormarginsandsofothersaretemporarily
allyhoused(Hamiltonet al. 1987).Those without shelteroftensleep on thepublicsidewalks
or in nearbyparksor vaadjacentto missions,
cantlotsand buildings.
Ethnographic
Analysis
The datacollectedand analyzedforthisparesearchconper are based on ethnographic
ductedinand aroundSkidRow.The studyentailedtwo phases. The firstphase involveda
intwo
lengthy
periodofparticipant-observation
inorneartheSkid
homelessstreetcommunities
Thiswasfollowedbya smallnumRowdistrict.
interberofformaland lengthy
keyinformant
of whichwere conductedwith
views,the first
homelesswomen who participatedin these
or who livedin a nearbyshelter.
communities
The participant-observation
phase began in
1986.Initialcontactwiththe homeless
January

187

a streetcommuwas limitedto "Justiceville,"

The group
organization.
nitywitha semiformal
corporationunderthe name
was a non-profit
Home forthe Homelessand exhibiteda hierarchical structure.Ted Hayes, a grassroots
was the
homelessactivistand formerminister,
recognizedleader of the group,and a core
These indigroupfunctionedas hisassistants.
vidualsexercised limitedauthorityover the
populationthatcomprisedthe refluctuating
mainderof the community.No formalfield
notes were recordedduringthisperiod,nor
conducted.Presencein
wereformalinterviews
wassporadicbuton-goingand
thecommunity
and
includedcasualconversations
participation
and
the occasionalprovisionof transportation
food. Documentation of the community
was initiatedin Janthroughstillphotography
uary1987 and continuedthroughoutthe research.
particlocationof the informal
The primary
ipant-observationand photographicdocushiftedinSpringof 1987to theLove
mentation
Camp on FourthStreetand Towne Avenuein
downtown Los Angeles. The Love Camp,
hada more
anotherinformal
streetcommunity,
stablepopulationand locationthanjusticeville,
as mostofthe membershad tentsor dwellings
constructedof wooden palettes and cardofthe
structure
board.Alsotheorganizational
Love Camp was less rigidthanthatof justicewasinformally
sharedbyDavid
ville.Leadership
Bryantand Adam Binion,but not all camp
nor was
membersrecognizedtheirauthority,
thisa criterionforresidency.Casual converand
sationwithcamp members,photography
the provision of transportationand small
amountsof cash continueduntilthe dispersal
of the camp.
Inthewakeofmounting
pressurebythelocal
LoveCampwas
SkidRowbusinesscommunity,
in
dispersedbyCityof Los Angelesauthorities
June1987,coincidentwiththe openingof a
fencedoutdoorcampgroundforthehomeless
on the banksof the Los AngelesRiver.Many
LoveCampresidentsenteredthecampground
The outdoor
as did membersof Justiceville.
campgrounditselfwas closed withina few
months,dispersinghomelesspeople to other
pathswere not
partsofthecity.The migration
documentedformembersofeithergroup;
fully
membersstayedtogetherand
someJusticeville
moved to Venice Beach untiltheywere once
againdispersedbyCityauthorities.

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188

Rowe and Wolch

A transitional
residencefor homelessand
batteredwomen and their familiesin the
downtownarea was a thirdsiteof participantobservation
and photographic
documentation.
Participation
as a volunteerandfounding
member of the sponsoringorganizationincluded
directinvolvementin the day-to-dayoperationsof the shelter,talkingwiththe women,
playingwiththeirchildren,and providing
services such as transportation,
advice, encouragement,and crisisintervention.
Formal,taperecorded interviewswere conducted at this
shelterinthefallof1987.Two otherinterviews
withwomenwhowereformer
membersofJusticevillewere conducted in the same fall.All
interviews
conductedin 1987 focusedon the
women's experienceswith the Los Angeles
CountyDepartmentof Publicand Social Services (DPSS),but a wide rangeof topicsconnected withSkid Row survivalstrategiesand
socialtieswas also discussed.
Clifton's
a popularrestaurant
inthe
Cafeteria,
downtownarea frequentedby the homeless
was chosen as a site forfurther
community,
in January
participant-observation
1988. Contactwas also reestablished
withformermembers of Justiceville
and the Love Camp. Two
womenwho had livedin the Love Campwere
located and interviewedin thisphase of the
research.Theseinterviews
werebroadinscope
and the topicsof discussionwere initiatedby
the women,as well as by the researcher.In
addition,formalobservations
were made at a
newencampment
at Firstand Broadway
streets
in downtownLos Angeles.Fieldnotesregardingtheseobservations
and the contextsofthe
interviews
were recordedand manystillphotographsdocumentedthe siteand residents.
In accordance withstandardethnographic
methods(Wernerand Schoepfle1987;Spradley1979),carefulattentionwas devotedto acthe taped interviewsin
curatelytranscribing
orderto preservethe grammar,
and
structure,
flowoftheconversation
as itwas convertedto
writtenlanguagewithpunctuation.However,
the lengthof a pause,
subtletyof inflection,
facialexpression,and body gestures
laughter,
(whichoftencommunicatemeaning)have not
been captured.Since quotationsare removed
fromthe contextof the conversation,
these
are subject to
excerptsfromthe transcripts
some degree of misinterpretation
(both by
readerand authors).All interviews
were conductedwiththe expressknowledgeand con-

sent of the women,but all nameshave been

such
changedexceptforthoseofpublicfigures,
as therecognizedleadersofthevarioushomeless communities.Also permissionwas obtained for all photographyand in most instancesthesubjectsreceiveda copyoftheprint.
of prints
and the distribution
Photography,
commuto membersof the variousinformal
nities,was an integralpartof the process of
the researchpethroughout
rapport-building
riod (Fig.2).1 It provideda role in the comwho was oftenremunity
forthe investigator,
ferred to and introduced as "the camp
Alsotheprocessoftakingphophotographer."
tographs,and photographyin general,often
with
providedan initialtopic of conversation
unfamiliarindividuals. When prints were
a
broughtback to Skid Row and distributed,
was estaboftrustand reciprocity
relationship
werealso used ininformal,
lished.Photographs
documentedin the fielduntapedinterviews
notes,whichaided in the data analysis.(See
Collierand Collier1986,and Wagner1979for
expanded discussionsof the role of stillphoinsocialscienceresearch).Thusphotography
and the longdurationof timespent
tography,
becomingacquaintedwiththe homelessindiallowedfora depth
vidualsand theirlifestyle,
of mutualrevelationand understanding
bethat
tween field researcherand informants
to achieve through
would have been difficult
othermeans.

Homeless Social Networksin

Time and Space: a
Conceptual Model
involvea
social interactions
Anyindividual's
finiteset of people, definedas theirsocialnetwork.Simplystated,social networksare comwhomone knows,
posed of those individuals
and fromwhom one obtainsmaterial,emotionaland/orlogistical
e.g.,kin,friends,
support,
and serviceprovidworkassociates,neighbors,
ers (Bott1957; Mitchell1969;Fischer1982).A
socialnetworkcan also be regardedas a time(Willspace mapofrepeatedsocialinteractions
mott1986;Fischeret al. 1977).These repeated
occur in the courseofan individinteractions
ual's dailypaththroughtimeand space,which
both shapes and is shaped by the social netof individuals,
the pivwork.Forthe majority

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189

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

cam

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190

Rowe and Wolch

otal stationsin a dailypathare the home and

workplace-pointsofconstantreturn,
essential
functions(eating,sleeping,personalprotecand intion,storinggoods,communications),
tensesocialinteraction.
Together,the dailypathand socialnetwork
constitutean individual'slocale. The locale
containsboththephysical
space definedbythe
dailypathand itssocialcontext.Itthusincludes
environmental
social institutions
and
features,
individualspresentin the space. Locales are
symbolicof individualexperiencesand aspirations(Tuan 1977),and serveas the "focusof
meaningsor intention,
eitherculturally
or individuallydefined"(Relph 1976, 55). Psychologicalattachments
to thelocaleare significant
intheconstruction
ofpersonalidentity
(Searles
1960;Godkin1980).Further,
controlofthe locale indexes one's social statusand relative
powerwithinthecommunity
(Dearand Wolch
1989).The qualitative
aspectsoflocalesalso influenceindividualself-esteem(Godkin1980).
Thus,iflocalesoccupied duringthe courseof
the daily path (e.g., the home, workplace,
school) are perceivedas fallingbeneath culnormsacceptedbytheindividturally-derived
can drop.The relativehoual,thenself-esteem
mogeneityof the locale,or the perceptionof
samenessamongproximate
individuals,
can also
affectindividualself-esteemand social networks(Smith1981).
Over time,dailypathsaccumulateto form
lifepath.Dailypathsand lifepaths
an individual's
interact,
eachforming
andreforming
theother.
Thisdaily/life
pathdialecticprovidesa cumulativeexperientialbasisforidentity
and influences self-esteem
(Pred1985).Thisimpliesthat
time-space
continuity,
or the degree to which
successivedailypaths resembleone another
and occur in the same locale,shapespersonal
The
identityand its subjectiveconnotation.2
the
longerthedurationofsimilar
dailyroutines,
exertedbythoseroutines
greatertheauthority
in the definition
of self.
canbe characterized
as thelack
Homelessness
of time-spacecontinuity
or simplytime-space
has imdiscontinuity.
Time-spacediscontinuity
forthe developmentof
portantramifications
socialnetworks
intimeand space. Inparticular,
theabsenceofa homebase restricts
thehomeless individual'saccess to familyand friends,
and vice versa.The workplace,anothersource
of social contacts,mayno longerbe relevant.
Thisbreakdownof traditional
social networks

pathsleads homeless
and changesin daily/life
people to develop waysto acquire resources
whichdo notdependon eithera spatially-fixed
meansof
home base or a job site.Alternative
supportincludepublicand privatesocialwelpanhandling,collectingrefare institutions,
cyclable materials,day labor and illegalactivities (e.g., drug dealing, thievery and
Inlightofthis,thesocialnetworks
prostitution).
differ
formedwithinthe homelesscommunity
in both compositionand spatialorganization
fromthose formedwithinthe homed community.
as
We characterizehomelesssocialnetworks
havingtwo basic components:peer networks
and homed networks(Fig.3). Peer networks
homeless
includehomelessfriendsand family,
homelesscommuniinformal
lovers/spouses,
(liketheLove
tiesbased instreetencampments
Camp),and membersof homelesspoliticalorHomed netganizations(such as Justiceville).
worksreferto socialtiesbetweenthehomeless
individualand membersof the homed community.These latterincluderemnantsof the
homeless individual'sprior social network;
in
"clients"or donors;workmates
panhandling
casual labor;social workersand otherservice
homedre(and,fora smallminority,
providers
searchersand advocates).The compositionof
as wellas the
bothpeer and homednetworks,
occur,can be
places wheresocialinteractions
unstableand fluctuateover time,given the
ofthe homelesspopulation.Nevertransiency
theless,forhomelesspeople, thesesocialnetwhichcan occurat variable
workrelationships,
pointsin urbanspace,appearto replacetherole
in thedailypathin
stations
of locationally-fixed
maandproviding
continuity
time-space
creating
support.
and logistical
emotional
terial,
The hardshipsand time-spacediscontinuity
associatedwithhomelessness,and the devalued locales whichmosthomelesspeople are
the
forcedto occupy(e.g.,SkidRow),influence
pathdialectic.Notsurprisingly,
dailypath/life
and dailyroutinesof homeless
socialnetworks
people are used to meettheirimmediatesurlifegoalsare
vivalneeds.Asa result,long-range
Skid
of necessityrelegatedto a low priority.
rich
whileoftenrelatively
Row environments,
in formalservices,maybe perceivedas unsatin comparisonwithpriorresidential
isfactory
settingsand carrythe stigmaassociatedwith
and last resort.
places of social marginality
physMoreover,SkidRow zones are typically

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

PEER NETWORK

HOMED NETWORK

Spouse /Lover/Family
HomelessFriends
ofInformal
Members
HomelessCommunity

191

ofFormerNetwork
Remnants
OMELE

Clients
Panhandling

INDIVIDUAL

Members
ofPolitical
Organizations

Social Workers
FormalServiceProviders
Researchers
/Advocates

Figure3. Homelesssocialnetworks.

icallydegraded,and expose the newlyhomelessto an aliensocialcontextof extremepoverty,crimeand substanceabuse.Often,a result

is loweredself-esteem,
and a shiftin personal
identity.Thepreeminence
of short-term
needs
and a devaluedlocalecan lead to an alteredassessment
of lifeplansand priorities,
and a transformed
senseofself.
In thiscontext,supportivehomelesssocial
networks
areparticularly
vitalto therestoration
of a positiveand valued personalidentity.In
thesectionsthatfollow,we drawon resultsof
theethnographic
to illustrate
analysis
ourconceptualmodelofhomelesssocialnetworks
and
its implications.We concentrateon lover/
and streetencampments,
spouse relationships
as these typesof peer linkagesappear to be
centralto the homelesswomenin our sample.
Sinceremaining
tiesto thepriortraditional
socialnetworkare minimal
forthesewomen,and
linksto researchers/advocates
relativelyunusual and/or sporadic, our examinationof
homed networksfocuseson the role of panhandlingclientsand formalserviceproviders.

Home Is WheretheHomelessAre:
Peer Networks
Homeless people share theirlocales with
otherhomelessindividuals,
theforfacilitating
mationof peer networkswithinthe homeless
population.Peer networksare comprisedof
homelessacquaintances,
friends,
family,
lovers,
and spouses; some peers will live in informal
streetcommunitiesor encampmentsof the

homelesswhichoftenariseinvacantlots,parks
and sidewalksinSkidRow. In manywaysthese
peer networksreplace the functionof the
home-basein the maintenanceof time-space
continuity,identityand self-esteemfor the
generalhomelesspopulation.The formation,
utilizationand importanceof peer networks
appear to varybetween homelessmen and
women.
Lover/SpouseRelationships
Womenseem to be muchmore likelythan
mento enterintoa lover/spouserelationship.
Thisdifference
maysimplyreflectthe demoof
graphiccompositionof the area. Estimates
the femalepopulationresidingin Skid Row
rangefrom6.5(McChesney1987)to 23 percent
(Robertsonet al. 1985).Eventhemostgenerous
estimateofthefemalepopulationindicatesthat
malesfaroutnumberfemales.Thus,even men
who wish to enter into a lover/spouserelasmall
tionshipare constrainedby a relatively
pool of availablefemalepeers.
Butthegenderimbalanceindemography
also
pointsto anotherfactorwhichmaymotivate
women to seek a lover/spouserelationship:
vulnerability
to physicalattack.Many homed
vulindividualsalso reportfeelingphysically
nerableintheircommunities;
however,homelesswomenmaybe atan increasedriskofattack
because of theirresidencein SkidRow. Many
womenmustsleep on thestreetiftheydo not
have the moneyfora hotel,since the shelter
resourcesforwomenin the SkidRowarea are
inadequate.As a result,homelesswomenmay

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Rowe and Woich

192

kit~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
K~~~~Fgr

oees

withmento satisfy
imenterintorelationships
mediateneeds forprotection.In thisway,the
lover/spouse relationshipfunctionsin the
mannerof a home-base.
The locationof one's partnerservesadditionalhome-basefunctions.For example,the
lover/spouseis a personto whombelongings
and messagescan be entrusted.The relationship allows fora pooling of resourcesand a
"domestic"divisionof labor(Fig.4). Also sigthe lover/spouse,
to whomone renificantly,
turnseach day,createssome degree of timein the dailypath.In effect,a
space continuity
ratherthan
personbecomesthepointofreturn,
the place.

Rita and Paul provide an example of the

home-basefunctionsof the lover/spouserelationship.One memberof the couple would
staywithall theirbelongings,at or near the
currentsleepingarea. The partnerwouldthus
be freeto leaveandsecureresourcesnecessary
forsurvival.
Forexample,Paulwouldoftenstay
in the parkat Firstand Broadway,where the
couple had spentthe night,whileRitasought

opepeaigdne

j4

legal aid, panhandledfor money and then

boughtfood for the couple's eveningmeal.
Whileshe was gone,access to herpossessions
was controlledbyPaul,and messagescould be
leftforherthroughhim.Paul'slocationinthe
park(orotherresting
spot)wasthepivotalpoint
forRita'sdailypath;itwaswhereherdaybegan
and ended (Fig.5).
are based
Many lover/spouserelationships
These
on mutualaffection
and companionship.
relationships
can be a sourceofemotionalsupand positiveself-esteem.
The export,identity
tent of positiveself-esteemaffordedto the
homelesswoman maydepend on the nature
of her relationship
and the partner'sstanding
in the homelesscommunity.
The durationof
the relationship
influencesthe woman'sselfdefinitionas a partner.This identitycan be
reinforcedby communityrecognitionof a
woman'sstatusas a particularman's loveror
spouse. Such recognitioncan affordher protectionfromharassment
even when her partner is not physically
present.
fromPam'sinterview
how
Excerpts
illustrate

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

24

ffi

Parkat Broadway
& FirstStreets

22

20

A
I

(dinner,
_l sleep)

Paul
-

(Safeguarding4fi

GrandCentralMarket
(Shop forfood)

couple's i
posessions)

16

18

193

14

<

12

Rita'sPanhandling
Spot

(City Hall)

10
08

06

InnerCityLaw Center
(Legal aid counseling)

04
02

00PAUL

Parkat Broadway

<

RITA

& FirstStreets

Space-

(a)

Time

Space Prism

ALAMEDAST.

CD)

Inner City
Law Center

~~~~~2

CityHall
PanhandlingSpot 3
Park at Broadway 1, 5
& First

W
W

MAINST.

Grand Central Market

(b) SketchMap of Rita's Stationsand Path in Skid Row Area

Figure 5.

A typicaldaily path for Rita and Paul.

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194

Rowe and Wolch

herrelationship
withherhusbandTeachplayed
a positiverole in her life.Upon theirarrivalin
the couple's car was impounded.
California,
Withoutresourcesto recoverthevehicleor to
obtainsleepingquarters,the twowere forced
to walk the streetsof Santa Monica forfour
daysbeforetheyfoundshelter.Pam was four
monthspregnantat the time.Teach provided
Pamwithvitalencouragement,
nutrition,
companionshipand emotionalsupport. He also
represented
thecouple ininteractions
withauthority
figures.
Pam:We didn'thaveno way,we didn'thavenothin'to eat and thereain'tno missions
or nothin'out
therein SantaMonicaat all.... [H]e was tryin'to
make a game of it, you know.And, you know,
singing
and"A littlebitfurther."
andlaughin'
Jokin'
and stuff.
And I knewhe wastiredbutI thoughtI
was gonna just drop over,I was exhausted.And
whenwe gotinthehotelon NewYear'sEveI slept
throughit. I sleptfortwo days,you know.He'd
wakeme up and ask me,and giveme a drinkand
askme did I wantsomethin'to eat and I'd sayno.
You know,and he'd makeme ... I rememberbananas,that'swhathe wasfeedingme,becausethey
was easy,you know,to get down.

Pam'sroleas Teach'swifeand themotherof

theirchildprovidedherwitha positivesense
Theirrelationship
of identity
and self-esteem.
(likethatof Paul and Rita)was based on reciprocityand mutualsupport.However,many
homelesswomen (like theirhomed counterparts)are involvedin lover/spouserelationTheir
shipswhichareabusiveand/orexploitive.
social
threatening
locale,absenceoftraditional
and vulnerability
to physicalattack
networks,
oftenleadthemto toleratethenegativeaspects
A relationship
of lover/spouserelationships.
maystillservethe logisticaland materialfunctionsofthehome-base,buttheeffecton idenWith
tityand self-esteemcan be devastating.
no alternativehome-base,homelesswomen
oftenen(again,liketheirhomedcounterparts)
dure predictablepatternsof abuse fromtheir
danpartnerratherthanfacetheunpredictable
gersof the streetsalone.
WhentheLoveCampwasdispersed,Lisaand
herlover,Matt,movedintoa SkidRow hotel.
MattstayedintheroomwhileLisapanhandled
to meetthe couple's dailyneeds. Lisawas amwithMatt.She
bivalentabout herrelationship
abusiveandthat
admittedthathe wasphysically
he exploitedher,butshe continuedto remain
withhim.

twopeople on tendollars
Lisa:Me, I'msupporting
a day.The otherdayI gothomeand he waspissed
offbecauseI onlyhad$12.... WhenI come home,
I'llputmoney
I'lltakemychangeI have,sometimes
init.Wrapitup and putitinmylittlehidingplace.
He has yet to findit.... You see all these little
dollar
blackand blues?Becausehe wantsa fucking
and a quarter?I said,"Nope, sorry."But I don't
havethe moneyto move.

AlthoughMattinsultedherand undermined
Lisaseemed to preferthissitherself-esteem,
uationto the prospectof facinglifeon the
streetsalone. She did assertherindependence
from
byhidingmoneyand cigarettes
covertly,
Matt,butthe priceshe paid forthiswas often
physicalabuse.
InformalStreetEncampments
streetencampin an informal
Participation
forhomementcanalsoserveas a replacement
base and hence recreatestime-spacecontinuityforhomelesswomen(as wellas forsingle
men and couples). In SkidRow such informal
oftenbecomecooperativegroups
communities
whichorganizeto providesecurityforcommunitymembersand theirpossessions(Fig.6).
as a contextforsoThe camp also functions
cial interaction.It is a place where messages
of concernto the
can be leftand information
and utiis shared.The formation
community
by
lizationofsocialnetworksis thusfacilitated
participationin the community.These netmateworksbecome the sourcesof logistical,
rialand emotionalsupportonce providedby
networkspriorto the homelesseptraditional
are oftennamed(e.g.,
isode. The communities
Love Camp) and manyresidents
Justiceville,
themselvesas members.A diproudlyidentify
typvisionoflaborand delegationofauthority
icallyoccurunderthedirectionoftheinformal
in the group'sdecision
leaders.Participation
projects,such
makingprocessand community
as cookingand cleaning,can heightenself-esas a productiveand
teemand promoteidentity
memberof camp life.
contributing
Because encampmentsare so highlyvisible,
autheyare oftendispersedbygovernmental
Membersofthedisruptedgroupfrethorities.
quentlymigrateto new sites en masse,thus
continuityin the social network
maintaining
Forrelatively
even thoughtheirlocationshifts.
thecamp
shortperiodsoftime(weeks,months),

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HomelessWomenin Los Angeles

195

V_
-SECURITY.

at LoveCamp.
Figure6. Securityoffice/residence

becomes a stablepointof returnin the daily

pathsof itsresidents.
herselfas one of the
Lisaproudlyidentified
originalmembersoftheLoveCamp.The camp
providedLisa withtime-spacecontinuityby
as a home-baseand allowingLisa
functioning
to expandher social network.Homed friends
becamefriends
offellowresidents
andrelatives
and resourcesto Lisa.Lisarecognizedthatthe
lifeare thosethathave
"veterans"oftransient
and dealwithtimeacceptedenforcedmobility
peer netby maintaining
space discontinuity
works.
Lisa:... Otis,Sue,Roger,allthesepeople thatlived
on our side of the streethad been thereforall
thosemonths.Theyhad been togetherforyears.
Theywere used to thisbeing moved fromone
placetoanother.Linda,whohadbeenon thestreet
forsevenyears,hey,thiswasnothingnewto them.
We'rejustgettingmovedagain.They'dgone from
one parkinglot to another.Thiswas nothing,to
sayhey,yougot to pack up and go.

are continuousand
Because thesenetworks
close knit,thereis a measureof controlover
outsideaccess to thegroup'slocale. Members
of the encampmentknow who "belongs" in
thearea.Thisprovidesprotectionand security
forcamp membersand theirpossessions.For
example,Lisastressedtheprotectionprovided
bythe encampment.Priorto her relationship
withMatt,she was marriedto anotherabusive
man. Duringher stayat the Love Camp, she
to leave him.The sourceof
foundthestrength
and support
thatstrengthwas the continuity
of her peer networkat the Love Camp, enand leave the
ablingherto asserther identity
abusiverelationship.
Lisa:... I justone daysaidthat'sit.That'sit,and I
and I movedup Towne Street.ButI
got mystuff
had 20 people to watchmyback over the guy.
Because he would have hurtme, but there's20
people thatdidn'tlike him,thatdidn'tlike him
because of whathe was doingto me. So I didn't
haveto worryabout it.

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196

Rowe and Wolch

Althoughlackinga roofand fourwalls,resoftenallow

identsfeelthatstreetencampments
a morestablelifewithbetterqualitythanresidence in a SkidRow hotelor shelter;no resourcesmustbe divertedto payrent,and the
isnotconstrained
individual
byhotelor shelter
management
(whichoftenlimitsthe duration
ofresidence,imposescurfews,
and/orrestricts
As Ritaexplains:
visitors).
Rita:And that'swhypeople stayon the streets
because theirmoney.... At leasttheycan buy
I meanthissounds
shampoo,washinthewashroom,
crazybut itstrue.Theycan buy cigarettes,
they
can buyfood,certainthingsthattheyneed, personalproducts.... [Ina hotelor shelter][Y]ougot
a roombutnone ofyourneedsare metexceptfor
shelter.

in the informal
communiThus,participation
tiesmayactuallyincreaseindividual
choiceand
self-determination,
and provide excess resourceswhichcan be accumulatedforinvestmentin longer-term
projects.
As encampments
growin size and visibility,
theyoftenreceivedonationsfromchurchand
communityorganizations.Grillsfor cooking,
food,clothing,and personalgoods were distributedamongLove Camp members,forexample. A camp thuspromotesmaterialaccumulation,and servesas a source fordonated
utigoods. Thishelpsthe residentseffectively
lize theirlimitedstockof resources.Lisatells
how variousgroupsand individualsdonated
itemsto the Love Camp. She mournsthe loss
ofthesematerialgoods whichhad to be abandoned once the groupwas dispersed.
Lisa:Butwhatwasupsetting
wasthatso manypeople haddonatedso manythingsto us.Forinstance,
aid. We
withall the healthsupplies,first
Thrifty's
hadthegrillsthatpeople donated.Thosebeautiful
grillsthatthe churchpeople donated.The tents
thatthechurchpeople donated.FredJordan's
gave
me mine.

Homeless Interactionswiththe
Homed Community:
Homed Networks
withthe peer
Althoughsocial interactions
networkmaydominatethe socialnetworksof
homelesswomen, contactswith the homed
are also vital.In manyrespects,the
community
whichlead to socialtieswithhomed
activities
suchas panhandling
individuals,
and obtaining

formalwelfareservices,replacethoseformed
The locawithinthe contextof employment.
tionofinteractions
withthehomedcommunity
istypically
fixedintimeand space,allowingthe
somedegree
homelessindividual
to reestablish
inthedailypath.Also,
oftime-spacecontinuity
institutionalized
normsofbehavior(acceptable
rulesgoverning
panhandling
sites,bureaucratic
welfare-recipient
activities)tend to structure
theinteractions
betweenhomelesswomenand
theirhomednetworks.
Aswithpeer networks,
and
homed networkscan undermineidentity
self-esteem.They can also provide essential
material
andemotionalresourcesand reinforce
when the
particularly
time-spacecontinuity,
relationships
transcendtheirdefiningcharacwelfarerecipient/social
ter(panhandler/client,
worker).
Panhandling
Manyhomelesswomenrelyon panhandling
activities
to providetheresourcesnecessaryto
In
meet theirdailysubsistencerequirements.
thissense, panhandlingis analogousto a job.
Most panhandlershave a fixedsite, around
whichtheirdailypathsrevolve.Asa result,
many
occur withinthis
of theirsocial interactions
context. At times, homeless women form
friendlyrelationshipswith membersof the
whom theyregularly
enhomed community
counter. The social networksformedwith
through
membersof the homed community
panhandlingcan be sourcesof logistical,material and emotionalsupport,and serve as
sources of positiveself-esteemfor homeless
women.
Lisapanhandledin frontofClifton'sCafeteria,whichhas a largeelderlyclientele.Often
shewrotelettersorcleanedhouseforher"regulars,"even iftheycould not pay herforher
servicesatthetime.Thisreciprocalrelationship
herself
as a helpful,
allowedLisato identify
productiveperson.
Lisa:There'sa guythatcomesfromLomaLinda
manthatI methere
a 93-year-old
everySunday,
andhesays
onedayI askedhimforsomechange,
to his
"Canyouwrite?"....AndI wrotea letter
I didevery
daughter....Andthatgottobea thing
from
forhim.I gotlunchandfivedollars
Sunday
himforwriting
a fewletters....AndlastSunday
he wasrealupsetbecausehe'sbeenlowon cash.
He says,"I don'thaveanymoneyto giveyou."
I said.
that'sok,no problem,"
"Arthur,

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

Women who panhandlemaybe perceived

as less threatening
by the homed community
thantheirmalecounterparts,
facilitating
social
interaction
and the formation
of friendly
relationships.
But women who panhandlemust
also faceabusivebehaviorfrompassersby.
The
mostdegrading
formofsuchabuse isthesexual
propositions
thewomenmustendureon a frequent basis.To preserveher self-esteem,
Lisa
had drawndefiniteboundariesin her interactionswithherpatrons.She distinguished
herselffromwomenwho are prostitutes,
inan effortto preserveheridentity
and self-esteem.
Lisa:I havepeoplethatsay,"Hey,I'llgiveyoutwentydollars
ifyoucomeuptomyroom.I gotmoney
movie
"Wanttogotoa dirty
upthere."Nothanks.
withme?""Youwanna,
youknow.""CanI touch
you?IfI cantouchyouI'llgiveyousomemoney."
No, no ... I'm nota hooker,I'mnota prostitute."

Manywomenare proud of theiridentity

as
a panhandlerbecause theydo nothaveto rely
for
solelyon public or charitableinstitutions
theirsupport.Panhandling
providesan undocumentedsource of incomethatsupplements
or replacesinstitutional
assistancewithoutafforwelfareprograms.When
fectingeligibility
and wherean individual
panhandlesisa matter
of personalchoice. An individualcan panhandle as long and as oftenas she chooses, dependingon immediateneeds. Thus,the daily
path of the individualis definedby personal
considerationsratherthan by the authority
constraints
imposedbyinstitutional
supportand
serviceproviders.Butat the same time,pansourceofincome,
handlingisan unpredictable
ofresourcesforlongtheaccumulation
making
terminvestment
difficult.
Lisa:Mypreference
isI'mgoingto go panhandle,
I'llmakemoremoneydoingthat.Andso fora
dollars.
coupleofdaysI madeforty
Ah,hey,I'm
dolgood.Then,allofa suddenitwentfrom
forty
Itwasboom,a
larsto almostten,twelvedollars.
realdrop.
constraints
do
Moreover,at timesauthority
interfere
witha woman'sabilityto panhandle.
Ritaworkedin frontof CityHall forseveral
monthsbeforeshe was threatenedwitharrest
ifshe returned.In the absence of a suitable
siteand the loss of associatedinpanhandling
come and socialinteraction,
Ritaand Paulwere
forcedto finda substitutefortheirinformal
meansof support.Ultimately,
theyhad to rely
solelyon formalpublicassistance.

197

and Homed
FormalInstitutions
ServiceProviders
of
affectthemaintenance
Formalinstitutions
in similarwaysforthe
time-spacecontinuity
indefining
homedand homelesscommunities:
to the
socialinteraction
dailypaths,bylimiting
locale,and by providingmaterial
institutional
does not
resources.Butthehomelessindividual
have a home-baseor permanentmailingaddressto facilitateconsistentservicedelivery.
This,coupled withthe homelessindividual's
to storeand accumulateresourcesor
inability
social networksas means
to utilizetraditional
resourcesand social
ofsupport,makesmaterial
serviceprolinkedto institutional
interactions
vidersmorecrucialto well-being.Atthesame
time,accessto theseresourcesmaybe difficult
for the homeless,due to bureaucraticrules
linkingaid to keeping rigid appointment
schedules,completingjob searchesand work
of inprojects,and providingdocumentation
come and expenditures.
withserviceproviders
Ongoingrelationships
are important
sourcesoftime-spacecontinuity
formanyhomelesswomen.Accessto the serbythe factthatthe
vice provideris facilitated
withthe providisfamiliar
homelessindividual
er's dailypath,as it is definedby the service
The homeless person, however,
institution.
mustconformherdailypathto thatoftheproviderifshe is to gainaccess to thissource of
can facilitate
access,
support.Serviceproviders
and, at times,providepersonalsupport.Personal relationshipswhich go beyond the
professionalrole of the serviceproviderare
rare,but whentheydo occur theyare botha
welcomesourceofsupportas wellas a source
of positiveself-esteem.
withMrs.Smith,
Pamstruckup a relationship
the wifeof a founderof a local mission.This
statusin oballowed her priority
relationship
tainingfood and clothingfromthe mission.
Often,whileshe and Teach were livingat the
Love Camp,theywould stop in at the mission
duringthe courseoftheirdailypath,and supwith
plementtheirpublicassistancepayments
suppliesdonatedto thembythe mission.Pam
as one of Mrs.Smith'sfarelishedheridentity
voritesand indicatedthatone of the mission
workershad once been severelyreprimanded
byMrs."S" fornotknowingwhoshe(Pam)was
andfordenyingherdirectaccessto Mrs.Smith.
supportfroma
Jane,too, receivedinformal

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198

Rowe and Wolch

social workerwiththe Los Angeles County Departmentof Children'sProtectiveServices.This

relationship not only provided material support for Janeand her family,but the personal
attentionenhanced Jane'ssense of self-esteem.
Jane:The ladyfromProtectiveServicedid somewentoversomebody'shead."Thisladyneeds
thing,
moneyrightaway."Andthatlady,blessherheart,
she gave me and mykidsa hundreddollars,her
own personalcheck,out of herown account.
Jane'sexperiences withthe service providers
did not always enhance her self-esteem,however. She related an experience with her case
worker,which occurred followingthe theftof
her purse (and all of her money)froma shelter.
She called her worker and requested that her
nextcheck be issued early.Janeexpressed frustration that her worker would not recognize
her individuality,that she was not like some of
the other women receivingwelfarewho might
use their monies to buy drugs or alcohol. By
herselffromother recipients,she
distinguishing
affirmedher identityand esteem as a good
mother and provider.
Jane:I thinkeverything
wouldgo smoothly
at ah,
the Departmentof PublicSocial Servicesifthey
treatedyou likea clientand not likesome tramp
on thestreet.... I'mnotthetypeofpersonto just,
liketheyhave thesewomenthat'sjust on drugs
and spend theirwhole welfarecheck on things
theynotsupposedto.Theydon'tpaytheirrentor
takecare oftheirkidsand that,youknow.... [Ilt's
likeyou,you'renobody,you'rejusta set of numbersto thosepeople. That'sallyouare.You'renot
human.You don't supposedto have anyfeeling.
Ifyou do you betterput themon the bottomof
yourfeet,and that'sit.
Many service recipients express frustration
in a service delivery system which they feel
refusesto recognize theirindividualneeds and
desires. The institutional/bureaucratic
routines
and the physical design of the facilityand its
interiorspace may also contributeto thisfeeling of frustrationby inhibitingthe homeless
individual'sabilityto formand maintaina continuous, friendlyrelationship with a service
provider. For example, Pam complained that
she has been shiftedfromcaseworker to caseworker,decreasing the likelihood thatshe will
establish a continuous formal or informalrelationshipwith a worker.
Cathy was actively working to reestablish
time-space continuity,by findingan apartment
for herselfand her son. But she was inhibited

bythe poor recordofthe Los AngelesCounty

Departmentof PublicSocialServices(DPSS) in
regularly
providing
thenecessaryfinances.She
complainedthatlandlordsin the Los Angeles
areawereawareoftheproblemsrecipients
encounterwithmaintaining
eligibility
and paymentsdue to DPSS policiesand procedures.
Theyare thereforeoftenunwilling
to rentto
welfarerecipients.
Cathyand JanediscussedCathy'sattemptto
findan apartment
thatshe feltwasofadequate
quality:
won'trentto youwhenyou'reon
Cathy:
[T]hey

AFDC. Unlessit'sa rathole downtownor something.Butuh, it'snota dependablesourceof income. It'smonth-to-month

eligibility.
Jane:You can get cut offat anytime,ifyou get
over twenty-five
dollarsa week you can get cut
off.Up to twenty-five
dollars,theywantthatreported,right?

in the Daily/life
Transformation
PathDialectic: Constructionof
the Homeless Identity
The deprivations
whichaccompanyhomelessnesslead manyhomelessindividuals
to place
a greateremphasison thesatisfaction
ofshorttermneeds and objectives.As a result,the esof long-term
tablishment
and fulfillment
goals
are subordinatedand supportiveelementsin
the socialnetworkcan become alienated.The
dailypathof the individualis oftenfullydedicated to meetingthe subsistencerequirementsforthatday,blockinglong-term
efforts
to escape fromthe homelesscondition.The
recursiverelationship
betweenthe dailypath
and lifepathisthusaltered,as immediate
priorities supercede the prioritiesof the life path.

Hence, the experientialbasisforself-identity

becomes static. The definitionof "self-ashomeless" becomes deeply ingrainedas the
meansand the willto escape chronichomelessness deteriorate simultaneously and syn-

ergistically.
Welfareprograms
supplyresourcesthatcan
be used to maintainor establisha home base,
butsuch programsoftenstressthe satisfaction
of short-term,
emergencyneeds ratherthan
Delong-termquality-of-life
improvements.
cisionsprovokedbycrisissituations
can disrupt
and lead
positiveclient-provider
relationships
to thewithdrawal
ofthe informal
assistanceby

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

the serviceworker.Forexample,at one point

in her homelessepisode, the immediacyof
Cathy'sneeds required expediencyand the
oflong-range
subordination
considerations.
She
therefore
riskedlosingthesupportofhersocial
worker,withwhomshe maintained
a good relationship,
byenlisting
the aid of a welfareadvocate(Kelly)froma privateagencyto resolve
an immediateproblemwithhereligibility.
Cathy:My supervisor'smad at me, cause I took
Kellydown thereand afterthatshe ain't never
meforthat,I can'tgetnofavors
forgave
no more....

Welfareeligibility
and serviceprovisionare
oftenerratic,as we have alreadymentioned.
The constantrenegotiation
ofbenefitsand requirementsundermineslonger-runplanning.
ForCathy,thisaspectof homelessness
was deand affectedherself-esteem.
bilitating
Cathy:[Ifeel]depressed,poor,youknow.... You're
just barelymakin'it. I'm veryunhappybeingon
welfare,veryunhappy.... There'sjust no hope.
There'sno futurein it.

Supportive social networkscan also be

ephemeraland erratic,
efforts
to use
frustrating
the resourcesthey providefor longer-term
plan-making.
Forexample,lover/spouserelacan crumblequicklyundertheweight
tionships
of crushingproblemsof partners,
particularly
drugaddiction.Informal
aredisencampments
turbed,oftenleavingindividual
members
adrift.
Friendswithinthe peer networkmayrespond
to personalproblemswithmobility;
theymay
be jailedor institutionalized
or theirhomeless
episode can come to an end upon finding
accommodation.Panhandlingcontactscan disappear or be lostas the panhandleris forced
to relinquishher habitual
by local authorities
location.AsCathyand Pam'scases indicate,rewithserviceproviderscan be dislationships
turbedboth by the pressof immediateneeds
and bybureaucratic
fiat.
Thisinstability
in networksupportsleads to
frequentsubstitution
amongavailablesupport
sources,whichinitselfdemandsimmediate
attentionand divertsenergiesawayfromlongterm strategiesfor reentryinto the homed
mainstream.
The resultis prolonged homelessnessand a transformation
in identityand
self-esteem.
Such substitution
betweenmembers of supportivenetworkswas a common
copingmechanism
forthewomeninour sample,e.g.,thesupportoffellowmembersofthe
LoveCampfilledthegap leftbythedissolution

199

of Lisa'smarriage.
Hersubsequentrelationship
withMatt,in turn,helped her cope withthe
dispersalof Love Camp.Ritaand Paulalternated betweenthesupportofpanhandling
clients
and socialserviceproviders.When Teach was
jailed and faced extradition
to anotherstate,
Pam was forcedto turnto social servicesto
provideforherdaughterand herself.
Successin meetingimmediatedailyneeds is
not withoutcost, however.While effectively
copingwithsurvivalneeds can be a sourceof
positiveself-worth
and personalidentity,
the
identity
beingreinforced
is the"self-as-homeless" or "self-as-recipient."
Thus,Pam'sability
to manipulate
thesocialservicesystem
gaveher
a senseofindependence,accomplishment
and
success;but she was stilla recipientand continuedtofacetheday-to-day
ofhomestruggle
lessness.The devaluedand degradedSkidRow
localealsocontributes
to thelossofself-esteem
and theadoptionofa "self-as-homeless"
identity.Ritadiscusseshowthephysicaldesignand
temporalorganizationof a PaymentOfficeof
the Los AngelesCountyDepartmentof Public
SocialServicescontributes
to thefrustration
of
bothclientsand socialworkers.The partitioningof the space createsphysicaland psychologicalbarriersbetweenthe clientsand staff.
Thisseparationinhibits
informal
socialcontact
and reinforces
the homelessindividual's
definitionof selfas recipient.
Rita:That'sterrible,
thesepeople haveto standin
thatline forso long,and they'vegot too many
windowsfordifferent
things,too manywindows.
It's too confusing,
too manynumbers,that'sall
they'recallingall daylongis numbers.... There's
nothingbut confusionand chaos all day long in
thatplace and it'sverymentally
to the
disturbing,
fullestdegree,especiallywhenyou'rein need.
Rita's husband Paul indicates the recursive
relationshipbetween self-imageand the locale
of Skid Row.
Paul:A slumarea isa slumattitude,
theycan keep
youina slumattitude
bykeepingyouinslumplaces.
Notgivingyoutheopportunity
to do nothing....
Whenyougo intothoseold hotelsdownthereand
there'scigarettebuttsall overthe floor.So when
you'resmoking,you automatically
throwa cigarettebuttonto the floor.It'sthere,so one more
isn'tgoingto hurt.Andit'snotgoingtogetcleaned
up, so who reallycares?

The devalued natureof the locale was not

passivelyaccepted by the membersof Love
allow
Camp,however.Informal
encampments

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Rowe and Wolch

200

_S4-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
7 Clean-upDayattheprkonFta
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~A

D__~~~~~~~~~0

I'm

~ ~

[~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

~~~~~~~~~~I

Figure7. Clean-upDay at the parkon Firstand Broadway.

homelessresidentsto investtimeand energies

in improving
the camp'senvironsby cleaning
and keepingtentsand belongingsinorder(Fig.
7).Thepridedisplayedinthecamp'scleanliness
Skid Row streets
relativeto the surrounding
as
enhanced the camp members'self-worth
contributing
citizens.
Lisa:We gotthe cityto say"Look,you'redoinga
betterjob cleaningup." Becausewhentheyused

to come down, our street was spotless ....

They

would bringus down hoses,brooms,degreaser,

whateverwe needed.... [W]ewouldmoveallour
stuffinto the street,... and scrubthe sidewalk
down.... [Ejverybody
wascleaningouttheirtents,
gotreallycleaned
sweepingstuff
out,so everything
out....
However, the camp became so supportive
thatresidentsattemptedto remainon the sidewalk and build quasi-permanent structures
(plywoood "homes") as a personal long-term
"solution" to a more transienthomeless existence. The intentwas not to rejoin mainstream
society, but instead to remain as a member of

a homeless streetcommunity.This strategyultimatelybackfiredwhen itconflictedwithpublic policy goals:

Lisa:That'sanotherreasonwhytheythrewus off
structhe streets.Becausepeople had permanent
structures.Theyconsideredthetentspermanent
witha nailtheyconsidereda
tures... anything
... too manystartedmaking
structure
permanent
homes,and you know,you can't do that.It took
so longforusto buildthatupandtookfiveminutes
to tearitdown.
Daily pathswere also affectedby camp members' complacent attitudetoward theircircumstances. The visibilityof the encampment allowed the group to receive and accumulate
donated goods. Many more homeless people
came to the encampment after it generated
media attention,swelling the size of the community.This, along with the camp's growing
resource base, encouraged residents to alter
theirdailypathsand spend almost all theirtime
at the encampment, partiallyor totallyaban-

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

doning other subsistencestrategies.Instead,

membersgrewrelianton donatedprovisions.
Lisa is criticalof thischange in behaviorand
the dependencythataccompaniedit.
Lisa:Wegottoobig,peoplestarted
getting
greedy,
whenpeoplestarted
believing
thatsomebody
owes
you something,that's when your attitude
changes....
Formostindividuals,
thehardships
ofhomelessnessin the Skid Row environment
transformpersonalidentity
self-worth.
and diminish
The ongoingsupportiveelementsof homeless
social networksstandin the wayof totalmaterialand emotionaldevastation,and constitutethesole brakeon a downwardspiraling
of
personalvalueand identity.
Homelesswomen
in our samplestressedthe importance
oftheir
socialrelationships,
and the time-spacecontinuitythoserelationships
provided,inpreventinga completecollapseofpriorpersonalidenAfter
a failure
tityand self-esteem.
oftraditional
social networksto provideadequate support
and thuspreventthe onset of homelessness,
the homelesssocialnetworkprovedso critical
to materialand emotionalwelfarethat the
as "homelesscommuadoptionof an identity
nitymember,""panhandler,"or as a service
provider's"favorite"was readilyembraced.
Whilethe acceptanceof these new identities
servesa positivefunction
inmeetingdailyneeds
and maintaining
self-esteemwithinthe geographicand social contextof homelessness,it
worksagainstdevelopingboththe means,and
the will,to execute long-term
projectsaimed
at reentering
mainstream
society.

Summaryand Conclusions
Our findings
revealthe fundamental
structure of social networksamong the homeless
womenin oursampleand providecluesabout
the networksof homelesspeople more generally.The women's networkshave peer and
homed sub-parts,both of whichare typically
removedfromtheir
sociallyand geographically
priorresidentialcommunity.Both peer and
homednetworks
are centralin helpinghomelesswomenreestablish
time-spacecontinuity.
The rebuildingprocessproceeds byreplacing
ofa spatially-fixed
thefunctions
home-baseand
social interactions
workplacewithsignificant
occurringat variablelocations.Such interac-

201

tionsinvolvefriends,
family,
or a lover/spouse;
encampmentcommunities;panhandlingpatrons;and socialserviceproviders.Forhomelesswomen,lover/spouse
relationships
notonly
provideemotionalsupport,but likea homebase,supplyprotection
and a constantpointof
referenceinthedailypath.Informal
streetencampmentsare more directhome-basesubstitutes,
despitethe factthattheyare subject
to enforcedmobilityby police sweeps. Panhandlingand socialserviceprovidersfunction
likea job in threeways,byproviding
cashand
in-kindincome,bystructuring
the individual's
dailypath,and bycreatinga set of socialcontactswhichcanandoftendo provideemotional
and materialresourcesbeyondgivingalmsor
publicassistancegrants.
Like their homed counterparts,homeless
womenactivelysubstitute
relianceon one social networkmemberforanotheras everyday
exigenciesand geographicalaccessibility
demand.Panhandling,
suddenlyprohibited,
is replaced by publicassistance;one serviceprovideris replacedby another;spouses exit,to
be replacedby a lover.In thisway,homeless
womenmarshall
theirresourcesand maximize
the supportprovidedbytheirsocial network.
Finally,the impactof homelesssocial networkson personalidentity
andself-esteem
varies both withinand between networkcomponents.Socialtiesmayhavebothpositiveand
negativeeffectson self-definition
and morale.
The "self-as-homeless"
identity
maybe readily
adopted, if the experienceof homelessness
bringswithit a clearly-defined
role,recognition(as a leaderor advocate,forexample),notorietyor otherformsof attentionpreviously
to theindividual.
unavailable
Butfarmorecommon,we suspect,are devastatingimpactson
identity
and self-esteem.
Alongwiththe short
timehorizonenforcedbybeinghomeless,precarioussocialnetworks
anda threatening
locale
can alterthe individual's
daily/life
pathdialectic. Long-term
investments
forimproving
the
lifepath are postponedand resignation
to a
negative"self-as-homeless"
deterioidentity,
ratingself-esteem,
and hopelessnessare commonand difficult
to resist.Butthesupportprovided (either periodicallyor habitually)by
homelesssocial networksmayparallelshelter
itselfin its impacton the qualityof lifefor
homelesswomen.
Theresearchsuggestsa variety
ofhypotheses
and questionsto be exploredinfuturestudies.

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202

Rowe and Wolch

First,our samplewas small.Analyticmethods

(suchas surveyresearch)thatpermitlargersample sizes would be usefulto expand on our
researchfindings.
Second,thefocusofourethnographicworkwas homelesswomen.An obviousquestionis: how do socialnetworksand
dailypathsdifferamong homelesssub-populations?Does the compositionor densityof
socialnetworks
orthespatialrangeofdailypaths
formenandwomen,discreteage groups,
differ
racial/ethnic
minorities,
type and degree of
new homelessand old? Moreover,
disability,
insocialnetworks
do observeddifferences
and
dailypathsbetweenhomelesssubgroupshave
parallels in comparable groups withinthe
homed population?Further
analysiscould indicatethe extentto whichhomelessnetworks
in time-spaceare the resultof situation(the
homelesscondition)or stem fromindividual
or demography).
Third,
characteristics
(disability
LosAngeleswelfareand policepoliciesand the
natureoftheSkidRowenvironment
werecriticalto ouranalysis,
suggesting
thatthepolitical
economic and geographiccontextwill contributeto the structure
and functionof social
networks
and theconfiguration
of dailypaths.
How much influencedoes the locale and its
perceivedqualityexerton socialnetworkformation,and conceptionsofself?Thisquestion
shouldbe exploredbysystematic,
comparative
ethnographicresearch incorporatingtimebudgetanalysisand cognitivemappingtechniques,at a variety
of urbansites(as described
in Rowe and Wolch 1989).
Our studyalso haspublicpolicyimplications.
to assisthomelesspeople in
Concertedefforts
rebuildingtheirsocialnetworksmaybe a vital
additionto theservicearsenal.Currentservice
provisionfocuseson the materialdeprivation
ofthehomeless.Our researchsuggeststhatthe
socialeffectsof homelessnessare notonlyrelatedto materialconditions,but these conditionsare in themselvesa consequence of the
Thisimpliesthat
socialcontextofhomelessness.
the provisionof safe, neutralspace where
homelesspeople can socialize,eat, leave beand plantheirongoingactivities
may
longings,
be valuable.Models forthistypeofspace may
includeprotectedvest-pocket
parksand dropincenters(see Cohen and Sokolovsky
1989for
a description
ofa drop-inprogramtargetedto
elderlyhomelessmen of New York'sBowery
district).Transitional,
congregateand communityhousing would provide time-space

the buildingof social

continuity
and facilitate
faced
muchoftheisolation
networks,
alleviating
homeless,and providethem
bythe (formerly)
in their
witha measureof self-determination
These housingprograms
livingenvironment.
only address the needs of a portionof the
due to thelimitednumhomelesscommunity,
of the
ber of availableunitsand the diversity
homelesspopulation.The designationof selected geographicalareas for homeless encampmentswould reinforcesocial networks
forthose who are
and time-spacecontinuity
unable to secure traditionalor congregate
proposal,
housing.Thisis a morecontroversial
oppositionwhichwould
giventhecommunity
located and
likelyresult,but ifappropriately
in size,oppositioncould be mitigatrestricted
ed.
The recoveryof social networksamongthe
homelessis essentialto solvingone of their
to organize.
mostcriticalproblems:theinability
Fromthisperspective,
theadoptionofa "selfcanactuallyprovidea baas-homeless"identity
sis by which homelessnesscan be ultimately
transcended.Throughrecognizingtheircomand organizinghomeless
mon circumstances
actiongroups,theotherwisediversehomeless
community
maybe able to forma socialmovementtargetedat placingtheirdemandson the
politicaland
politicalagenda,and influencing
serviceprovisiondecisionswhicheffecthomelessness.The currentlackofhomelesspolitical
powerleads policymakersawayfrommeeting
theirneeds forgreaterassistance,such as additionallow-costhousing,social services,job
trainingand employment.Thus the powerand exaclessnessof the homelessreinforces
homelesspeople
erbatestheirplight.Assisting
to rebuildtheirsocial networkscan empower
them,and inso doing,helpthemintheirstruggle to improvethe qualityof theirlives.

Acknowledgments
Thefinancial
supportoftheNationalScienceFoundationProgramin Geographyand RegionalScience
is gratefully
acknowledged.The authorswould like
to thankPatsyAsch,NancyLutkehaus,
JoanWeibeland MiOrlandoof the Anthropology
Department,
chael Dear of the GeographyDepartmentof the
ofSouthernCalifornia
forthe adviceand
University
Particisupporttheyprovidedto thisundertaking.
pantsintheLos AngelesHomelessResearchProject
seminaralso providedusefulcomments.
Suggestions
fromanonymous
refereesand StanleyD. Brunnwere

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Homeless Women in Los Angeles

particularly
helpfulinimproving
thepaper.Elizabeth
McAuliffe
and ElpidioRochaskillfully
drewmapsand
figures.
Finally,
thanksare due to the manywomen
and men on Skid Row who sharedtheirlivesand
providedinsight
intotheirsocialnetworks.
Itistheir
trustand respectthatis mostvaluable.Whilethose
listedabove providedvaluableassistanceintheproductionof thispaper,theyare not responsiblefor
anyerrorsor omissionsinthetext.The opinionsand
conclusionsare solelythe responsibility
of the authorsanddo notnecessarily
reflect
theviewsofthose
acknowledged.

Notes
1. Thisandallotherphotographs
arebyStacyRowe.
2. The conceptoftime-spacecontinuity
issimilar
to
Godkin'suse ofthenotionrootednessinhisstudy
ofalcoholics(Godkin1980),butplacesmoreemphasison the temporaldimension.

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