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EDITORIAL
by VETON SURROI
The effect of the internal Albanian political crises is the same as that of the rain in the heat: it
refreshes for a moment, it creates the illusion that the temperature has finally stabilized and
then the same rhythm of heat continues.
So it happened with the created problem about elections: once proclaimed, the postponement
was reported by the press, it eventually was mentioned in a branch of a party and more or less
was put in the drawer of oblivion.
In fact, something of the kind could have been expected. The Kosovar political rhythm
doesn't tolerate since long ago, since 1991, an abrupt and unexpected movement. In the
eventual scenarios of political developments, the Kosovar conflict enters the category of the
stalling, for years, of stuck positions of the opposing parties, waiting for a foreign power to
unexpectedly force the opposing party to change it's position. Moreover, the status-quo
creates such an atmosphere among the opposing sides, that any initiative is experienced by
the parties as dangerous for the stability reached by force. Just let's remember the agreement
on education, which was not applied, among others, because the Serbian party would live it as
a loss of the reached stable position. In these days of heat, at the eve of the dead political
summer season, one must remember that autumn is no more promising when it comes to the
political movements.
The party that must move, the Serb, has only one thing in the list of its priorities, to survive in
power. The Serbian president, since long ago, sees as his main task the maintenance of power,
whatever it may be like, including the future elections and new positioning in the so called
Yugoslav federation. In these conditions, the Kosovar experience shows that not many can
have any influence in the movements about and around Kosova.
Even more having in mind the complex game of the former Spanish premier, Gonzales, in his
mission about the electoral crisis in Serbia, when he showed the Serbian president how deep
can the external intervention be in the "internal political scene". When OSCE, for example,
can be that critical about some local elections, the Serbian leader can think, what is it capable
of doing about the dramatically bad situation in Kosova?
Chances are that the Serbian president will have plenty of time to think about this issue.
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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ALBANIA
MISSION IMPOSSIBLE
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Therefore the Electoral Law was adopted by the votes of the
Democrats, who have 80% of the seats in parliament.
Other parties left the parliament too. On the day the law was being
approved, a meeting was set to be held in Vlorë, where some
opposition parties and members of the Forum for Democracy were
invited. According to the political contract signed with Vranitzky
on 9 May, the committees should have dissolved today. But the bad
political situation in Tirana and failing to achieve a consensus on
the Electoral Law makes this objective less likely to happen. Franz
Vranitzky, said he alone couldn't make any positive changes in his
talks, although he invited president Berisha and prime minister
Fino to have another meeting where they would solve their
misunderstandings.
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ALBANIA
While leaving the session, the chairman of the HRP, Vasil Melo,
said: "I cannot stay here. Democrats can vote pro if they wish".
The Republican Party said that it will also boycott the elections
if the agreement reached with Vranitzky is not respected.
Democrats say that the law was presented by them, since Fino's
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government didn't present it's draft to the parliament. But,
opposition parties seem to be determined to not vote for the
project presented by DP.
ALBANIA
KOHA: You were against the agreement of 9 March. Are you still
thinking the same?
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that spread all across the country. People rushed onto the ports
and a new exodus started. In that moment, western countries with
the persistence of Italy, decided to give a positive answer to the
request for sending their troops, that was first made by President
Berisha, later accepted by the political parties and formalised by
the government of reconciliation. This was an immediate result of
the agreement of 9 March. Therefore, while reconciliation was
reached on the scene, a government of the coalition was formed and
the elections were assured, a civil war was being prepared in the
background. There was anarchy and foreign troops were called in.
This was the peak of Berisha's policy "abyss calls an abyss". In my
opinion, on 9 March, Albania fell deeper in the abyss.
KOHA: Do you think that the members of the opposition were naive,
didn't understand that they were giving Berisha "the hand of God" -
as he called the idea of the Government of Reconciliation?
LUBONJA: I think that they thought that he was weak, and above all,
that he couldn't be that irrational to do what he did - to order
the opening of the ammunition depots, what was equal to the
destruction of Albania. It is understood that "the hand of God"
didn't come to Berisha, it was rather the hand of the Devil,
because this led to the worst scenarios in Albania, perhaps worse
than those from the times of Enver Hoxha. How can be something that
killed hundreds of Albanians, that made them become preys of
criminals, that forced them into the Adriatic sea were lot of them
found only death, be called "the hand of God". From that day
Albanians are continuously being killed and it is hard to believe
that for a long time they will live in peace. The fall of the
pyramid schemes is a children's game compared to what was done by
the fall of the state.
KOHA: Do you think that even the Forum for Democracy lost it's
strength after 9 March?
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From this point of view, the behavior of each political party would
be important also for the political future of Albania and for the
real national reconciliation. This would be especially important,
because in the past, our people have been disappointed with the
politicians. I am saying that people needed to have faith in
politicians. The elimination of the Forum disillusioned many of
them. Historically, all the agreements between Albanians failed,
because in all cases, one side had invalidated the agreement, and,
step by step, had eliminated the others.
Vranitzky said that this was the first time such an accurate
agreement was reached, he even called it "a new invention". Only
two days later, the Parliament approved a partial Electoral Law,
and it came out that all of this was only a new invention in the
Byzantine manoeuvres of Berisha.
KOHA: From what is seen on TV, it seems that right now, Berisha's
only ally is King Leka Zogu. How do you explain this?
LUBONJA: This proves that Berisha is ready to use all means and
every kind of allies to stay in power. A few years ago, Berisha
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didn't allow King Zogu to come to Albania. Perhaps, Berisha
considers him to be out of this conflict and out of the hatred he
feels towards other politicians. But, I think that it is not good
to hold a referendum together with the elections. For this kind of
referendum, it is necessarily to have a calm situation, a situation
in which Albanians could think and judge better whether they want
a monarchy or a republic. I'm afraid that Berisha could use King
Leka in his efforts to divide the North and South.
KOHA: How do you perceive the attitude of the West towards all what
is happening in Albania?
KOHA: So, you are not very positive about the military
intervention?
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But, the worst thing is that he plays two cards: one in the scene
and another on the backstage. He does not realize that he is
fighting his people. And, I think that it is very hard to deal with
somebody that is more an object of psychiatry or justice. Perhaps
the situation could be solved with more patience, with an increased
intervention of Europe, or perhaps with more courage. But, with
politically incriminated people, it is very unlikely to find a
solution.
KOHA: How do you judge the attitude of Prishtinë towards the events
in Albania?
KOSOVA
After a pause, it seems like the Liberation Army of Kosova (UÇK) is appearing on the
political scene again. Apparently this pause was caused by the Albanian crisis and the
destabilization of the country. But, after an action in Drenicë, and, especially after UÇK
people decided to talk to “The New York Times”, the public’s attention was again
redrawn on them.
In fact, appearing in a prestigious newspaper such as “The New York Times”, marks a
new phase in the organization’s political appearance, which this time chooses a
concrete communication form with the public, moreover, a worldwide public. It can be
said that UÇK, starting from anonymity and deep conspiracy, by further perpetrating
some armed attacks in order to finally come our with political statements, now seems to
have found a form of communication with the public through the international media.
“Within three years, the Serbian regime in Kosova will be destroyed”- is Alban’s
analysis as stated in “The New York Times” and this, besides being an analysis, seems
to eventually mark the organization’s stand to continue it”s activities.
This promise came only after a group of people whom the Serbian authorities in Kosova
accuses of belonging to the organization, were captured, arrested and are soon
expected to face trial. Moreover, this argument was used even from senior Serbian
police authorities, in order to show their successful work. On 13 May (Security Day),
the new police chief, Stoiljkovic, stated that the main achievement of the police, as
evaluated by the minister, was “the capturing of Albanian terrorists in Kosova”.
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Same as Stoiljkovic, Prishtinë's police chief, Keric, counted the capture of the group
that "they believe is connected to UÇK and whose trial will begin soon", as their
greatest success. In fact, the previously captured group was merged with the group of
five, which according to Serbian police authorities, operated close to the Prishtinë
region. The captured group was shown on the main TV news broadcast, besides
weapons and different explosive devices. The trial against the whole group of the
arrested and accused of terrorism in Kosova, has been already announced.
The present increased Serbian police activity and the pronouncement of the high
officials of the Serbian Ministry of Interior has, with no doubts, political marketing
purposes, which is utmost necessary in electoral times. Moreover, waving with this
joker is necessary for both the domestic and international public, which is supposed to
prove how the Serbian regime has everything under control, including Kosova.
And, right now, at the time of these Serbian efforts, UÇK appears in public, through a
prestigious newspaper to which it's members sketch a symbolic drawing with the blue
marker that shows the Serbian regime in Kosova as an empty box that will be hit by
them and will be destroyed within three years. The Albanian emigrant who was
wearing jeans and looked ordinary, but who has spent a long time in Serbian jails and
who is “one of the most wanted terrorists in Yugoslavia”, said to The New York Times
journalist, that UÇK is not IRA nor is it the Basque movement. “We’re not a terrorist
organization. We only attack the representatives of Serbian regime. We target the
secret police, the Albanian collaborationists that cooperate with the Serbian regime”.
But, the thing stated in the newspaper and that is worth mentioning again is that this
organization is leaning on 700.000 Albanian emigrants in the West. It is also very much
worth mentioning their evaluation that “Kosova is at the edge of a guerrilla war”, and
that this situation is a result of having ignored the Kosova issue in Dayton, as states
the newspaper.
The thing that proves that the problem won't remain within media, is the writing of a
senior American diplomat, who has read the agency’s information claiming that it was
not accurate. Even though the information is considered as such, this doesn’t
necessarily dodge the worldwide political circle’s interests for a phenomena such as is
the UÇK in Kosova. In the highly tense situation in Kosova, UÇK doesn’t only interest
the Serbian police, but it seems like it interests some important world political factors.
Especially if the drawing with the blue marker is at least a bit true.
So, UÇK, and anybody else doing similar things, will not remain only a Serbian or
Albanian electoral marketing issue...”
KOSOVA
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campaign, when over 60 people accused of anti-governmental
activities were placed behind the bars, according to police
sources.
There are no proofs for these allegations, same as for the rest
of political trials. But, it seems like this will “pass” too,
because as Balaj says, “some of the accused admitted the facts
and circumstances, which will be used by the prosecutor as proof
that corroborates the existence of the criminal act they are
accused of”. According to these statements, there are no elements
for accusation, because according to the lawyers, “this
accusation incriminates the freedom of speech, the free political
will of the accused to have Kosova become an independent state or
to become unified with Albania. In fact, it is the right of each
citizen to feel or act this way, but using no violence”. One of
the incriminating elements is the publication of a leaflet called
“Çlirimi” (Liberation), which is, according to the accusation, “a
vital part of the illegal organization, the LKÇK ("National
Movement for the Liberation of Kosova")”. For the public
prosecutor, this also counts as proof of the committed crime.
But, the defense considers this unacceptable, because as Balaj
puts it, “there are many other ordinary texts published and these
texts can be found published in the other media in Kosova and
abroad”. The freedom of expression through media can’t be
incriminated because, says Balaj, “since the times of the Romanic
law, it is well known that governments and leadership can’t be
overthrown by words or newspapers, but only with the use of force
and violence, and in this case there was no violence nor force
used”.
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investigation procedures against Albanians in Kosova. The
chairperson of the “Humanitarian Law Center” in Belgrade, Natasa
Kandic, stated that “Following an extensive report on human
rights violations, a commander of a police station wrote us a
letter in which he says that the use of violence during
interrogations will continue and that all “secessionists” will be
further tortured”.
This association has made a call to the EU and the USA, to use
their mechanisms and monitor this trial and thus get acquainted
with the reality more closely. Even president Rugova asked for
“the framed-up trials to be stopped”, saying that , “they make
the situation in Kosova even more difficult”.
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SERBIA
After the war, communists prohibited the return of the king and
his family, they confiscated his property and proclaimed the
republic.
Vuk Draskovic, even though he will never admit it, was aware of
his image. This is why since the horrendous defeat that SPO
suffered in 1990, he always appeared in the following elections
in coalitions, trying to amortize the image of SPO created by the
regime's propaganda and the endless mistakes of the proper SPO.
"ZAJEDNO", without any doubt, was the best combination of the
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opposition in the Serbian post-communist elections that achieved,
despite the bad results in the federal elections last autumn, the
victory in all major towns and thus open the path for the
republican parliamentary and presidential elections. The "Yellow
Revolution", organized by the opposition and the impressive
performance of the civic and pro-European Serbia, for the first
time gave the impression that the democratic opposition of
Serbia, identified as "Zajedno", could put in trouble the
personal rule of Slobodan Milosevic. The fraud gave wings to the
opposition, and for the first time, Milosevic found himself in
more serious troubles.
The old conflicts of the SPO and Democratic Party (DS), and
especially between their leaders Vuk Draskovic and Zoran
Djindjic, emanated once more with full intensity, as soon as the
demonstrations were over. The biggest obstacle was the "creative"
agreement of the coalition partners on the share of posts
following the (eventual) victory in the republican elections -
which implied that the candidate for President should be proposed
by SPO, the prime-minister by DS, and the chairman of the Serbian
parliament by the Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS). Normally, SPO
nominated Vuk Draskovic, for president, but the coalition
partners didn't seem to be delighted. Now, SPO is feeling hurt
because of the "betrayal" of the partners, which seems to be
true. However, Djindjic has a very strong counter-argument: "We
need a candidate who could win the elections, and it is not
likely that Draskovic, who is satanised, is the right person - we
don't want to go into defeat just to preserve the coalition".
SPO has no rational answer to this argument, that is why in the
past weeks it returned to its "grassroots", and the story about
the return of the Karadjordjevic, the rehabilitation of the
Ravnagora movement and the vulgar anticommunist movement which,
because it lacks statal power, spends it's energy on changing the
names of the streets and other manifestations of revenge.
The story about the return of Serbia under the rule of the
monarchy, could seem as the best way to move away from the
Communist past. However, it is also important that it is not
supported by most of the Serbs.
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fighting against French revolution. Also it is true, that the
communist historiography has destroyed many aspects of the
Ravnagora movement during World War II, but serious politicians
should take into consideration the long-term indoctrination by
Bulajic's films, even when the images don't have much in common
with the always disputable historical truth. The differences
between coalition partners are increasing as the elections
approach. The collapse of the coalition is very likely to happen.
New links could be created. In this situation, SPO can expect a
kind of isolation, which would split the opposition in two parts -
SPO against all the others. This would be a favorable solution
for the regime, while Vuk Draskovic's party will continue its
course in the shining path, to which Draskovic's wife Danica
referred to as: "We will keep losing, until it becomes
monotonous".
MONTENEGRO
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Council, that decided to reconfirm Djukanovic in the post of
vice-chairman of the party. The second one is his tutor,
Milosevic, who has so far, met several times with Djukanovic, and
who is now seldom talking with Bulatovic even on the phone; not
surprising, for no one likes the weak. And what about the
Montenegrin parliament, is it going to help Bulatovic? There are
no encouraging signs for that. The source of all his hopes, could
easily be the source of his disappointment, because a Montenegrin
president is not supported by the state institutions.
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