Koha Digest # 154

Front Page: THE RIGHT TO VOTE IN CHAOS

THE OLIVE OF THE ALBANIAN-SERB DIALOGUE
Date: 2 July 1997

EDITORIAL

THE STOMACH

by VETON SURROI

I had written some years go, but I again remembered it now, that the activities of the Serbian
president have been reminding me of the activities of the stomach: whatever touched is turned
into excrement.

This is the reason of the mixed feelings in me these days, regarding the relocation of the
Serbian president at the top of the FRY. On one hand, there is no reason why not to be happy
about his designation as president of Yugoslavia. If he continues his tradition, rump
Yugoslavia will be destroyed in the same way the League of Communists and SFRY did. On
the other hand, the consequences of such activities of a man with the touch of negative energy
are tragic for many people.

But, differing from other times, when the most negative personality of the Serbian history
could have acted without any big inspection from abroad, and thus enabled his bloody
adventures in Croatia and Bosnia, the Serbian president now can destroy his new toy only
under the observation of the international guards that have learned that such an irresponsible
individual is as good-willing as a pyromaniac with a cistern of fuel in his garden.

And, the new toy doesn't need much efforts for destruction. The state, whose constitution was
worded in a motel in Zabljak during one weekend, and whose prominent president was Zoran
Lilic, has no big image. Moreover, it is made up of a socialist state responsible of crimes
against humanity, and a contrabandist state where half of the population is paid pensions or
something else by the state. And, inside it pretends to comprise almost two million Albanians,
whose energy was proven incompatible with any statal form so far, called Yugoslavia or
Serbia.

As it usually happened with this man, his very feasible transfer to the head of the "FRY" will
be good news for the journalists (another unexploited topic) and bad news for his people
(another unexploited mandate).

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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ALBANIA

FAR WEST ELECTIONS

by REMZI LANI / Tirana

Kalashnyikovs that shoot during the day and kill during the
night; traps and threats for politicians; bombs that explode in
bars and cafes; aggressive speeches in insecure squares of
Albania; agreements that are signed during the day and not
respected during the night and soldiers of the "Alba" mission
who, serving as a decoration, chew gums on the streets of hot
Tirana - in some words describe the atmosphere in the small
Balkan country, that will have the early general elections on
Sunday (29 June), seen by everybody as a last chance to overcome
the anarchy and violence that resulted with 2000 killed. Albanian
elections can be called without any hesitations, "FAR WEST
ELECTIONS".

Nobody knows the exact number of Kalashnyikovs that are in the

hands of Albanians now, but they all know that Kalashnyikovs are
part of the electoral campaign. Leaders of political parties are
protected by military escorts and are prevented from
participating in rallies by the same military groups. President
Sali Berisha himself, was a target of an unsuccessful attempt in
a village near Durrës, but also in Elbasan and his birthplace
Tropoja many armed incidents took place during his electoral
campaign. The head of the socialists, Nano, was stopped by some
armed people from going to a rally in Mirëditë, and the car in
which the number 2 of his party, Mejdani, was travelling to Pukë,
was shot at. And it was even more dramatic when another DP leader
Leonard Demi, was held hostage by armed people in Sarandë for
several hours. Berisha gave up on his plans to go to Vlorë,
following the repeated death threats by rebel committees. Almost
all VIPs of Albanian politics have heard gun shots, besides the
cheering crowds.

News bulletins of Albanian Television begin with electoral

rallies and end with reports about killed people in duels of
armed gangs, or in conflicts between them and the police, or in
numerous accidents committed by uncontrolled shooting. These
days, Tirana is under severe control of police forces which don't
allow anyone without identification documents to enter the town.
And in Vlorë, the rebel capital, insurgents still control the
town that now looks deserted and destroyed. But, now there's no
doubt that the elections are going to be held on Sunday. Their
postponement would mean only postponement of anarchy. But the
term "free and fair elections" should be replaced maybe with the
term "acceptable elections". In conditions when the state of
emergency is still on, when free movement is almost impossible,

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when the Albanian state is in fact comprised by some segments
that can't coordinate, elections going to be held on Sunday can
be disputed by all parties.

Three signed agreements starting from 9 March of this year, have

still many unfulfilled obligations, enough to spark the usual
problems of the Albanian politics.

This electoral campaign can be characterized as a campaign free

of fantasies. Electoral speeches are full of attacks against
political rivals and it seems that Albanians, this time too, will
vote more "against" the other party, than "pro" their own party.
Berisha stands on one side asking people to vote against "rebel
communists" and Nano is on the other side asking people to vote
against "democratic thieves". The political scene looks very
extreme and with no chances for small parties.

It's hard to foretell the result of the Sunday elections. There

are no independent surveys of public opinion. And the fantastic
result of the elections held in May 1996 and manipulated widely
by the Democrats can not be used as a point of reference. But,
anyway the two superpowers of Albanian politics - Berisha's
democrats and Nano's socialists remain the main rivals. It's
obvious that socialists have more support in the rebelled south,
and democrats in the north. In central Albania where two largest
cities are, they have a more or less equal support.

The Sunday elections are more like a referendum for Berisha

himself, who has been criticized mostly by opposition and armed
rebels. The authoritarian Albanian leader, who, in times of the
largest unrest had prepared his resignation, managed to get back
to his known anti-communist vocabulary. Berisha has promised that
in case his party loses the elections, he will resign. The
campaign of his socialist rivals has become an anti-Berisha
campaign. But, the person who should replace the strong Albanian
leader is not yet known.

Differing from his previous electoral campaigns, Berisha is

fighting this campaign alone. His former allies - Republicans and
Ballists (Balli Kombëtar) abandoned him and created a group of
right parties, including the last dissidents of Berisha's party,
who created the Movement For Democracy.

The most important, but also the strangest, ally of Berisha, the
candidate for the Albanian royal throne, Leka Zogu, is one of his
severest critics. Albanian royalists have decided to support him
in the elections, maybe as a reward for the referendum on the
form of the regime, that has been their old request. Zogists will
give their vote to Berisha, in exchange for the referendum he
gave to them in a most unexpected way.

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Some surveys, that should be taken cautiously, say that monarchy
will win 20% of the votes. But it seems that the Party of
Legality that participates in elections can not win more than 5-6
per cent of votes. Thus, it will be the third party in the
country, and then it will have some importance. The advantage of
Leka I is that he represents something new, something unknown,
something amazing and he is the only person of the Albanian
political scene who is not responsible for the present crisis in
the country. But it's not sure that Leka's votes are going to be
Berisha's too. Leka seems to be more pragmatic than it was
thought.

And socialists have based their campaign on their forces rather

than on alliances with smaller parties. Their leader - Nano, made
his appearances in political rallies having prime-minister Fino
on his right and Gjinushi on his left. Maybe he needs the
alliance with Gjinushi because of the foreign public, since
Gjinushi's Social-Democratic Party is a member of the
International Socialist Organization, while Nano's party is still
waiting to become its member. It seems that socialists are more
worried about gaining the rule rather than about their image.
They left their disagreements and got united, old and young,
reformers and conservators, in a joint front against Berisha.
Elections in Albania will be maybe the most monitored elections
ever in Europe, after those in Bosnia, held last September.

About 500 OSCE observers and hundreds of others who represent the
European Council, the European Parliament and human rights
organizations, will monitor the electoral process, in which many
Albanians don't believe that much. The fear of manipulations is
still present although the large international presence, the
printing of the forms in Italy, having marked every voter with
an invisible sign, give some guarantees for the fairness of the
voting. Perhaps, bigger than this, is the fear from incidents
between angry militants of both sides.

"We fear for our safety. People are afraid. But we think that the
presence of 500 observers associated with the multinational force
will bring general safety in Albania", said the OSCE spokesman,
Melissa Fleming.

Foreign observers will be protected by 7.000 soldiers of the

Multinational Force named "Alba", present in Albania since early
April. Albanians who call "Alba's soldiers "armed tourists",
because of their passive stand and unclear mandate, hope that
"Alba" will get a more active role on the election day. But, it
seems that this is going to happen only partially. "Alba" will
not be implied in protecting or counting the votes, but only in
protecting international observers, and that is an indirect
implication. The international monitoring will be headed by

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Catherine Lalumiere, French member of European Parliament. She
will give a final report at the end of the elections. All
Albanian parties pledged to respect this report. "We know that
the situation in Albania is difficult for holding elections",
said Lalumiere. "But, without these elections the chaos and
violence will only become larger, and the situation for Albanian
people will be terrible". Lalumiere was accepted by all parties.
The Assistant US Secretary of State, John Schattuck, will also
be in Tirana heading the delegation of the US government
observers. Sending such a high state official to be an electoral
process observer is very unusual.

In the meantime, more and more people believe that the

international community is interested for an equal share of votes
between the main Albanian political parties. At the beginning,
there were rumors that the electoral results were already
prepared. Therefore recommendations that come from US and some
other European countries talk about further "national
reconciliation", or are in favor of another "coalition
government". Another part of this politics seem to be the
agreement reached in Rome thanks to the mediation of the Catholic
Community of St. Egidio. In it, parties pledged for a peaceful
political coexistence and for giving some important posts to the
next opposition, in case of a victory. But, before reaching this,
they have to pass the so called "day after", meaning the peaceful
acknowledgment of the results in a country where Kalashnyikovs
command. If Berisha wins, firstly he has to solve the Vlorë node,
and then other internal and external problems. If Nano wins, he
has to calm the country drowned in turmoil, without mentioning
the unreal promises of giving the money back. And no matter who
will win, irritated militants should be calmed and angry rebels
should be defeated. In both cases, a fear from a bloody fiesta,
from celebrations with machine gun fire exists. Something is
already known: regimes of post-anarchy are rarely democratic.
Albania is faced with a hard task. It has to close the era of
leaders and start an era of institutions. The first one is the
institution of free elections, that seem to be far away. Perhaps
the main task of the next government will be... the preparation
of free and fair elections.

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INTERVIEW

SABRI GODO, Chairman of the Republican Party of Albania

I WILL TRY TO QUIT POLITICS

Interviewed by MANJOLA TËRSHANA / Tirana

KOHA: In case that the "proportional law" is not changed, what

will the right wing do? Could it be that you will not participate
in the elections?

GODO: One thing should be clear: if the law is not changed, the
following parliament will emerge from the worst law ever known.
But, I don't believe that we will go that far as not to
participate in the elections, because we want to change this
situation once and for all. In my opinion, the situation is
explosive. Whole regions of Albania are threatened by starvation;
political tensions are higher than ever. In this very moment,
there is war going on in Vlorë, an open war between different
gangs. The citizens gone to the electoral rally have been blocked
inside the sports hall and now they can't go out. Nor can the
right wing politicians.

The situation is very bad, because there are people which spit
poison on people's blood, and thus create the impression that
Berisha rules the North and Nano rules the South, which is not
true at all. If anyone thinks so, the mistake made is big. This
issue was settled by the Albanian Renaissance representatives 100
years ago - a unique Albania; this Albania is for Albanians and
not for different political leaders. We are not a African
'tribe', but we are a nation with a national conscience and we
have fought for it.

KOHA: You will soon have a meeting with Franz Vranitzky. What you
expect from it?

GODO: I will try to speak clearly to him. To tell him that I have
been expecting his arrival with great joy. I believed in his
personality, in his capability, in his will to solve the
problems. But, I think that he was not persistent enough. There
are many problems that remain unsolved and which can influence
the elections.

KOHA: You want to say that you consider the OSCE mission in
Albania to be unsuccessful?

GODO: I don't mean that. This mission has done enough. I have
respect and admiration for Vranitzky as a politician and a
person, but as I said, he was not persistent enough. His role as

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mediator was to bring both sides around the table and try to find
the best solutions possible.

KOHA: Do you think that it is always necessary to have people

from abroad come and solve Albanian problems?

GODO: No I don't think so. That's why the recent trip to Rome,
to sign an agreement, was little bit difficult for me. I said to
our Italian friends that the leaders of the Albanian political
parties couldn't disguise as African tribe leaders, who should
be called somewhere to sign a treaty. I think that the Albanian
issues should be solved in Albania.

We should accept the suggestions of our European friends, first

from Italians, which have a mandate from the OSCE, from the
European structures and from the United States, to deal primarily
with Albania. I respect our relations with the Italians, and I
see them as one of the main partners in the development of our
country and it's integration in Europe. But I still think that
the problems between the Albanian political parties should be
solved in Tirana. Sure, we are members in European Council and
we will have the suggestions of our European friends in our
minds, but I am against previously prepared agreements, and when
our only job is to sign them. This has nothing to do with my
national dignity, but I do not think that this is a very healthy
thing to do.

KOHA: If after the elections a coalition to make the government

would be needed, who would you choose?

GODO: This is to be talked about only after 30 June. Of course

we will not get into coalition with the Socialist Party (PS), but
neither with the Democratic Party (PD), because PD is
responsible, in a way, for the bad governance of this country.
Both parties are guilty for the present catastrophic situation.
The United Right will be a constructive opposition in the
Parliament; this is our objective.

KOHA: What is your opinion about "ALBA" and it's cooperation with
the OSCE on the preparation of the elections?

GODO: I have some remarks, which I made when I was in Italy. I

informed the Italians that it seems like these armed forces have
come on holidays to Albania and haven't helped to secure some
strategic points in the country. I don't think that it is very
important to protect the hotels in Tirana, like it is happening
these days, while at the same time the hospitals are being
attacked. Minister Andreatta told me then that "ALBA" should
increase it's vigilance of the roads, but that they are not
prepared to protect all the buildings that are exposed to

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attacks.

But one thing is sure, they understand the situation and I think
that they will do something positive to make the assistance of
these forces more effective.

KOHA: The Fino Government is at the end of it's mandate. How do

you perceive the work of the Government of National
Reconciliation and has that Government fulfilled it's mission?

GODO: It tried to do good things, but it was not effective. Maybe

because of its constituents. Also, the government's interference
in the Constitutional Court, demanding the changes in the
proportional system of elections, is unacceptable. This means
that the prime minister has sometimes worked from his party's
position, in times when he had to have more balanced postures as
prime-minister of all Albanians. This Government has done less
than expected from it. People expected that it will restore
order, but it failed completely in this task. It was expected to
make some changes in the administration, but it failed in this
area too. I think that it dealt with something that was not part
of it's job, going abroad and holding contacts with different
states. This is very useful, but it needs another time and an
authorized government to do so. The Fino government's obligation
was to prepare and to achieve the elections.

KOHA: Having in mind the things that happened in Albania, do you

think that the role of the President should change?

GODO: Yes. The president should primarily answer, how could it

happen that the Albanian army collapsed in a couple of days. On
paper, we had 40.000 soldiers, 5.000 in special units, 5.000
border-guards, not counting the aviation and the marine. So we
have to deal with military force of some 50.000 people, which
dispersed immediately. The president, as chief commander of that
army, should give detailed explanations about this situation
which hasn't happened anywhere in the world. In the same way he
should talk about the evaporation of the state mechanisms. It is
obvious that the person who is running the state has the biggest
responsibility. The first bad step taken was the unsuccessful
military operation in the south of the country. This step brought
us to the present situation. I was categorically against. I left
the parliament, showing in this way that I disapprove this act.
It was known that our soldiers and officers will refuse to fight
the people. This was a fatal mistake, and we are living the
consequences today.

In the world, this kind of insurrections have happened before -

and there are only two ways to solve the problems - to use the
army, or to use the language of tolerance and negotiations. The

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negotiations were refused. It was said, we do not recognize the
Committees. Wonderful! I do not support the idea that the country
should be run by Committees. But, until the local administration
was to be established again, there was a need to have a
negotiations with those Committees. But this path was not
followed.

Berisha now says that he dealt with the problem politically. This
is not true. He started to solve the problem using the army, and
only after it's mission failed, he turned to political solutions,
by announcing the creation of the government of National
Reconciliation.

KOHA: Are you going to run for president?

GODO: I heard people speaking about this. I don't think that I

am capable of doing the job. I entered politics by chance. In
case that we will have a parliament which will be recognized by
Albanians and by Europe, I intend to apologize to the
Republicans, with whom I have worked for six years, go back home,
read books and to try to write something.

KOHA: This means that you are retiring from politics?

GODO: I will try.

KOHA: Even if they propose you for President?

GODO: I said that I don't I should not deal with politics any
more. It would be enough for me to be a MP.

INTERVIEW

DAVID PHILLIPS, Representative of the American Council on Foreign Relations

CONFLICT-PREVENTING DIALOGUE

Interviewed by ARBANA ISLAMI / Ulqin

KOHA: How do you evaluate the importance of the Albanian-Serb

meeting in Ulqin?

PHILLIPS: It is very important to develop concrete steps by the

Albanian and Serb sides, and to be supported by the international
community, in order to reduce the possibility of conflict in
Kosova.

KOHA: What are these steps?

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PHILLIPS: We propose a three-phase action plan. Phase one,
includes lesser confidence building measures, phase two includes
additional confidence building measures, phase three is an
interim agreement. According to this plan, the final political
status of Kosova is deferred until sometime indefinitely in the
future. We believe that new High Commissioner for Human Rights
should do a comprehensive review on all existing UN resolutions
on the situation in Kosova and evaluate the effectiveness of the
implementation of recommended resolutions. Furthermore, the UN
Human Rights Commissioner should send a report to the Committee
on Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the Committee on the
Rights of a Child. The ambassadors in Belgrade should form a
group based on Helsinki principles for Serbs and Albanians, which
would exist to monitor the situation in Kosova and the
implementation of confidence building measures.

KOHA: During the meeting you said an international conference

should be held for Kosova. Are you ready to participate, as the
main initiator of this conference?

PHILLIPS: Yes. The Council on Foreign Relations is prepared to

convene some international organizations in New York, in order
to organize this conference. The steps taken by the international
community will help establish momentum, but it is very important
that the Albanians and Serbs take some specific steps themselves.
In that regard, we call on both Albanians and Serbs to remove all
their obstacles to the implementation of educational accord. We
also believe that in the first phase of confidence building
measures the Albanian leadership should issue a statement
rejecting the use of violence and militancy, that there should
be adjustment to the “curriculum” of the Albanian schools,
education that breeds hatred towards Serbs. We also call on the
assembly in Kosova to adopt human rights legislation, which
protects the rights of all citizens, particularly the rights of
Serbs in Kosova. At the same time, we have to acknowledge that
the Albanians are terribly oppressed in Kosova, and we call on
the Serb side to withdraw all discriminatory legislation passed
in the Republic of Serbia, to release political prisoners, to
return confiscated passports, to ease border crossings with
Albania, to allow Albanian sports team to use the sports
facilities and to rename the streets in Kosova according to their
traditional name in Albanian.

KOHA: Do you think this proposition will be implemented and when?

PHILLIPS: I don’t know. We have to wait and see.

KOHA: According to you, can this meeting be so important when

taken to consideration that the two main leading parties are not
participating?

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PHILLIPS: This is not a negotiation, but a dialogue. A dialogue
intended to generate ideas, which can later enter to political
discussion. This meeting is the most important Serb-Albanian
dialogue so far, precisely because the participants are not
posturing the political domestic audience, but they are people
generally with the spirit of good will, interested in exchanging
views, in order to improve the situation.

KOHA: How much do these talks obligate both sides?

PHILLIPS: There’s no obligation, other than the moral obligation

to act as responsible leaders, to account the needs of their
citizens. It’s also important to recognize that these persons
have responsibilities, and it’s time to stop talking about
ancient history, it’s time to start talking about the future.

KOHA: In your opinion, how far were the both sides’ stands?

PHILLIPS: No, they were not far apart. They come from different
places, but their purposes are similar. Both delegations are
seeking to have a dialogue based on principles of mutual respect,
in order to create conditions for improving the situation in
Kosova.

KOHA: You and other participants mentioned “step by step”

approach. Can you explain what exactly does it mean?

PHILLIPS: It means first and foremost full engagement by the

international community, and secondly, a package of confidence-
building measures has to be undertaken by Serbs and Albanians.
Concurrent with those confidence-building measures is monitoring
mechanisms to establish momentum to the process. Face to face
talks should address an interim agreement, which defers
indefinitely final status question.

KOHA: You have said that the solution for Kosova can’t be found
in big western capitals. According to you, where it can be found?

PHILLIPS: Political leaders in Belgrade and Prishtinë should

demonstrate mature and responsible leadership, in order to
safeguard peace and security of their populations.

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INTERVIEW

IVAN DJURIC, Historian

"JUST OPPOSING MILOSEVIC DOESN'T MAKE ONE AN ALTERNATIVE"

Interviewed by ARBANA ISLAMI / Ulqin

KOHA: Would you evaluate the Albanian-Serbian meeting in Ulqin

as a concrete move toward finding a solution for the Kosova
question?

DJURIC: I came here with more modest ambitions, that cannot be

compared with those that I will take with me as I leave. Still,
we are not in the position to make negotiations because we are
not in power, but if we are lucky and our Albanian friends gain
power, real power, then we must negotiate. Before we start
negotiating, we must talk a lot with each other, get to know each
other as much as we can, and to conclude what is possible and
what is not possible. It’s not good to negotiate, without knowing
what we are thinking.

KOHA: You said that you hope that Albanians will gain real
power...

DJURIC: When I say “power”, I’m not talking about the power that
Albanians have now in Kosova. I’m talking about a power with
practical signification, a power that is accepted from the
international community, to be known as legitimate
representatives of the Albanians of Kosova. I’m talking about the
situation “de facto”, and not “de iure”. I speak with a total
respect for all those chosen by the Albanian people, but they
aren’t treated as such by the international tutors.

KOHA: What differences did you notice between the "rival sides"?

DJURIC: I think that the first criterion was the preliminary

reconciliation of the two sides. Different variants were heard,

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depending from the profession of the individuals, since some of
them are humanitarian workers, some are university professors,
lawyers, and some even political personalities. Therefore, it is
very natural that could be heard different opinions. There were
also opinions very much distanced from one other. I think that
we did not have uniform opinions, in any of the sides. As a
result of all this came a consensus about some issues. First,
before any possible thoughts about finding a solution for Kosova,
we must eliminate everything that disturbs the situation and
prevents any serious talks about any acceptable solution. This
is the repression in Kosova, with all its consequences,
illegitimate dismissals, suspension of the normal real estate
transactions, etc. These are conditions for dialogue, but this
is not a solution. And, both sides agreed about this. We must
insist on eliminating all segregation measures. Second, none from
the Serbian side treated Albanians as a minority here. This is
a new thing that this meeting brought to light. Third, we all
agreed that we don’t carry total sovereignty, but we are under
a kind of the international tutorship. In these three issues, we
reached a complete consensus, both sides. The fourth, not
accepted by consensus, but courageously noted by some individuals
from both sides, is the point that Albanians have an uncontested
right to self-determination. I was among the first to admit
something like this, then also Veselinov, Pribicevic, and some
others. But, on the other side, there is the so called axiomatic
request of the international community concerning the issue of
the borders: that they cannot be changed. In this issue, in last
months we had some different initiatives, and among them, the
initiative of Demaçi called “Balkania”. We can also say that we
agreed that the issue of Albanians cannot be treated exclusively
as an internal Serbian issue. It is true that Yugoslavia is the
state that Kosova once was in. But now this state does not exist.
This strange hybrid called federation of Serbia and Montenegro
can be anything but Yugoslavia. I think it would be better if we
set aside the name Yugoslavia, and start talking of a new kind
of unity, association of the states or something similar, where
we would have at least three members as units, and with no change
of the borders. First of them would be Serbia, then Kosova and
Montenegro. Starting from some conditions that the international
community is imposing borders cannot be changed, I think that
both sides can work out a solution.

KOHA: You talked about a compromise. How do you estimate this

point following the presentations in the meeting?

DJURIC: I was aware that in this meeting, my idea would not be

accepted fully, but I think that compromise means that we become
aware of some facts that I mentioned before. I’m not predicting
that Kosova should be a province - in fact, all the participants
in this meeting and I, are against any idea that characterizes

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Kosova as a province. But, at the same time, I know that it is
impossible for Kosova to become independent. We are forced by
numerous elements, to seek solutions for some problems in Balkan
within the frames of compromise. I think that eliminating the
name Yugoslavia would help surpassing some problems.

KOHA: Regarding Demaçi's “Balkania”, why do you think that the

three nations would except joining the confederation?

DJURIC: Here’s why. Compromise rests here. You have heard what
Phillips said. We must be aware of the coordinates that are
imposed on us. If you would like to hear me say, there is also
a third solution. The solution “step by step” was presented, but
with no clear final vision. The Albanian side is very sceptical
about this process. The “step by step” policy has to do with the
respect of human rights and ending the repression. But, this is
not enough, because it is not a political approach to the
problem. It means only that the most flagrant elements are
removed. What we need, is a political proposal.

KOHA: Does it mean that “step by step” approach to the problem

implicates the return to zero, and then the beginning of the
resolution of the problem?

DJURIC: This is not possible. The third way or the democratic

bloc in Serbia that is in the phase of establishing itself must
insist in unilateral measures - ending the repression and
everything that comes out from it. At the same time, respecting
human rights of the citizens of Kosova is considered to be one
of the preliminary conditions. The goal of my stands is not the
repetition of the '74 Constitution, but bringing together equal
partners to the negotiations. Perhaps, these are measures of
reciprocal trust. Speaking as a historian, the hatred in history
belongs to a strange and relevant category. There is also the
oblivion, history is full of it. If those unilateral measures are
taken, perhaps the situation will improve quicker than we can
imagine. I did not come with any particular tendencies in this
meeting. I came simply to make dialogue, to see how everybody is
looking at the situation. The fact that we managed to do this is
a great success, according to me.

KOHA: You criticized the regime and the opposition in Serbia. Do

you see any new force in Serbia that would do something in
finding a solution for Kosova?

DJURIC: The problem is not that there is no opposition in Serbia.

The main problem is the ground of the policy of the opposition,
which has showed us that it is not an alternative. I expected
that “Zajedno” would gather all that are seeking democratic
changes in Serbia. As you know, the program of “Zajedno” is based

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on two definitions: the first one is to overthrow Milosevic, and
second one is “we want democracy”. It is ridiculous to turn to
the Albanians and tell them “we'll give you more democracy”. This
is not serious. Democracy is something beautiful, but actually
it is not what Albanians are asking for. So, the alternative,
which didn’t come out from “Zajedno”, must be brought to light
from another source, outside this coalition. In the past weeks,
several friends and I, have been doing preparations to establish
a third democratic path, that will include coalition “Vojvodina”,
Movement for Democracy, part of “Zajedno's" electorate, the
Democratic Bloc of Valjevo, while in Sandzak, Rasim Ljajic would
gather the people that want democratic changes, etc. This force
cannot be ignored. In July we will present our official stand.
I think that the Serbs that participated in this meeting,
Veselinov, Canak, Korac and I represented a different opinion
regarding Kosova. Unfortunately this cannot be said for the
leaders of “Zajedno”, who were not ready to give answers to any
“hot” questions. Who wants to be an alternative in Serbia, must
give answers to the problem of autonomy of Vojvodina and Sandzak,
the problem of the refugees, the problem of Bosnia, Croatia,
Montenegro, and the most important, to give an opinion on the
future of Kosova. Those who do not answer these questions, they
cannot be a democratic alternative to today’s regime. It is not
enough to be against Milosevic, to be an alternative.

INTERVIEW

DRAGAN VESELINOV, Chairman on the Peasants Party of Serbia

"THE SERBIAN MEDAL ISN'T MADE OF GOLD...-IT'S MADE OF MUD"

Interviewed by ARBANA ISLAMI / Ulqin

KOHA: How do you evaluate the Albanian-Serbian meeting, when you

take into consideration that the two main parties didn't take
place?

VESELINOV: That isn't all that alarming. What's important is that

a large number of representatives and political organizations,
as well as people that create public opinion in Kosova, were in
Ulqin, and with that very step, returned to the political life
of this region. That, especially, is of great importance. What's
pitiful is that SPS doesn't agree to start serious talks with the
legitimate representatives of Kosova Albanians. The fact that LDK
people didn't come isn't alarming, since this party has the right
to have some reserve to such talks. Last but not least, these
were informal talks of individuals and intellectuals, and not of
representatives of political organizations, put in other words,

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these weren't talks between two political delegations. So I don't
think that LDK's absence is all that upsetting. What's important
is that LDK didn't condemn this meeting.

KOHA: You said that Kosova's problem is not only an internal

affair...How would you handle Kosova's problem?

VESELINOV: Yes, that's right...the problem of Kosova and that of

Albanians in all, isn't Serbia's problem. Serbia, has so far with
it's politics managed to internationalize the problem. Denying
human, national and civil rights of a country were the platform
of Belgrade's politics, and if these people do not live only in
Kosova but in Macedonia and Greece, not taking Albania into
consideration, provokes the people whose rights aren't being
respected to start some form of reaction in all those different
parts. So the problem of Albanians isn't only Serbia's problem.
I'm sorry that the Belgrade's regime isn't capable to engage in
achieving true peace, and keeping the country's integrity. At
first sight, it gives the impression that Albanians are Serbia's
biggest problem, but in fact, the main problem is Serbia's
regime, that isn't apt enough to find some solution for the
democratization of Serbia, for the economic problems... We, have
a terribly sick person in Belgrade, that incited nationalism in
Kosova, inspired it...Belgrade's regime did everything needed to
leave Kosova's problem unsolved, have it internationalized, and
have the Albanians not knowing what they are supposed to do with
themselves, how to present their program for independence, and
not to know how to return to Serbia's political life. I think
that this problem, which is serious enough, can request the
solution and carefully touch on some political groupings in
Serbia, that don't belong to the regime or the existing
opposition in Belgrade, some groups and other influential
individuals, especially in Vojvodina, that think that this
problem can be solved, even though it requires patience,
cautiousness and understanding...

KOHA: Could you describe the relations between the Belgrade

regime and Kosova Serbs, since you declared that Kosova Serbs
aren't problematic?

VESELINOV: It's true that the regime has achieved to reduce the
number of Serbs in Kosova up to the point where they can all fit
in a football stadium. As long as the regime continues to want
such a thing, then the Kosova Serb problem will no longer exist.
Kosova Serbs didn't achieve anything from Belgrade's regime. The
regime didn't do anything for the political transformation of
Kosova's problem, and it's natural that Serbs feel insecure, not
because of Albanians, they rarely danger anyone, but because it
lacks democratic support from the regime, that isn't capable to
find a solution for Kosova. That's why they run away from Kosova,

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not because they fear from Albanians, but because they are
disappointed at the regime. The number of Serbs left in Kosova,
can't serve as an explanation for the repression practiced on
Kosova Albanians and for the reluctance for dialogue with the
Albanians legitimate representatives...

KOHA: According to you, what would the most appropriate solution

for Kosova?

VESELINOV: I think that a solution could be found. I think that

it's possible to find a solution for Albanians, that wouldn't
affect their trust in their right to self-determination and their
right to be an integral part of Europe. I think that the
Albanians right to self-determination, would in the first step,
be used to form a federative Serbia, in which Albanians would
have their own country - Kosova, that would be within the
boundaries of a country that would consist of many countries such
as Kosova, Vojvodina and Serbia. This federalization, would be
a possible and just solution. I don't think that "Serbia" should
be the name of this whole territory. I also don't think that
Albanians should be denied the right to declare themselves
independent. But, something like that should happen if the
possibilities of a democratic life of Albanians in Serbia are
considered and regarded. I also think that there is any possible
way for Serbia's political system to be transformed without
international support. I can freely claim Kosova, Serbia and
Vojvodina can live together, but under the condition that this
country has it's place in integral Europe, and that it becomes
member of NATO, and that there be some international guarantee
that the army of this collective country, isn't Serbian. I am
aware that Kosova Albanians find it hard to believe that a joint
life with Albania now is pleasant. Albania is in a state of
chaos. Kosova is like the north for Albania. Kosova Albanians are
aware that the more political contact they have with Albania, the
worse it's going to be for them. I'm sure that they also know
that Kosova will not be divided, because of the steady resistance
of the American administration and the whole international
community. I think we're on the brink of a historical turning
point, while we should offer Kosova Albanians moral political
solutions, having in mind that they have and still do insist on
independence, regardless of the fact that they knew since the
beginning that it is an unrealistic request. We have to help
Albanians trust us, come to us, make them understand that there
is no other way. Their link with us, especially towards
Vojvodina, that doesn't have anything against the Republic of
Kosova, within the boundaries of a joint territory, would help
us, Serbs, in enlightening civil requests. We're full of stories
about unification, we talked enough about flags...

KOHA: According to you, is there any force in Serbia that could

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have a exclusive program for solving Kosova's problem?

VESELINOV: At the present time, this force is represented by

coalition "Vojvodina", which is a pure civic force and which is
the only relevant force of the kind in the whole region of
Yugoslavia. We are not afraid of Vojvodina's socialists, and we
do not even oppose the coalition "Zajedno". We must only
eliminate Seselj, since we don't want fascists to be in power.
There isn't any relevant negotiator in Belgrade for us in
Vojvodina, or for Albanians in Kosova. What is touching is that
there is no matureness or political force in Serbia that could
transform the political system. The SPS, and even the opposition
are being destroyed in Serbia. They are disintegrating together,
because they are images of the same medal. But this medal isn't
made of gold...-it's made of mud. They are disappearing, and we
want them to disappear as fast as possible, in order to avoid
further consequences. Anyway, there are some persons in the
opposition which we can talk with provisionally, but which I'd
rather not name...

ULQIN

"LOYAL SERBS FACE TO FACE WITH ALBANIANS"

by ARBËR VLLAHIU / Prishtinë

Over 40 Albanian and Serb intellectuals, representatives of

political parties and humanitarian organizations, were seated
together in Ulqin, and differing from other meetings, this time
the tension was "missing". Even with the participation of the
third side, that in its supervising role didn't have to
intervene, the three days meeting was developed in almost total
agreement among the participants. The general impression remains,
that the Serb participants, from the very beginning of the
meeting with their "rival", came to apologize to the Albanians
for the violence that the Serbian government has been applying
for so many years in Kosova, "on behalf of the (Serbian) people".
But this regime, those who were seated side by side with
Albanians would say, ignored the meeting in Ulqin because the
"Kosova problem is not seen by it as a problem at all, and that
is the reason why Kosova issue should not be internationalized,
because it has been and still is an internal problem". The
absence of the Serbian government representatives, as some
analysts say, seems to have determined at large the absence of
LDK representatives and other political Albanian forces, the so
called "satellite forces". Hereby, according to some who know the
circumstances very well, the sudden appearance of Mark Krasniqi,
chairman of the Christian-Democrats, is still very "strange".

- 18 -
But, the unified Albanian-Serb dance, even though not at the
level of the politically relevant leadership on both sides,
reached a consensus.

This consensus, seems to rely on that the Kosova issue is not

Serbia's internal problem. Natasa Kandic from the Humanitarian
Law Fund, said that she "understands completely why the Albanians
are asking for independence, which seems to be the result of the
long-term violence they are subjected to by the Serbian regime".
She even, with her appeal, "went so far" that she asked for the
celebration of an international conference on Kosova, which was
included in David Phillips' proposal on behalf of the American
Council for Foreign Affairs, presented to both sides in the
meeting.

The "consensus" on the Serbian side seemed to have been reached

since the beginning of the meeting. One thing stays clear, and
this is that this "congregation" of Serbian participants
established its first request on "equality between Albanians and
Serbs that, according to the participants, is denied to Albanians
not only by the government but also by the Serbian opposition".
Novak Pribicevic, sees this equality in the solution "within the
Yugoslav federation, through an equal status".

And even if this request could have been expected from this Serb
delegation, Gazmend Pula's statement that "Kosova has to have an
equal federal status to that of Serbia and Montenegro", remains
a bit "odd" and much too criticized. Anyhow, Pula "covered" it
with "the right of Albanians to self-determination". "Odd"
because Pajazit Nushi, one of the meeting's organizers, said that
the Albanian side presented the stand for "`Independent Kosova',
which was actually the posture they had agreed on before starting
from Prishtinë".

On the other side, the former foreign minister in Panic's

government, Ilija Djukic, said that the government in Serbia
completely denies the existence of Kosova's problem, and that it
"considers it as an internal issue of Serbia and Yugoslavia,
which can't be internationalized. Kosova's question has since
long been internationalized, and this kind of police
administration can't be sustained", said Djukic.

Anyway, at the very beginning of the Serbian-Albanian meeting,

PPK's chairman, Adem Demaçi, underlined that the talks with Serbs
shouldn't be stopped, not even the ones with the regime. But in
this regard, he said, a new third political force has been found
in Serbia that for the time being isn't strong enough to change
the way things run. Demaçi evaluated the meeting as a good step
towards creating an appropriate climate for solving Kosova's
problem.

- 19 -
Anyway, the meeting in Ulqin hasn't escaped criticism. Especially
when referring to the third force coming out to the surface, a
force made up by Serb intellectuals, Vojvodina "autonomists" and
ex-state leaders, that was criticized by local Serbs in Kosova.
Moreover, Trajkovic denominated the Serbian participants in Ulqin
"loyal Serbs", and pointed out that "this reminds me of the
efforts of the ruling Serbs to negotiate with the so called loyal
Albanians".

And at the end, something little to break-up the "consensus" of

the meeting: if the approach to solve Kosova's problem would be
step-by-step, then "this would mean going back to point zero, and
again to the status-quo position". The representative of the
Albanians in Macedonia, Arbër Xhaferi, evaluated the step-by-step
approach as a failure, especially when it comes to Macedonia's
case.

However, the general impression was that this meeting was the
most serious one so far. It was characterized with the agreement
of the both sides, without any sort of pressure, as was the case
of the New York meeting. But, Albanian participants have declared
that these kinds of meetings seem to have "dried-out", because
the serious problem of Kosova imposes the direct dialogue of
relevant Albanian and Serb political forces.

KOSOVA

NO ONE TO LISTEN TO THE "VOZD"

by BESIM ABAZI / Prishtinë

As always, when the President of Serbia needs a political boost,

this time too, he made his first political move in Kosova.

Perhaps it was only a coincidence, but he came to Kosova the very

same day when the mandate of rump-Yugoslavia's President was
expiring. His visit also coincided with the anniversary of the
beginning of his promises given to the Serbs in Fushë Kosovë,
that “nobody may beat you”, and also with the anniversary of the
“rhapsody” of Gazimestan, where he promised "mountains and
fields" to one million people, with the blessing of the then
leadership of Yugoslavia. But, where he also threatened that
Serbs “will protect themselves with arms, if needed”.

But, eight years later, in his fifth visit, he found Kosova far
from his promises. Now, there were not a million people to greet
him, but also his speech was not the old one. In his “soft”
speech, Milosevic promised “a quick and successful development,

- 20 -
employment and new investments”, and only in one part of the
speech, that was unclear to whom it was directed (Serbs,
Albanians or International Community), he noted that “there will
be no negotiations on Kosova”. Parallel with the promises on
equality, he said, “there will be no pressure that will make us
give any foot of Kosova”.

His visit continued in other towns of Kosova, where the promises

for a “fast development”, flowed as the river. Still, despite the
requests for equality and common life, surprisingly, he mentioned
Albanians only in Prizren. Perhaps, this was the best proof that
he came to Kosova only to assure the support of those who already
had provided him the power. But, the latter, who in the past five
years have earned no more than some rule over Albanians, were not
the old ones. It seemed as if the ones that were brought by
buses, could hardly wait for Milosevic to end his speech. For
years, they were promised to have big factories, an equal
standard of living compared to Europe and one-thousand dollars
salaries and German standard of living.

Anyway, “the flying and armoured visit” (as it was noted here)
of the Serbian “Vozd”, proved to be nothing else but a part of
the pre-electoral campaign of his party, and also of his
candidacy for president of FRY. And if his ten years of ruling
Serbia began in Kosova, then it looks like he will also start his
rule of the Serbian-Montenegrin federation in Kosova.
Albanians, as Fehmi Agani says, “have no idea why he started his
pre-electoral campaign in Kosova!” They don’t know what did
Milosevic want to achieve with this visit. It is obvious that
hasn’t achieved anything, except to see the results of his rule
- a total national disunion, a complete boycott of the Albanians,
lack of the enthusiasm among the Serbs. Even his “strongest”
word, that despite the pressure, Serbia will not give a foot of
Kosova, didn’t electrify the citizens gathered “spontaneously”
in front of the plato prepared with precision (spontaneously,
also!).

Agani qualifies this “a pathology, an unclear conscience, that

is a result of the fact that Milosevic has nothing to say to the
Albanians and the fact that there is nobody to listen to him”.
His big “No” to the independence of Kosova, reminds us of his
famous “malo morgen” he directed to Macedonia when SFRY still
existed.

Anyhow, he came and went back on the same road, and left behind
the same situation and the same people that got only promises
from him, but gave Milosevic enough political points and MPs that
have granted him a “comfortable rule”.

- 21 -
MACEDONIA

MACEDONIAN-ALBANIAN GAME OF WORDS

by IMER ISMAILI / Tetovë

Since the establishment of the University of Tetovë, Macedonians

have used the media in their mother tongue, the state-run Radio
Television, "Nova Makedonija", "Vecer", "Dnevnik", to bombard the
public by using a terminology that brings back the memory of the
communist era, and empty phrases as: "the so called University
of Tetovë", "the self proclaimed University..." and even more
pejorative names as "University of Reçicë e Vogël", thus
referring to the village which has become a students' center, and
where the seat of the University of Tetovë is.

In a recent public appearance on Macedonian TV, prime-minister,

Branko Crvenkovski, for the first time, said: "University of
Tetovë, without adding anything to it. Prime-minister Crvenkovski
had also done that once in the Parliament, in times when the
discussion on the reconstruction of the government was taking
place. Among Albanians this was received as a good sign that
something was changing at the top of the Macedonian establishment
concerning the issue of the University of Tetovë.

But, the phrases, whose role is only to minimize the University

of Tetovë, are not being removed from the medias in Macedonian
language. This became even more obvious when the rector of the
University, Fadil Sulejmani, returned from his visits to Croatia,
Slovenia and Hungary with the news that these countries have
given support to UT. The Macedonian medias, having stubbornly and
without being ready to accept this reality, lacking any
arguments, started to bombard again the people with same
expressions.

The only argument against the UT, was that same phraseology,
consciously ignoring the fact that the premier had given up on
it.

The only argument used to minimize the UT in the Macedonian media

is the following: "UT is not legitimate to the present Macedonian
administration" , and this gives them enough grounds to call it
"para-university", "the so called university", etc.

In this case something that can not be understood comes into

light. How can this University be illegal, when it's recognized
by 25 municipalities run by Albanians in Macedonia, which at the
same time have started to financially support it's work. A tragic
and comical situation arises, as we witness a situation in which
the civilized world is expected to deny support to one superior

- 22 -
educational institution, just because is not supported by the
actual leading Macedonian politicians and above all, the
Macedonian journalists.

Even the Macedonian President Kiro Gligorov, after returning from

the visit to the USA, said to the journalists at the airport,
that he had also talked about the, how he called it, "Albanian
University", while in America.

Macedonian journalist have convinced their public opinion that

the term university means something evil, whereas the civilized
world acknowledges it as something that brings knowledge,
something that opposes knowledge to ignorance...

At the end, this terminological game which is by all means trying

to deny the reality, seems to have no ending.

In fact, the whole game of words occurs in the state that in the
process of its recognition was forced to go for symbolical
acronyms, as is the case with the "Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia" - FYROM.

If Albanian medias would attain the logic of acronyms, that

Macedonians sense as pejorative, then the anger that playing with
official names can cause, can be imagined. Even, the anger would
be much bigger than the one among Albanians, who are thus only
being denied the University, while the official acronyms such as
FYROM, would deny the existence of the Macedonian nation and
state!

- 23 -