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Abstract
In this article I argue that the essential relationship between Dietrich Bonhoeffer
and Karl Barth stands in need of reassessment. This argument is based on a survey
of literature dealing with Bonhoeffer and Barth in three basic areas between the
critically important years of 1933 and 1935. These three areas come into sharp
relief given the political background of the German Christian victory in the church
elections of 1933. Their respective positions, both theological and political, on
the Aryan clause differ greatly. For Bonhoeffer, the imposition of the Aryan clause
on the German churches represented a clear status confessionis, and Bonhoeffer
favoured a very public schism. For Barth, while the Aryan clause was certainly
troublesome, it was deemed better to wait for a more central point, namely, that
of the question of natural theology. Barths emphasis on the importance of the
question of natural theology carries over in his position regarding the significance
and role of both the Confessing Church and the ecumenical movement. We see
that Bonhoeffer explicitly questions the validity of Barths emphasis on natural
theology with respect to the Confessing Church and to the ecumenical movement.
While many scholars have argued for the basic agreement between Barth and
Bonhoeffer, especially on the question of natural theology, a closer examination
of the two in the period 193335 calls such conclusions into question.
Eberhard Bethge, Dietrich Bonhoeffer: A Biography, trans. Eric Mosbacher et al. (Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 2000), p. 178. The biography of Karl Barth by Eberhard Busch, Karl
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Barth: His Life from Letters and Autobiographical Texts, trans. John Bowden (Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans, 1994) will also be important for the following discussion.
For positions arguing or asserting the basic theological agreement between Barth and
Bonhoeffer, see Charles Marsh, Reclaiming Dietrich Bonhoeffer (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1994), p. ix; Shin Chiba, Christianity on the Eve of Postmodernity: Karl Barth
and Dietrich Bonhoeffer, in Christian Ethics in Ecumenical Context: Theology, Culture, and Politics in
Dialogue, ed. Shin Chiba, George R. Hunsberger and Lester Edwin J. Ruiz (Grand Rapids,
MI: Eerdmans, 1995), p. 192; Martin Rumscheidt, The Formation of Bonhoeffers
Theology, in The Cambridge Companion to Dietrich Bonhoeffer, ed. John W. de Gruchy (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 65; Clifford J. Green, Bonhoeffer: A Theology of
Sociality (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999), p. 239; and Stanley Hauerwas, Performing
the Faith: Bonhoeffer and the Practice of Nonviolence (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2004). For
more specific depictions of Bonhoeffer in essential agreement with Barths rejection
of natural theology, see Benkt-Erik Benktson, Christus und die Religion: Der Religionsbegriff bei
Barth, Bonhoeffer und Tillich, trans. (from the Swedish) Christa Maria Lyckhage and Erika
Goldbach (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1967); Rainer Mayer, Christuswirklichkeit: Grundlage,
Entwicklung und Konsequenzen der Theologie Dietrich Bonhoeffers (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1969);
John W. de Gruchy, Editors Introduction to the English Edition, in Creation and Fall:
A Theological Exposition of Genesis 13, trans. Douglas S. Bax, vol. 3, Dietrich Bonhoeffer Works
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997), pp. 1112; Martin Ruter and Ilse Todt, Editors
Afterword to the German Edition, in Creation and Fall, pp. 1701; and Green, Bonhoeffer:
A Theology of Sociality, p. 203. For important dissenting depictions of the relationship
between Barth and Bonhoeffer, see William F. Connor, The Natural Life of Man
and Its Laws: Conscience and Reason in the Theology of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, (PhD
dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1973) and Robin W. Lovin, Christian Faith and Public
Choices (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress Press, 1984).
John D. Godsey, Barth and Bonhoeffer: The Basic Difference, Quarterly Review 7, no. 1
(Spring 1987), p. 18.
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
political power being handed over to the Nazis, the fronts are already clearly
demarcated; in spite of Bonhoeffers ethical criticism of Barth, Bonhoeffer
stands unambiguously on Barths side.4 By this, Pangritz is pointing to the
solidarity between Barth and Bonhoeffer in their opposition to the German
Christians and Hitlers assimilation of the German state church.5
Nevertheless, there are critical points of dispute and tensions which
arise between the two men in this period, ones which cannot simply be
ignored by pointing to the broad, general agreement in opposing the German
Christians. This article will trace the positions of Barth and Bonhoeffer on
three key points of difference: the Aryan clause, the Confessing Church
and the ecumenical movement. We will see that on each of these points,
Barth emphasises the importance of the No!6 to natural theology, while
Bonhoeffer differs, sometimes explicitly, from such an understanding. Of
key import for determining the extent of Bonhoeffers and Barths accord is
the Barmen Declaration of the Confessing Church, of which Barth was the
primary author and to which Bonhoeffer constantly called the Confessing
Church to remain loyal.
Moreover, the Confessing Churchs relationship to the broader ecumenical
world is of great interest. Given the jaundiced view with which the political
structure in Germany saw the rest of the world, the international character of
the ecumenical efforts cast suspicion on the Confessing Churchs designs to
appeal to the worldwide church for support. It is especially with the German
ecclesiastical situation in view that we must appreciate the increase and
rising primacy of Bonhoeffers ecumenical activities during these years. We
will see that although Barth and Bonhoeffer agree broadly about the central
importance of Barmen and the relationship of the Confessing Church to the
international Protestant community, their approaches differ significantly.
It is in their particular views of the Barmen Declaration that the relationship
between Barth and Bonhoeffer comes to a head. For Pangritz, their mutual
4
Andreas Pangritz, Karl Barth in the Theology of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, trans. Barbara and Martin
Rumscheidt (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000), p. 47.
For more specific observations about Barths political opposition to the German
Christians, see James Barr, Biblical Faith and Natural Theology: The Gifford Lectures for 1991 Delivered
in the University of Edinburgh (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). For general conclusions
about the extent of and motives behind such opposition, see Eric Voegelin, Hitler and
the Germans, trans. Detlev Clemens and Brendan Purcell, The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin,,
vol. 31 (London: University of Missouri Press, 1999).
Karl Barth, No! Answer to Emil Brunner, in Natural Theology, trans. Peter Fraenkel (London:
Geoffrey Bles, 1946), pp. 65128. Also important for comparison will be Emil
Brunner, Nature and Grace, in Natural Theology, trans. Peter Fraenkel (London: Geoffrey
Bles, 1946), pp. 1564.
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Pangritz, Karl Barth in the Theology of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, p. 3. The first thesis of the Barmen
Declaration reads, Jesus Christ, as he is attested for us in Holy Scripture, is the one
Word of God which we have to hear and which we have to trust and obey in life
and in death. We reject the false doctrine, as though the church could and would
have to acknowledge as a source of its proclamation, apart from and besides this one
Word of God, still other events and powers, figures and truths, as Gods revelation
(8:118:12), in Arthur C. Cochrane, The Churchs Confession under Hitler (Philadelphia, PA:
Westminster Press, 1962), pp. 239.
See Bonhoeffer, Creation and Fall, and Christ the Center, trans. Edwin H. Robertson (New
York: Harper & Row, 1978). These two texts, when read together, provide a deeper
understanding of Bonhoeffers Christology and its relevance for natural theology,
rooted in Christ as logos in John 1:1. See my Christ in Creation: Bonhoeffers
Preservation Theology, Journal of Religion 86:1(2006), pp. 1317.
Bonhoeffer, The Church and the Jewish Question, in No Rusty Swords: Letters, Lectures
and Notes, 19281936, ed. Edwin H. Robertson, trans. Edwin H. Robertson and John
Bowden, vol. 1 of Collected Works of Dietrich Bonhoeffer (New York: Harper & Row,
1965), pp. 2219. Paragraph 3, section 1 of the Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des
Berufsbeamtentums. 7. April 1933, reads Beamte, die nicht arischer Abstammung
sind, sind in den Ruhestand ( 8ff.) zu versetzen; soweit es sich um Ehrenbeamte
handelt, sind sie aus dem Amtsverhaltnis zu entlassen, Reichsgesetzblatt 1, no. 34
(7 April 1933), p. 175; quoted in Carsten Nicolaisen (comp.), Dokumente zur Kirchenpolitik
des Dritten Reiches, vol. 1, Das Jahr 1933, ed. Georg Kretschmar, (Munich: C. Kaiser, 1971),
p. 35. The third thesis of the Deutsche Christen party, contained in The TwentyEight Theses of the Saxon National Church for the internal strengthening of the
German Evangelical Church, is as follows: The National Church commits itself to the
doctrines of blood and race because our people share a common blood and a common
existence. Therefore, a member of the National Church can only be such a person who,
according to the law of the State, is also a peoples comrade (Volkesgenosse). An official
of the National Church can only be such a person, who according to the law of the
State, is fit to be a civil servant. (The so-called Aryan paragraph), Joachim Beckmann
(ed.), Kirchliches Jahrbuch fur die Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland 19331944 (Gutersloh: C.
Bertelsmann, 1948), pp. 302; quoted and trans. in J. S. Conway, The Nazi Persecution of
the Churches 193345 (New York: Basic Books, 1968), pp. 3534.
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
The latter half of 1933 marked the escalation of the Nazi regime into the
realm of church politics. The status of the German church as a state church
put ecclesiastical leaders in precarious positions. Church pastors and academy
theologians alike were civil employees, under the pay and auspices of the
government. The special implications of this come to the fore in the case of
the Aryan clause, a governmental requirement excluding non-Aryans from
civil service, including ministry.
Early on, Bonhoeffer had decided what the reaction to this imposition
must be. Bethge notes that by August 1933 Bonhoeffer had concluded
beyond doubt that there could be no question of belonging to a church
that excluded the Jews.12 Bonhoeffer and his friend Franz Hildebrandt,
who was personally affected by the exclusion order, were convinced that
the acquiescence of the church to the Aryan clause would usher in a status
confessionis, which should be followed by vociferous and public schism. In this
way, Bonhoeffer and Hildebrandt insisted that an immediate exodus would
not only be more theologically consistent but more strategically successful
than a delay.13 But when Bonhoeffer and Hildebrandt looked for support
for this viewpoint, they were met with little sympathy.
The church election in July 1933 had been a huge victory for the German
Christians, and this party was now in an unquestioningly dominant position
and seeking to impose the Nazi agenda on the church. Bonhoeffer looked
to Barth for support, and the two exchanged a flurry of correspondence
on the matter. In September, Bonhoeffer initiates the contact on this topic,
seeking guidance. He begins, In your booklet you said that where a church
adopted the Aryan Clauses it would cease to be a Christian church . . . Now
10
11
12
13
Sources for this discussion will include Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics, ed. G. W. Bromiley
and T. F. Torrance, trans. G. T. Thomson, 4 vols. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1956
77), hereinafter CD, and Bonhoeffer, The Leader and the Individual in the Younger
Generation, in No Rusty Swords, pp. 190204.
Bonhoeffer, The Confessing Church and the Ecumenical Movement, in No Rusty Swords,
pp. 32644.
Bethge, Dietrich Bonhoeffer: A Biography, p. 273.
Ibid., p. 308.
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the expected has happened, and I am therefore asking you . . . to let us know
whether you feel that it is possible either to remain in a church which has
ceased to be a Christian church or to continue to exercise a ministry which
has become a privilege for Aryans.14 Bonhoeffer continues, When is there
any possibility of leaving the church? There can be no doubt at all that the
status confessionis has arrived; what we are by no means clear about is how
the confessio is most appropriately expressed today.15 Bonhoeffer favours the
possibility of open schism, but is seeking to enlist the aid of the influential
and elder Barth.
In his immediate reply, Barth also does not doubt that the status confessionis
has been reached, as he writes, I too am of the opinion that there is
a status confessionis.16 At the same time, Barth says that other than public
denouncement of the Aryan clause, I am for waiting. When the breach
comes, it must come from the other side.17 Despite the gravity of the
situation, it could then well be that the encounter might take place at a still
more central point.18 Barth is of the opinion that the best course of action
is to stay in the German church and to call it to repentance from within.
Busch writes, Barth pleaded that people should stay in, so long as they were
not simply excluded. However, they should take the line that to collaborate
now means to protest. Above all, he warned against mere church-political
tactics: We must be men who believe, first and last. That and nothing
else.19 This response is a great disappointment to Bonhoeffer, as Bethge
observes: Even like-minded theologians such as Karl Barth and Hermann
Sasse decided to wait for even worse heresies than the racial conformity
of the Civil Service Law.20
In his reflection on the situation, Eric Voegelin, after noting that
Bonhoeffer is one of the few young church leaders to take a radical stand
against the Aryan clause, sees that the majority of the church in Germany is
slow to act. He writes, So here you have this pattern of social behavior. As
long as the neighbor gets it in the neck, we all happily join in, but as soon
as our own turn comes, then there is resistance. But by that time it is a bit
too late, and naturally the basic rules of humanity were not available when
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
the other was being massacred.21 Later he writes that Bonhoeffer is one
of the genuine victims of resistance; but what is usually called resistance
is a resistance apropos of the threat to peoples own social, material or
institutional interests.22
For Barth, even though he concurred with Bonhoeffers expression that
the Aryan clause brought about a status confessionis, it apparently was not
the full status confessionis or did not have the binding character that later
developments would. When his position as professor at Bonn was threatened
by a requirement to sign a pledge of loyalty to Hitler, matters were construed
somewhat differently. Barth writes in a letter reflecting on these events, From
the very first moment that I heard in Switzerland that this oath was being
required, it was quite clear to me that when the request reached me I would
be put in the status confessionis as specifically and as appropriately as could be.23
The quarrel over the oath would be one of the major instrumental causes
resulting in Barths retreat from Germany to Switzerland in 1935.
Earlier in April of 1933, Bonhoeffer had already directly addressed the
issue in an article entitled The Church and the Jewish Question. After setting
up the questions that can only be answered in the light of a true concept
of the church,24 Bonhoeffer lays out the three possible ways in which the
church can act towards the state.25 The first of these is to ask the state
whether its actions are legitimate and in accordance with the character of
the state.26 By this Bonhoeffer means that the church should prophetically
criticise the state and attempt to call it back to its proper role and function. In
the second place, Bonhoeffer writes that the church is to aid the victims of
state action. The church has an unconditional obligation to the victims of any
ordering of society, even if they do not belong to the Christian community.27
The third option is the most radical and the option whose validity is most
rare. It points forward to Bonhoeffers activities towards the end of his life.
He writes, The third possibility is not just to bandage the victims under the
wheel but to put a spoke in the wheel itself. Such action would be direct
21
22
23
24
25
26
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political action, and is only possible and desirable when the church sees the
state fail in its function of creating law and order.28
At the time he wrote this article in April, Bonhoeffer finds the first two as
the only viable options with regard to the specific issue at hand, the Jewish
question. The third option only is available when the state engaged in the
forced exclusion of baptised Jews from our Christian congregations or in
the prohibition of our mission to the Jews. Here the Christian church would
find itself in statu confessionis and here the state would be in the act of negating
itself.29 It is not much later, however, before such a state of affairs becomes
manifest, as the state imposes the Aryan clause on the church. It is at this
point that Bonhoeffer seeks the aid of Barth, because Bonhoeffer finds that
the third option can only be decided at any time by an Evangelical Council
and cannot therefore ever be casuistically decided beforehand.30
The disagreement on the wisdom of public schism was to have important
consequences. Bonhoeffer accepted an offer to pastor two congregations,
one Lutheran and one Reformed, in London. He did not seek Barths advice
on this manoeuvre, possibly because he knew Barth would counsel against it.
While Bonhoeffer was away in London, Barth began to have troubles of his
own, as his refusal to resign membership in the Social Democratic party led
to increased criticism of his position at Bonn. During his travels throughout
Germany at this time, Barth ran up against Bonhoeffers absence. Busch
writes, To his regret, in Berlin Barth missed meeting Dietrich Bonhoeffer, for
whose clear-sightedness he had such a high regard. Bonhoeffer had retreated
to a pastorate in London for eighteen months.31 What Barth viewed as a
retreat, Bonhoeffer felt was perhaps the only way of publicly acknowledging
the importance of the Aryan clause and remaining loyal to his family and
friends, like his brother-in-law Gerhard Liebholz and Hildebrandt, who were
directly impacted by such laws.
The Confessing Church
What might most often be viewed as the point of Barth and Bonhoeffers
most considerable and explicit agreement (their opposition to the German
Christians) is complicated by the split between Barth and Bonhoeffer on the
reaction to the Jewish question and the Aryan clause. To be sure, Bonhoeffer
was a staunch proponent of the Barmen Declaration and its ratification at
Dahlem. Nevertheless, there seems to be a disconnection between Barths
28
29
30
31
Ibid., p. 225.
Ibid., p. 225.
Ibid., p. 226.
Busch, Karl Barth, p. 233.
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
view of his own confession and the view of it taken on by most other people,
including Bonhoeffer.
The central point for Barth in his response to Brunner in 1934 was a
very clear and comprehensive rejection of natural theology. So too was this
rejection the defining characteristic for Barth of the Barmen Declaration.
Thus, when Pangritz makes reference to the importance of the first article of
the Barmen Declaration and its significance for Barths rejection of natural
theology, he is not mistaken.32
With a view of the controlling power of Barths rejection of natural
theology for his view of the church struggle, Busch observes that in the very
first days of the Third Reich Barth gave a lecture on The First Commandment
as a Theological Axiom, the theme of which unmistakably defined what he
believed to be the basic situation facing the church and theology.33 In this
lecture from March 1933, Barth:
detected a danger of having other gods than God in every theological
attempt to connect the concept of revelation with other authorities which
for some reason are thought to be important (like human existence,
order, state, people and so on) by means of the momentous little
word and. And he challenged Christians at last to say farewell to all
and every kind of natural theology, and to dare to trust only in the God
who has revealed himself in Jesus Christ.34
As we will see, Barth tends to find the central issue at stake in the church
struggle to be a rejection of natural theology. This will be apparent again later
in the discussion of the Confessing Churchs relationship to the ecumenical
world. At this point, however, we might have some hint of what Barth might
have meant by a more central point in his counsel to Bonhoeffer concerning
the Aryan clause (other than when his own academic position is threatened).
The centrality of the rejection of natural theology not only comes to
expression in Barths lecture on the First Commandment and in his reply
to Brunner, but also follows in his understanding of the significance of
the Barmen Declaration. As Busch writes, For Barth, all possibilities of
resistance in the church struggle depended on this clear no.35 Busch details
the relevance of the Barmen Declaration with regard to natural theology for
Barth. He writes, the text of the Barmen Declaration was important for Barth
32
33
34
35
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39
40
41
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
44
45
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Ibid., p. 447.
Ibid., p. 447.
Ibid.
Godsey, Basic Difference, p. 24.
Pangritz, Karl Barth in the Theology of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, p. 13.
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
In his angry reply to Brunner, Barth remarks that Brunner has entered
upon the downward path in Nature and Grace more obviously than in any
previous pronouncement . . . I am no longer able to distinguish him
fundamentally from a Thomist or Neo-Protestant.51 It is their common
basis in natural theology that is the unifying factor in Barths rejection of
both Catholicism and liberal theology. In this vein he writes, The Reformers
did not perceive the extent to which even Augustine, to whom they were so
fond of appealing, has to be regarded as a Roman Catholic theologian, and
the reserve with which he has therefore to be taken.52 In the preface to his
Church Dogmatics, Barth identifies the Roman Catholic doctrine of the analogia
entis with liberal theology, the line which leads from Schleiermacher by way
of Ritschl to Hermann with the analogia entis which is legitimate only on the
basis of Roman Catholicism.53 And here too, Barth views the analogia entis as
the invention of Antichrist.54
Bonhoeffers careful leading of his ordinands through the Smalcald Articles
and his comments about the nature of the relationship between church
decisions and the positions of an individual theologian pivot here on Barths
conflation of natural theology, liberal theology and Catholic theology. As
will be noted below, Bonhoeffer states that the Confessing Church does not
confess against Rome, despite whatever intentions Barth may have had to
that end. As Bonhoeffer writes in August 1935, For the Confessing Church,
Anti-Christ sits not in Rome, nor even in Geneva, but in the government of
the National Church in Berlin.55
The ecumenical movement
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58
59
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
61
62
63
64
65
Bonhoeffer, The Confessing Church and the Ecumenical Movement, in No Rusty Swords,
p. 329.
Ibid., p. 327.
Ibid., p. 335.
Ibid., p. 336.
Ibid., p. 337.
Ibid., p. 338.
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the German Christian church and against the neo-pagan divinisation of the
creature; for the Confessing Church, Anti-Christ sits not in Rome, or even
in Geneva, but in the government of the National Church in Berlin.66 Here
we see the switch in perspective between the situation when Bonhoeffer
expounds on the Leadership principle in 1933 and the situation in 1935,
when the order of government has been totally closed to the gospel and
is seeking its destruction. In Bonhoeffers view, the Confessing Church has
entered the stage of the spoke in the wheel.
Natural theology and the church
68
69
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The Aryan clause, the Confessing Church, and the ecumenical movement
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And so too has the question been raised regarding the theological affinities
between Barth and Bonhoeffer. Given the varied disagreements on the
important events between 1933 and 1935, we can say that Bonhoeffer did not
share Barths view on the fundamental importance of the question of natural
theology in the matters of the Aryan clause, the Confessing Church and the
ecumenical movement. Disagreement on these points is reason enough for
a closer look at the complex relationship between Dietrich Bonhoeffer and
Karl Barth.
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