Koha Digest # 153

Front Page: EUROPEAN ARROWS FOR KOSOVA'S AUTONOMY

Date: 18 June 1997

EDITORIAL

ONE EUROPEAN STROLL THROUGH KOSOVA

by VETON SURROI

Prepared since long ago, the visit of the Dutch ambassador to Belgrade, representative of the
presiding of the EU, finally took place. In it, he communicated to the Kosovar public opinion
and politicians what does the EU foresee on the solution of Kosova's question.

The time chosen for that was directly linked to the previous visit by John Kornblum, a high
US State Department official, who also had come to express the American posture towards
Kosova, although occasionally committing a "lapsus linguae" or two. The European reasoning
was: since the Americans opened the door of the direct communication with Albanians, now
our message can pass through.

Following these steps, the European Union, in fact admits it's stagnation in handling the crisis
which appeared after the disintegration of Yugoslavia proving itself to be the follower of the
politics announced by the US diplomacy. And, however understandable this stagnation is (we
bear in mind that the EU is the compilation of 15 foreign politics of 15 foreign ministries of
the member states), the EU proves a lack of invention even in the content of the message
conveyed to the people.

Perhaps, this is also understandable, since the EU made a mistake last year when it
recognized the FRY ( as post-Dayton reward), although this unfinished state emerged without
domestic legality and legitimacy. Within this frame, the EU is now trying to solve the Kosova
question. And this is where the huge conceptual mistake appears.

In the attempt to reach an improvement of the situation of Kosova through the Serb/Yugoslav
constitutional improvement, the EU is in fact inclining towards Milosevic's concept in dealing
with the "domestic enemy": so, "things have to be solved within the institutions of the
system". And, this is all but helping the solution of Kosova's problem, because the present
Serb/Yugoslav forcible institutionalization has been, is and will be the key obstacle to the
installation of peace in the Balkans. With it's last message, which needs to be analyzed more
thoroughly than this space allows us to, the EU has in a way showed how far away is it from
the Kosova question, and not how much it is interested in it.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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KOSOVA

WILL ALBANIANS SUBMIT TO STATEMENTS FOR AUTONOMY?

by ARBËR VLLAHIU / Prishtinë

According to Jan Sizzo, the new EU formula for the “peaceful

solution of Kosova’s problem” based on Helsinki Charter's
principles, apparently is one of EU’s efforts to see Kosova
within the Yugoslav state. The message of this European
organization, said in “tremors” by the Dutch ambassador, Jan
Sizzo, looks like a lately defined statement by the EU offices,
but that doesn’t surpass the frame of the latest determinations
of the big boss - USA.

Sizzo, also, made no big differences between the two politics,

the American and European, in Kosova’s case, when he said: “When
you mention Kosova’s autonomy within the FRY, the possibility of
this to be done within Serbia's borders is not excluded”. Will
the Albanians be the ones to submit to such statements, or maybe
Serbs will be pushed to think again for another life together
with, as they say, “the nation, that within 50 years will be
equal in numbers with them”, is left to be seen.

Even though the formula for solving the Kosova issue has not yet
been defined in the decision making centers' “offices”,
calculations have begun. Such opening, no matter how surprising
for Albanians, will help at least to understand that “the carrot”
is not that sweet. While the Serb side will try to see Kosova’s
problem only as a part of its problems, the Albanians in Kosova
will seriously try to prove that the field of human rights is a
necessary segment in a society, however Kosova’s problem,
according to them, is not seen only in this aspect.

Careful observers, who anticipated the opening of Kosova

“package”, evaluated that “the agreement on Albanian education
offers a certain chance in the political field”. Based on this,
the actual growth of political rating, with the agreement on
Albanian education in Kosova, of the “two heads, who are willing
- as humanists” to sit down and try to solve politically this
issue, remains only as a “new bankonote” in political marketing.
Following some successes in the diplomatic field, and the
creation of a new “political peace-making image”, Milosevic will
set a “timing” to the realization of this agreement, right in
time when the international pressure will “roll over” to the
other side. In fact, the talks with the Serbian side that started
in New York, without the presence of ruling party in Serbia, will
put down the volume for one “octave”, where the Albanian side
will be notified that “world diplomacy is supporting only the
reality created in one area”. And, this reality, hidden with a

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“thin ambiguous curtain since the start”, will be another, among
the many mistakes, as Rugova’s opponents would say, in reading
the messages of foreign diplomacies. The ambiguous card, stress
foreign diplomats, was the only one played by the Albanian
leadership, that’s why the international community’s stands were
always unclear to Albanians. Definitely, since the times when
Gerd Arens visited Kosova, the Albanian side was told that the
“international community will be ready to accept the solution of
Kosova’s problem, the way they want it, only if they are ready
to force that solution”. Even the new electoral problem in
Kosova, after Kornblum’s political “lesson” and the softened
pressure by Perina, are observed by the US diplomacy, as stated
by Richard Miles, as the Albanian community’s matters, even
though USA, he says, would not accept parallel elections. The
pressure on Albanians, which began as spring started, even before
the opening of Kosova’s problem, happened in the most difficult
period for the political subjects in Kosova, for it was facing
the biggest shocks within and in times when Kosova’s position
seemed weak. That’s why, Rugova’s decision for postponing the
elections in Kosova, right now, means only another concession and
a compromise by the Albanian side in the (non)creation of
Kosova’s independence.

Despite all the justifications of the Dutch ambassador, who

brought with him a “diplomatic note” for Dr. Rugova, stating
“that commercial preferences towards what remains of ex-
Yugoslavia, are some sort of a pressure on official Belgrade",
the feeling remains that the political pressure is heavy on the
Albanian political subject.

Even, in a digression, Jan Sizzo expressed his admiration for Dr.

Rugova’s peaceful politics, even though diplomatically, he let
him know that the “decision for the postponement of the elections
in Kosova will be succeeded by another one on a more delicate
issue”. Based on speculations, the next decision could be only
“the non-celebration of the elections in Kosova and accepting the
growing international pressure against it”.

Even though the initiative presented by the EU in Prishtina,

“Kosova’s autonomy within Yugoslavia”, represents a new phase in
the developments regarding the solution of Kosova’s problem, says
Dr. Fehmi Agani, no rushing should be expected. According to him,
the proposal will initially be refused by both sides: “Serbia
will hope that the international community will get tired and
will give up on Kosova by accepting it as Serbia’s internal
issue, and so for a certain time, it will not accept the proposed
autonomy. Whereas, in the meantime, the Albanians, for principled
reasons, can’t accept this EU’s proposal because this solution
isn’t a solution for Kosova”, he says.

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First of all, Albanians will look at this European proposition,
that hasn’t changed much during these years, as a Serb
government’s effort to play with the nerves of, not only of the
international factor, but also the Albanians. A good opportunity
for Serbia, to maneuver with the human rights level, will give
no space to the Albanian side for anything else, but “facing this
situation and thus intensify the creation of independent
institutions, that would be achieved with next elections”, said
Dr. Agani.

The new Kosova autonomy, within the new federal state, as

analysts say, is a consequence of insufficient political
engagement of our subjects. Jonuz Salihaj, from the PPK,
considers that the reason for this new pressure towards Albanians
is “the fact that the elections were postponed because, according
to him, the international community knew that we aren’t ready to
take steps forward in teh realization of the people’s will”.
But, the new European demand for Kosova’s autonomy, according to
some political circles, could only radicalize the situation in
Kosova, and in this way to bring Albanian resistance “to a hot
level”. Radical forces, that the Albanian political subject
recognize only verbally, will never accept a solution proclaimed
as a solution of “subjugation”, and they will even try to show
that today’s leadership “is very incapable of doing something in
the realization of its own goals”.

Consequent or not in his stands, in his last press conference,

Rugova said: “Autonomy? Please don’t even mention the word to
me”, adding that relations with the European countries have to
be kept, in the name of building Kosova’s independence.

Careful observers say, however, that the Albanian political scene

“lacks the basic political principles”.

On one hand, the American and European diplomacies' early

statements, have made the new idea on the political parties”
“moratorium” emerge precisely in times when a strengthening of
a new political force in Kosova is developing.

Nevertheless, it is up to Albanians to define themselves in favor

of the “pragmatic politics” or something else. The least they
have to do till the end of the year is think how to realize their
elections in front of big challenges set by the international
community. Kosova’s autonomy, as analysts would say, preferred
by the EU, would have to be realized now with the person that
actually had suppressed it in 1989. Will this happen? That
depends on future Albanian political behavior and their steps in
politics. Dr. Agani considers that “now is the time when the
long and difficult journey towards independence starts with very
little support from the international community”. Or, as one of

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UNIKOMB's leaders, Tefik Geci, would say: “we have determined
ourselves only in favor of independence and national
unification”.

Anyhow, the Euro-American “autonomy”, will be a new challenge for

Albanians, maybe it will awaken them and incite a new demand for
a stronger political movement here. Albright’s wish to meet Dr.
Rugova in Washington, is hoped to be a “something else” and not
a new pressure on Albanians to “accept an incomplete solution for
Kosova”.

...Although, reality can many times be painful.

INTERVIEW

JAN SIZZO, Dutch Ambassador to Belgrade

KOSOVA A THIRD REPUBLIC IN YUGOSLAVIA, THEORETICALLY YES

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU & ARDIAN ARIFAJ / Prishtinë

KOHA: You were in a very difficult position today - you had to

explain to Rugova how does the European Union see the future of
Kosova. Was it very difficult to talk with Rugova about what you
told us in the press conference?

SIZZO: Indeed, this was a very difficult message for Rugova. And
he did understand that this is EU's philosophy, which he cannot
change. We ended as friends, and although we differ in opinions
on the possible solutions for Kosova, we can still talk. The
stand that I presented to him, was taken by him as the stand of
the European Union.

KOHA: Do you think that this ultimatum came in a wrong time, now
when the position of Rugova is weaker than ever, and now when
some radical fractions are appearing in the political scene of
Kosova Albanians?

SIZZO: If we didn’t explain clearly our stands, as I did today,

I don’t know how would develop the spiral of radicalization and
terrorism. I don’t think that it is late to prevent this and I
think that with its declaration, EU is not stimulating extreme
elements. The effect would be that people here would understand
that there is no international support for the independence of
Kosova.

KOHA: You met only with Rugova. But, today authority of Rugova
is weaker than it used to be. Wouldn’t it be better that you

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spoke also with other political figures of Kosova Albanians?

SIZZO: We deeply thought about this, but it was difficult to

decide with whom else to talk. We think that Rugova is the
elected president of the Albanians of Kosova. If we met with
other political leaders, then this would even more weaken his
position. This way we showed that we consider him to be a
legitimate president of the Albanians of Kosova.

KOHA: We would like to go back to the letter that you gave to

Rugova today. Do you think that Serbia, or better to say
Milosevic is ready to give this kind of autonomy, an extensive
one, to Kosova?

SIZZO: I think that if there is not going to be an international

pressure on Milosevic, he will not accept this. But, if we
continue with the pressure, he will be forced to do it. But, it
is very obvious that now, before elections in Serbia, he will
have no interest to start the dialogue on Kosova.

KOHA: The letter says that Albanians and Serbs should decide what
should the future status of Kosova be. If EU thinks that
Albanians and Serbs alone would do this, we think that they would
decide about by war. Is there any kind of help that EU could
offer, in order to prevent the violent solution of this problem?

SIZZO: If we start from the point that Belgrade is also

interested to start the dialogue with Albanians of Kosova, I
don’t see any reason why they shouldn’t do this, and if the EU,
is asked to assist in this dialogue, we are ready to do so. But,
of course, we can not impose the solution. But, I think that in
this moment the authorities in Belgrade are not willing to accept
our assistance, in the possible talks for the solution of the
Kosova problem. They want to talk only with the people here.

KOHA: We have been asking for a dialogue for eight years now, but
Belgrade did not show the slightest will for this. Serbian
politics wishes to solve the problem of Kosova within the frames
of its 1989 constitution. There are no signs of readiness for
compromise. How do you think that the dialogue can start with no
willingness for compromise?

SIZZO: In the present situation, the stands are very extreme, and
very far from one other. This could be noticed in the round table
held in New York, some time ago. But that doesn’t mean that this
positions cannot get closer. If you think that this is
impossible, then there is no other alternative but to fight. But,
if war is something that you don’t prefer, then you must start
to talk. I think that also Belgrade knows this very clear. When
you sit once around the same table, then you will eventually find

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a solution.

KOHA: The international community had a similar attitude in the

case of Bosnia. Europeans and Americans said that it is the
people of Bosnia those who should find a solution “ but war
started there. According to you, Albanians and Serbs alone should
find a solution. If we could do this, we would do it until now.
But, the problem is so complex, that we cannot solve it alone.
Therefore we need help. And not just to tell us that we should
do this alone.

SIZZO: Yes, but this is all that we can do at the moment. And we
can only keep our positions.

KOHA: But your positions are very abstract. You talk about an
extensive autonomy, but this can be interpreted in many ways, by
both Serbs and Albanians. Can you tell us what would this
autonomy look like?

SIZZO: This question I cannot answer! I came here as the

representative of the EU, and EU hasn’t got a posture about what
kind of autonomy would this be. And, my personal opinion is not
important here.

KOHA: The letter that you gave to Rugova today does not mention
the repression of the Serbian police in Kosova.

SIZZO: As you know, EU thinks that the problem of Kosova must be

solved in the scope of the respect of the human rights.

KOHA: Why did the EU decide to present clearly its stands about
Kosova in this particular moment, considering the situation that
we have in Albania and Macedonia. Are they related in any way?

SIZZO: I would say that this step was taken rather because of the
fear that the situation in Kosova is getting out of control. If
you think that we are using the current situation in Albania and
its weak role in the international political scene, then you are
wrong. There is no logical connection between our move here and
the situation in Albania.

KOHA: Do you think that a war can erupt in Kosova?

SIZZO: Perhaps not a war, but I am afraid that there can be some
unrest. Both sides can start using more violence.

KOHA: How do you think that you will convince Albanians of Kosova
to put a moratorium in their quest for independence and Serbs to
put a moratorium on repression. Both sides refuse to give up on
their positions.

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SIZZO: This is not our duty. Political forces here should do this
- convince the people, and especially the extreme forces. The
international factor cannot do this.

KOHA: Do you think that the letter that you brought here today,
will help solving the problem of Kosova. And do you think that
this can be done this year?

SIZZO: I think that this will contribute in the stabilization of

the situation. People here will realize that there is no
international support for the independence of Kosova, and this
will help in preventing the use of violence.

KOHA: Do you think that the solution for Kosova will be found
within the borders of Yugoslavia?

SIZZO: Yes, I think that this can be done.

KOHA: Do you think that Kosova can be the third republic of

Yugoslavia?

SIZZO: Theoretically, yes. In practice - I don’t know...

ALBANIA

"THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY HAS ALREADY DECIDED WHO IS GOING

TO WIN THE ELECTIONS"

by ARTAN PUTO / Tirana

Everybody knows that the main cause of the crisis in Albania was
the bankruptcy of the pyramidal schemes, which have impoverished
the Albanians for more than one billion dollars. Since that time,
many suggestions were made on how to overcome this crisis, which
will be an enormous burden to all other Albanian governments for
a long time. One should admit that the mentioning of this problem
during the electoral campaign has a characteristic meaning. If
one tries to solve this problem, which would give hope and
enthusiasm to the masses, it would mean a big responsibility at
the same time. And if one fails to keep the promise, this
wouldn't mean only disappointment, but we should fear the
situation where people wouldn't trust any other future government
nor president.

That would mean that the people would be deceived for the third
or fourth time in just a few years.

A statement made just recently by Fatos Nano, during the

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electoral rally in the southern city of Vlorë, has renewed some
discussions.

In the middle of the Flag Square, and in front of the crowd which
counted more than ten thousand people, Nano said that his party
would be able to give the citizens back the money lost in the
pyramidal schemes. This promise has immediately caused harsh
criticism of the rightist newspapers. They started to accuse the
socialist leader, calling him an ordinary deceiver. The
comparison to the campaign slogan launched by Gramoz Pashko, the
leader of the Democratic Party in 1991, "the white cheque",
became actual again. But, one thing was different. The Albanian
Labor Party led by Ramiz Alia as the one accusing the democrats
for playing games with people, and now, it is the democrats that
are using this argument to strike their political opponents.
Anyhow, it looks like Nano was moved by the enthusiasm reached
during the rally, and maybe he wasn't so conscious when he
expressed the "golden words". One day later, following the
reactions to his statement, he was forced to explain the whole
case. "I didn't say textually that I will return hundred percent
of the money, but I said that we are going to make a totally
transparent check-up on the pyramidal firms and we will give the
maximum of the money found in them ", said Nano. So, in other
words, this meant one step back. Anastas Angjeli, expert of the
economic section within the Socialist Party, gives maybe the best
explanation what can an eventual socialist government in the
future do regarding the pyramidal schemes. "This is going to be
a long road, but with reliable results to be achieved". First,
Angjeli says, the completion of a juridical team must take place,
which would clarify the status of not only to the existing firms,
but to the ones that went bankrupt, as well. Second, it is
suspected that the collapsed firms have transferred a
considerable amount of their money to accounts outside the
country. Rumors are that some 130 million dollars from Vlorë have
"escaped" by sea. The Austrian press writes about bank accounts
in the Austrian bank, by one pyramidal firm from Albania. In this
way, thinks Angjeli, a new government elected on June 29, using
all the national and international juridical means, making use
of all the rights, will verify those accounts. And, in the case
they find something, they will do all within the legal frame to
transfer that money back to Albania.

Thirdly is the verification of the property of these firms. After

this, based on the present law and any legal act to be adopted
in the future, their property is going to be returned partially
or fully. So, the Socialists think that if these firms have their
own property, a way to sell it will be found. Otherwise, the
creditors should accept to be co-owners and to take one part of
the property in money.

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But, the news from outside Albania are more likely to add petrol
to the fire. In a statement of the Italian deputy minister of
Defence, Massimo Brutti, it is said that the governments of the
Western countries, in case the elections come out to be regular
and fair, would help find the ways of returning part of the money
to the Albanians.

So, will they get the money or not? This is most often asked
question among Albanians these days.

But, there is another fact. A couple of days ago, the head of

ODIHR in Tirana, Brian Prydam, resigned because of "personal
reasons", as stated officially. But other circles say that he
left the country, because he didn't like the way how the
elections were being prepared. He said, "...there have been no
proper conditions for the elections to be held". But several days
later, one daily in Albanian quoted him saying that "the
international community has already decided who is going to win
in the Albanian elections".

If things are like this, then the Albanian electorate will, in

vane, go to the polling centers. The last favor that Prydam could
do to the Albanians, would be telling them who is going to win,
so they could simply vote for him and thus get their money back.

ALBANIA

BLACK DAYS FOR THE ALBANIAN LEK

by ARJANA LEKA / Tirana

There is panic in the Albanian currency market. Now the Albanian

Lek, that once used to be unbreakable, the "SuperLek", is
dropping not only by the day, but by the hour. One dollar could
be exchanged this week for 190 lek, that in fact is 20% less than
last week, or 90% less when compared with the golden days before
January 1997. The American Dollar, along with Greek Drahma,
Italian Lira and German Marks, the most useful currencies in
Albania, have been unmerciful towards the unprotected Lek.
The political crisis is now connected to a devastating financial
crisis. After losing their savings in the pyramidal saving
schemes, Albanians are threatened with with the depreciation of
their wages because the value of their money is declining. The
destitute life that Albanians seemed to be on the way to escape,
is coming back at a very fast pace. Reports from the towns of
this country are indicating even some cases of starvation.

In the meantime, there are 6000 soldiers of the Alba operation

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that are waiting to accompany the humanitarian aids that were
supposed to arrive in Albania about 6 weeks ago, and that didn't
arrive or that are insufficient. Economists keep asking
themselves what caused the depreciation of the Albanian Lek. On
the other hand, citizens keep asking themselves: how long will
this last? The reason for this phenomenon is, without doubt, the
deep political crisis that had the widespread destructive
economical and financial outcome throughout the country drowned
in chaos. Economists explain that large parts of the country's
wealth and businesses are paralyzed, a large part of the trade
is also paralyzed, and that the inflation and huge budget deficit
are the reasons for the circulation of large sums of money.
One of the most well known Albanian economic analysts, Andrea
Stefani, wrote that "the Albanian monetary system seems to be
tempted into falling and losing all of it's value". Stefani adds
that "it seems that the arsenals for shielding the Lek are not
only seldom, but are also losing their effect". Last week, The
Albanian National Bank, tried to save the Lek by raising an anti-
inflation "wall". The bank interest rates rose from 30 to 34 per
cent. That was a move that was supposed to diminish the pressure
of the Lek on the exchange market. But that didn't happen. The
news that the interest rates were boosting didn't have any
positive impact on the stubborn monetary trade that burdened the
Bank of Albania. As if ironically, the foreign currencies
continued to escalate to the point of the explosion occurred on
Black Tuesday. The main reason for that seems to be the people's
distrust towards the Albanian monetary system. Stores selling
electronic and domestic devices have started to "dollarize".
Their products seem to speak in foreign languages. One has to pay
in foreign currencies or by converting the price into the day's
value of the Lek. On the other hand the currency income from
refugees has started to decrease, whilst the illegal activities
in the past five years have substantially fallen, and exportation
isn't like it used to be.

Even though it hasn't been officially confirmed, there are large

sums of banknotes circulating, to pay workers, teachers or
doctors. The money is new, but not as valuable as it should be.
The Dollar Fever has started to spread more and more, while the
elections are coming even closer. The savings left are being
converted to dollars since the monetary barometer promises only
stormy days to come.

"We've lost everything now", says a man left out of work in his
forties, from Tirana. "The pyramids stole us in the beginning.
Now we're being "stolen" by the dollar. We have noisy
politicians, foreign peacekeeping forces, but we have no bread.
To the hell with them all".

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MACEDONIA

THE NATIONAL FLAG DOESN'T CHANGE

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

The Macedonian government, during a marathon meeting last

Tuesday, adopted the draft-law on the use of the nationalities'
flags. The Albanian flag hasn't been changed, but it's use is now
looked upon more rigorously. When the tensions that enforced this
act are considered, Albanian and Macedonian politicians should
be pleased...

The meeting in which the cabinet of premier Branko Crvenkovski

gave green light to the draft on the use of national symbols of
nationalities, as one of the participants said, was very
difficult: PPD ministers didn't even want to hear about the
version according to which "there has to be a white (dotted) line
on the Albanian national flag in order to differ it from
Albania's flag"; however they didn't manage to secure it's use
in front of and in state organs. It can be used - in occasions
of national celebrations - in centers and units of local
administration in areas with national majorities as well as on
"private celebrations, cultural, sports and other events".
Experts on the matter say that considering the constitutional
frames, Albanians shouldn't have expected anything else, since
both the coalition partners and their opponents, must accept this
as a compromise solution, regardless of it's approval in the
parliament.

"Following all what has happened and what has to do with use of
the Albanian flag in the municipalities where mayors are from our
parties, I think the government acted as it was supposed to",
said Naser Zyberi, Secretary of PPD and vice-premier, and added:
"We had a sturdy attitude towards the thought, that I think we
share with all Albanian people, that the image of the Albanian
national flag couldn't change. Even though with difficulties, we
had success in convincing our coalition partner that our national
symbol shouldn't be manipulated with, saying that we are ready
to withdraw from the government. We also had success in
maintaining our flag in all cultural celebrations, without it
being accompanied by the state flag, which was a condition up to
now. We also achieved that it be used in state festivities in all
municipalities where there is an Albanian majority. I think that
we achieved all that we could in electrifying times as these. We
are conscious that there are going to be many words of
disapproval, but our opponents should have realized by now that
compromise is a part of politics. Our achievement made way for
further progress", ends Zyberi.

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Rufi Osmani, mayor of the municipality of Gostivar who activated
the issue of "the use of Albanian national flag" and put it in
the center of the attention of the public opinion in Macedonia,
even at wider range, expresses the Albanian opposition's
attitude: "This proposal doesn't fulfill the needs of Albanians
in Macedonia. This law is an essential degrading of the use of
our flag and isn't acceptable in the proposed variant. I
personally think that it's the PPD's fault for degrading
Albanian's national flag, and it is an unforgivable act. I think
they have the possibility to continue conditioning the level in
which the Albanian flag is used through their MPs in the
parliament and their coalition partners. Otherwise, if this
continues to go on, we're not going to accept it" - says Osmani,
who is member of the Albanian Democratic Party (the merged PPDSH
and PD).

Meanwhile, the proposed solutions are also criticized by the

Macedonian opposition. Ace Kocevski, from the Liberal-Democrats,
says that Article 9 of the Draft, is rebuttable, according to
which nationalities get to use flags to identify their national
characteristics: "For all I know, no minority in Macedonia has
characteristic lawmaking organs that can approve the look of the
flag in the name of minorities. The only organ that is competent
to decide about how a flag looks in this country is Macedonia's
parliament"- says deputy Kocevski, on the other hand, the
spokesman for VMRO-DPMNE Party, Dragi Ivanovski thinks that "law
is a usual bargaining place for the government coalition of
Branko Crvenkovski, SDLM and PPD. The prediction of their use in
local government rises speculation about the sovereignty of the
country".

At the same time, Macedonia's Constitutional Court, by

pronouncing it contrary and illegal, highlighted the article of
Gostivar's Municipality's Statute that foresees the flag's use
in front of the unit's local administration building. The new
Minister of Justice, Djordji Spasov, declared that his government
won't apply the plea for abandoning the use of flags until the
law is approved, as expected to be done by the Macedonian
parliament in a urgent procedure.

INTERVIEW

ARBËN XHAFERI, Chairman of the Albanian Democratic Party (PDSH)

"WE ARE INVESTING IN LEADERS AND NOT IN INSTITUTIONS"

Interviewed by YMER ISMAILI / Tetovë

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KOHA: What were the motives for the unification of the two
parties, PPDSH and PDP?

XHAFERI: The development of the political phenomenon and of the

political conscience, the deep conclusion on the real effects of
impotent diversities, the delay in the political dimension in all
Albanian lands, the interior Albanian vitality of transforming
and asking new, more effective methods for survival and
development, then the practical, financial moral reasons, as well
as the pressure from people were the most important reasons that
influenced the unification of the two parties.

I think that among people, but also among intellectuals a

tendency, a good will for unification, for cooperative action
exists. And this should be taken into consideration.

We should also be aware that is very hard to put in action such

a determination, in conditions of such massive partition, in lack
of experience, and especially because of the shortsighted
readiness of the political elites which try to abuse this idea
by creating administrative obstacles or by opposing the idea of
unification. But, there's no other way, we should find ways to
institutionalize this immanent, rational need. The
institutionalization of this idea will eliminate the folklore
variants and the phony unity.

It has become clear now that the Albanian political scene should
be structured globally and it should be a fair of projects,
knowledge, responsibility and braveness.

KOHA: This is the message of this unification. PDSH remains an

open party, other parties in Macedonia with similar programs can
join it. How possible is this?

XHAFERI: I estimate that the fast, euphoric variants of

unification are dangerous. We should act in several directions:

- in creating a new conviction for the structural globalization,

where the productive syntheses of Albanian politics happen,
always on the line of national and civil ideas;

- in finding functional models that make the realization of the

convictions proclaimed by political parties possible;

- in selection of the credible, professional, experienced people and

- the establishment of the sectors which deal professionally with

the political specter.

The readiness exists, it's as large as the risk of failure of the initiative.

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KOHA: The creation of the PDSH from PPDSH and PDP was greeted by
Albanians, but, is it possible that some section of one of the
two parties will oppose the merge?

XHAFERI: Here, in Kosova and in the diaspora, we were greeted.

But, we are aware that in this phase we are vulnerable, delicate,
just like the growing baby. Against us are:

- the state structures which see this unification as a potential

danger and work in subversive manners to create suspicion among
people, and which try to infiltrate their people among us;

- foreigners who have an interest for peace without conditions;

- different elites which with the creation of a strong party, of

a policy based on national foundation, lose their relevance and
start fearing the new context and new proofs;

- ambitious groups that understand this unification as a chance

for their affirmation, and not as a new project that asks
patience, and discipline;

- ordinary honest, sincere people, experienced activists, who

gave their contribution to the parties and now feel touched
because they see mistakes in the formula of unification. However,
this has no influence in political macro-plan.

We have strong support, extremely positive mood, but also

obstruction of real structures of the state, of interest groups
etc.

We have devoted ourselves to this idea seriously and with

responsibility, we have shown tolerance and courage and we will
keep implementing it.

KOHA: It was decided that the program of PDP should serve as a

foundation of the political actions in the future. What is the
difference between this program and the program of the PPDSH?

XHAFERI: PDP was created in a time when Yugoslavia was

disintegrating and in times when the request for the self-
determination was dominant. At that time political parties were
registered based on these convictions. After the independence of
Macedonia, because of them, many administrative obstacles were
made during the registration of the parties. Since, PPDSH, for
known reasons had to register again on 1995, it should reword
some formulations in order to get registered in the court bodies.
The PDP program holds this initial "spirit" of the Albanian
parties which was very concretely put in action in the platform
of the PPDSH, and I think that this way many aspects were

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harmonized. Now we are expecting a new round of obstructions from
the Macedonian administration, but these matters will not
influence our activities. With fresh forces, PDSH will keep
insisting on the Albanian issue in Macedonia and keep on offering
solutions for it.

KOHA: A complete integration of the Albanian political subject

in Macedonia is hard to be implemented, but can we expect a
coordination with PPD in the future?

XHAFERI: Not only with PPD, but also with LDK, PPK, SDPK etc.
because PDSH will not give up requests of integral opening of
Albanian issue in former Yugoslavia and of finding integral
solutions which will offer relaxation to everybody.

As far as PPD is concerned, two years ago, responding positively

to the initiative of the associations of the intellectuals and
Albanian writers in Macedonia, I offered a draft for the new
structuring of Albanians of Macedonia, where a positive
interaction among political subjects, but also among other
associations, should have been developed.

At that time this proposal was expected with interest, curiosity,

but finally it was left behind. We still advocate for this
proposal, since it is very clear that the Macedonian society is
completely structured, specialized in all activities, with
administrators and people with titles who affirm the Macedonian
issue and minimize or eliminate the Albanian one. Our current
organization does not promise respectful competition and it
produces frustrations.

If the PPD doesn't make serious efforts for the creation of

Albanian structures which will confront more successfully the
Macedonian ones, which function on anti-Albanian principles of
the eighties (a time when in the Yugoslav plan the status of
Kosova and the status of Albanians in Macedonia was degraded),
then PDSH will be forced to start a new battle to gain undisputed
legitimization from the people in order to rationalize the
Albanian political project. Naturally, this new battle will spend
lot of energy, will create a lot of tensions, but saying it
clearly there's no other way.

KOHA: Who would benefit from the real coordination with PPD?

XHAFERI: My discourse is not demonic but explanatory, analytical.

Macedonia is built on the political premises of 1989 in all its
structures and institutions. A person cannot know who is more
extremist, the politician, the judge, the bureaucrat, the priest,
the policeman, the customs officer or the ordinary citizen.
Saying it in a simpler way here is going on only the recycle of

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the climate that Macedonia belongs to Macedonians, that Albanians
represent a threat so they should be put in a ghetto, and left
uncultured. Their requests for the language, symbols, school are
considered a danger for the state sovereignty, while UNREDEP or
foreign bases that will be established soon are not considered
thus.

In all aspects: political, democratic, civil, historical,

economical, and demographic, this project is not real, because
it confronts the will and the national interest of Albanians, it
confronts international regulations and standards also with
history.

The political, structural improvement of Albanians is something

that the forces that worked on wipe off the Albanian roots from
the Balkans in the last hundreds of years, dislike.

Earlier in PPDSH, and now in PDSH there will be no obstructions

for such structuring that will express the Albanian force here.
KOHA: The agreement on the mayor of Tetova was treated as a
sensation in Macedonian mass-medias while now there is no special
euphoria with the creation of the PDSH. How do you comment this?
The creation of the PDSH has also made nervous some Albanian
clans. How do you comment this phenomenon and with which parties
from all Albanian lands will the PDSH cooperate?

XHAFERI: We were very present in the Macedonian public, and the

international one because of the dizzy tempo we imposed in the
latest events, concerning the University of Tetova etc. We
penetrated in every corner where we demonstrated publicly that
there is an existing latent energy, that the political project
has many supporters, that reality that can not be changed by any
trick.

Macedonian analysts asked publicly to ban our activities, they

wanted to stop the flow of information on us, positive or
negative, they asked for the creation of a climate as if we don’t
exist. But the reality cannot be hidden. We were present
everywhere, inside and outside the country, we ran very
intensified activities in the field to compensate the obstruction
of the press. When our manifests were louder than their silence
than a new cycle of critics used to start. They called us on TV
duels in order to discipline us politically, intellectually and
personally. We were asked different questions, mostly satanic
inventions. But, we turned all these attacks in counter-attacks.
So, now the order of silence, of minimizing is in force. This
will go on until we penetrate this obstacle with an action that
can not be hidden nor turned back.

This silence expresses the refusal and the fear of the state

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structures as well as of those who will definitely lose their
relevance in the Albanian political scene.

This new party is not created for building new blocks, but to
open the path for a new structure. We have a lot of experience
and knowledge on all variants which will be very useful for our
future projects.

KOHA: Some think that in a near future you are going to be the
only leader of the Albanians in Macedonia. What will your actions
be if you are placed in a such position?

XHAFERI: I think that among us in general a mistake is being

done: we are investing in leaders and not in institutions, in
structures.

I gave myself a mission to encourage efforts on focusing our

creative energy in the creation of our political theory. Speaking
of a leader, I think that we should take in account that in the
past four years I was always in the battle, in the ring, in the
front. The whole Macedonian public, and part of the Albanian one
called me a foreigner, a newcomer, a Kosovar sent from the
"Sigurimi" (Security) to destroy the Macedonian-Albanian haven.
I needed to write hundreds of pages, to give hundreds of
interviews, to participate in hundreds of meetings, almost in
every Albanian village of Macedonia, to surpass all traps, not
because of my survival, but for the survival of a real, coherent
political line. I took and I gave punches, I ruined many deals,
including mines and in the end I feel tired, wasted.

The leader you are talking about, should be a young person, full
of vitality, energy, ambitions, with intellectual capacity and
above all, he should be accepted by all.

I think that with tolerance, with a systematic inquiry and with

stronger internal democracy such a leader could be found.
This leader, whoever he is, will be the second person in
Macedonia and will represent the will of all Albanians, with all
the respect, dangers, potentials, rights and responsibilities.
If we find enough power to accomplish this, along with the
strengthening democracy inside, I think that the importance of
the Albanians in Macedonia will be much bigger in all dimensions.

KOHA: Many processes in Macedonia have ended doing harm to

Albanians. Will the PDSH have political power to stop these
processes and to turn them in favor of Albanians?

XHAFERI: Albanians in Macedonia have a political theme, chance

and political, economical and human force to stop, to turn and
to implement their national goals.

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PPDSH and PDP, now united in PDSH have only one goal, to get this
force, this power from voters and to manifest it publicly in
order to solve all open issues in inter-ethnic relations on the
political table, out of the procedures that favor the will of the
majority.

Of course, these objectives are not easy to implement, because

a fight against structures and interests cultivated for decades,
should be done.

DEAR READERS,

AS OF THIS WEEK WE ARE STARTING OUR SUMMER SCHEME. THIS MEANS

THAT UNTIL THE FIRST WEEK OF SEPTEMBER, UNLESS SOMETHING
UNPREDICTABLE OCCURS, "KOHA" ALBANIAN WEEKLY WILL BE PUBLISHED
ON A BIWEEKLY BASIS.

"KOHA" EDITORIAL BOARD WISHES YOU THE BEST OF THE SUMMERS

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