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Kalinago (Carib) Resistance to European Colonisation of the Caribbean

Author(s): HILARY McD. BECKLES


Source: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 4, The 60th Anniversary Edition: West Indian History
(December, 2008), pp. 77-94
Published by: University of the West Indies and Caribbean Quarterly
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40654700
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77

Kalinago (Carib) Resistanceto European


ColonisationoftheCaribbean

HILARY McD.. BECKLES


The resistanceof nativeCaribbeanpeople to the colonial dispensation
theColumbuslandfallof 1492 has received
established
by Europeansfollowing
fromscholars.Unlike the case withthe experienceof
attention
insufficient
accountsof their
enslavedAfricanpeoplefewstudieshavepresented
systematic
his
for
The
reasons
anti-colonialand anti-slavery
historiographie
struggle.
forexample,thattheir
clear.No one has suggested,
imbalancearenotaltogether
fightforliberty,life and land was any less endemicor virulentthanthatof
haveindicated
accountsofEuropeansettlement
On thecontrary,-*most
Africans.
thenew
in confronting
and tenacity
in a generalsortof way theirdetermination
warfare.1
with
to
limitations
in
their
relative
of
order spite
respect
technological
This studyseeksto specifysomeof thepoliticaland military
responsesof
as Caribs) to the
the Kalinago people (knownin the colonial documentation
Europeaninvasionas theysoughtto maintaincontroloverlandsand livesin the
to theimmediate
makesreference
islandsoftheLesserAntilles.The examination
to
the
and
touches
-Columbian
decades,
century
briefly
upon earlyeighteenth
post
withtheperiod1624to
in 1713,butis concerned
theTreatyofUtrecht
principally
considerable
confronted
were
1700 whenKalinagos
military
pressuresfrom
by
Englishand Frenchcolonisingagents.Duringthis period Kalinagos in the
war of resistanceto
Windwardand Leeward Islands launcheda protracted
and slavery.TheyheldoutagainsttheEnglishand Frenchuntilthe
colonisation
theirsocial freedom,and
some territory,
mid-1790's, protecting
maintaining
the
of
and
the
economic
regionin veryimportant
politicalhistory
determining
ways.2
Accordingto recentarchaeologicalevidence,the Kalinagowerethelast
migrant
groupto settleill theCaribbeanpriorto thearrivalof theEuropeansin
derivation
1492. The Columbusmissionfoundthreenativegroups,of different
theCaribbeanfromtheregionof
butall ofwhomentered
andcultural
attainments,
These
were the Ciboney,the Taino
Guianas.
South Americaknownas the
(Arawaks)andtheKalinago.The Ciboneyhad arrivedabout300 B.C., followed

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78

about500 yearslaterandwhoby650 A.D. had


bytheTaino,theirethnicrelatives,
in the
northwards
theislandsestablishing
migrated
through
largecommunities
GreaterAntilles.Starting
theirmigration
intotheislandsfromabout1000 A.D.,
atthetimeoftheColumbuslandfall.Theywerealso
Kalinagoswerestillarriving
intheprocessofestablishing
controloverterritory
andcommunities
occupiedby
TainosintheLesserAntilles,andpartsoftheGreaterAntilles.WhentheSpanish
arrivedinthenorthern
Caribbean,therefore,
theyfoundtheTainostosomeextent
on
the
but
later
encountered
defensive,
already
Kalinagoswhotheydescribedas
3
morepreparedforaggression
had beeninhabiting
Kalinagos,like theirTaino cousinsand predecessors,
theislandslongenoughtoperceivethemas partoftheirnatural,
survival
ancestral,
environment.
As a result,notedG.K. Lewis,theypreparedthemselves
to defend
theirhomelandin a spiritof defiant"patriotism,"
thatthe
wished
having
4
"Europeanshad neverset footin theircountry." Fromtheoutset,however,
more preparedfor a violent
Europeancolonial forceswere technologically
in
struggleforspace since in real terms,the Columbusmissionrepresented
additiontothemaritime
ofEurope,themobilisation
of
courageanddetermination
finance
and
science
and
for
large-scale
military
capital,
technology imperialist
ends. This processwas also buttressed
and
by the frenziedsearchforidentity
the
and
cultural
of
other
globalranking
byEuropeansthrough conquest
negation
races.
In the GreaterAntilles,Tainos offereda spiritedbut largelyineffective
resistance
to theSpanisheventhoughon occasionstheyweresupported
military
clearin theearlysixteenth
in the
by theKalinago.Thiswas particularly
century
case of thestruggleforPuertoRico in whichKalinagosfromneighbouring
St
CroixcametoTainoassistance.In 1494,Columbusledan armedpartyof400 men
intotheinterior
of Hispaniolain searchof food,gold,and slavesto whichTaino
Caciques mobilisedtheirarmiesforresistance.
Guacanagari,a leadingCacique,
whohadtriedpreviously
an accommodating
withmilitary
tonegotiate
settlement
commanderAlonso de Ojeba, marchedunsuccessfully
in 1494 with a few
thousand
menupontheSpanish.In 1503,another
at
forty
Caciqueswerecaptured
and
burnt
alive
Governor
Ovando'
s
the
Anacaona,
Hispaniola
by
troops;
principal
Cacique was hungpubliclyin Santo Domingo.In PuertoRico, the Spanish
settlement
ledbyPoncede Leon,was attacked
party,
byTainowarriors;
frequently
manySpanishsettlerswerekilledbutTainos and Kalinagosweredefeatedand
crushedinthecounter
assault,hi 15 11, resistance
inCuba,ledbyCaciqueHatuey,
was putdown;he was capturedand burntalive; anotherrisingin 1529 was also

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79

werehigh.Thousandswerekilledin
Taino fatalities
crushed.In thesestruggles,
battleand publiclyexecutedforthepurposeof breakingthespiritof collective
and forestswheretheyestablished
somerebelsfledto themountains
resistance;
thewaragainsttheSpanish.5
thatcontinued
maroonsettlements
By
intermittently
had
resistance
Taino
and
themiddleofthesixteenth
however,
Kalinago
century,
structures
crushedin the GreaterAntilles;theircommunity
been effectively
smashed.andmembersreducedto variousformsof enslavementin Spanish
andminingenterprises.
agricultural
In the Lesser Antilles,however,the Kalinago were more successfulin
first
theSpanish,andthenlatertheEnglishandFrench,
thereby
preserving
defying
toCarl
control
oftheirterritory.
andmaintaining
theirpoliticalfreedom
According
turned
tothesouthern
Sauer,"As thelaborsupplyon Espaoladeclined,attention
PuertoRico, to theGuianaswere
islands"whichfromSt. Croix,neighbouring
inhabited
bytheKalinagos.SpanishroyaledictsdatedNovember7, 1508 andJuly
tocaptureandenslaveKalinagoson "theislandofLos
settlers
authorised
3,1512,
Barbados [Barbados],Dominica, Matinino [Martinique],Santa Lucia, San
Vincente,la Asuncion [Grenada],and Tavaco [Tobago]," because of their
"resistanceto Christians."6
however,the
century,
By the end of the sixteenth
Spanishhad decided,havingacceptedas facttheabsenceof gold in theLesser
at thehandsof Kalinago
of considerablefatalities
Antilles,and theinevitability
their
thatitwas wiserto adopta "handsoffpolicy"whileconcentrating
warriors,
became
Antilles
and
Lesser
a
the
Greater
Antilles.
As
intheGreater
efforts
result,
what
this
time
at
TroyFloyddescribedas a "poisonarrow
by
separated
politically
theircolonizingmissionsduringthe
The EnglishandFrenchinitiating
curtain."?
had a clear choice. They could either
century,therefore,
early seventeenth
orKalinagoforcessouth
theSpanishnorthofthe"poisonarrowcurtain"
confront
considerable
to
encounter
it.
Either
of
organisedarmed
way, theyexpected
thatKalinagos
resistance.
partlybecauseoftheperception
Theychosethelatter,
were
the'common
that
of
the
belief
weretheweaker,butalso because
Kalinagos
enemy'of all Europeansand thatsolidaritycould be achievedforcollective
againstthem.
military
operations
of Spanishcolonisation
by
Havingsecuredsomerespitefromthepressures
confronted
theendofthesixteenth
then,La Kalinagoswereimmediately
century,
determined
and
the
more
Englishand
militarily
economicallyaggressive
by
in
Frenchcolonists.Once again,theybegan to reorganisetheircommunities
resistance
case
of
a
clear
it
would
be
This
for
counter
strategies. time,
preparation
numberswere being
on the retreat.By the 1630s, theirrapidlydiminishing

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80

consolidated
arounda smallergroupof speciallychosenislands- mostlyin the
Windwardsbut also in the Leewards.By this time,for instance,Barbados,
in a Spanishdocumentof 1511 as an islanddenselypopulatedwith
identified
Kalinagos, no longer had a native presence. Europeans understoodthe
and
andresettlement
ofKalinagocommunities,
ofthisreorganisation
significance
coloniesinperipheral
established
theirinfant
partsoftheLeewardIslandswhere
andinBarbadoswhereitwas nowabsent.The
theirpresencewas less formidable,
thatmostoftheirsettlements
wouldhaveto
aware
and
were
English French,then,
Thisexpectation,
cometotermswithKalinagoresistance.
however,didnotdeter
where
an effective
foothold
and
continued
to
seek
out
island
niches
them, they
couldbe gaineduntilsuchtimeas Kalinagoforcescouldbe subduedanddestroyed
bytheirrespective
imperialforces.
of theKalinago fortwo
The Englishand Frenchsoughtthepacification
distinct,but relatedreasons,and overtimeadopted different
strategiesand
methodsbut maintained
theideologicalpositionthattheyshouldbe enslaved,
drivenout,or exterminated.
First,landsoccupiedbytheKalinagowererequired
forlarge scale commodity
productionwithinthe expansive,capitalist,North
of theCaribbeanintothis
Atlanticagrariancomplex.The effective
integration
the
of landthrough
mercantile
andproductive
systemrequiredtheappropriation
revolutionize
of
the
finance
to
enterprise,
capital,then,sought
agency
plantation
the marketvalue of Kalinago lands by makingthemavailable to European
commercialinterests.
By resistingland confiscation
Kalinagoswere therefore
the full ideologicaland economicforceof Atlanticcapitalism.
confronting
Second,Europeaneconomicactivitiesin the Caribbeanwere based upon the
Africans.The principalroleand relation
enslavement
of Indigenesand imported
withinthecolonialformation
was that
assignedtotheseandothernon-Europeans
in
in
were
not
successful
of servitude.
the
Lesser
Antilles,however,
Europeans
reducingan economicnumberof Kalinagoto chattelslavery,or otherformsof
servitude.
UnliketheTaino,theirlabourcouldnotbe effectively
commodified,
tosubdue.Itwas notthatthe
simplybecausetheircommunities
provedimpossible
thantheTaino.Rather,itwas becausethenomadic
Kalinagoweremoremilitant
natureoftheirsmallcommunities,
andtheiremphasisuponterritorial
acquisition,
inparta responsetothegeographical
the
Lesser
enabled
them
features
of
Antilles,
in a "strikeand sail" resistance
to makemoreeffective
use of theenvironment
strategy.
Kalinago,then,whilenotpreparedto suffereitherland or labourto
effective
Europeans,werebetter
placedto implement
counter-aggression.

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81

warofresistance,
whichintimidated
becauseoftheirirrepressible
Primarily
all Europeansin the region,Kalinago were targetedfirstfor an ideological
withintheEuropeanmind,notas 'noble
campaigninwhichtheywereestablished
Tainos,butas 'viciouscannibals'
savages,'as was thecase withtheless effective
withinthecontextof genocidalmilitary
expeditions.8
worthyof extermination
Voluminousdetailswere preparedby Spanishand laterEnglishand French
of theKalinago,
on thepoliticaland ideologicalmentality
colonialchroniclers
"
mostofwhomcalledfor"holywars"against"Lessauvages as a principal
wayto
achievetheirsubjugation.Literature,
datingback to Columbusin 1494, in a
whileat thesametimeoutlined
deniedKalinagohumanity
fashion,
contradictory
In the
consciousnessand attitudes.
and anti-slavery
theirgeneralanti-colonial
Sieurde la Borde,andPere
de Tertre,
ofJean-Baptiste
writings
Labat, for example,all late seventeenth
centuryFrenchreportersof
as a people who would"preferto die of
Kalinagoontology,theyare presented
mostoftheirpsychological
hungerthanliveas a slave."9Labat,whocommented
to
notatall suitedmentally
foundthemtobe "carelessandlazycreatures,"
profile,
arduous,sustainedlabour. In addition,he consideredthen a "proud and
vindictive"
and"exceedingly
indomitable"
peoplewho"onehastobe verycareful
hencethepopularFrenchCaribbeanproverb,
notto offend,"
"fighta Caribeand
youmustkillhimorbe killed."10
liketheSpanishbeforethem,notedLabat, thatit
The Frenchdiscovered,
Butthis
to do withtheKalinago."11
was alwaysbest,ifpossible,"tohavenothing
andhereEuropeansdiscovered,
was notpossible.Relationshadtobe established,
Labatnoted,thattheKalinagoknew"howto look aftertheirown interests
very
of
their
in
"so
he
the
are
no
"There
world," stated, jealous
liberty,
well.,,12
people
orwhoresentmorethesmallestcheckto theirfreedom."13
Kalinago
Altogether,
worldviewwas anathemato Europeans,thusthegeneralview,echoedbyLabat,
that"noEuropeannationhasbeenabletoliveinthesameislandwiththemwithout
them,anddrivethemout."14
beingcompelledtodestroy
in 1624 with the
The Englishand Frenchstartedout simultaneously
in St. Kitts.Fromthere,the English
settlements
of agricultural
establishment
moved on to Barbados in 1627, and between 1632 and 1635 to Antigua,
the1630s
theirefforts
andNevis,whiletheFrenchconcentrated
Montserrat
during
for
and Guadeloupe,thefirstthreeyearsat St. Kittsweredifficult
at Martinique
bothEnglishand Frenchsettlers.
Theywereharassedand attackedby Kalinago
at Guadeloupewere engulfedin a protracted
in
French
1635
the
and
soldiers,
them
battle.FrenchsuccessintheirwarwithKalinagoatGuadeloupeencouraged

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82

ofthedecadeto expandtheircolonialmissions,
butfailedto
duringtheremainder
gain effectivecontrolof the Kalinago inhabitedislands of Grenada,Marie
fromSt.Kittsto
Galante,andLa Desirada.Meanwhile,a smallEnglishexpedition
St.Lucia intheWindwards,
theheartofKalinagoterritory,
was easilyrepelledin
1639. thefollowingyearKalinagoslauncheda full-scaleattackupon English
settlements
at Antigua,killingfifty
theGovernor'swifeand
settlers,
capturing
and
children, destroying
cropsandhouses.15
While Englishsettlements
in the Leewardsstruggledto make progress
againstKalinago resistance,Barbadosalone of the Windwards,forgedahead
Unlike theirLeewards counterparts,
uninterrupted.
early Barbadianplanters
base,madea livingfromtheexportsoftobacco,
rapidly
expandedtheirproduction
and
and
feared
servantsand few African
cotton,
indigo
onlytheirindentured
slaves.By 1650,following
thesuccessfulcultivation
of sugarcane withAfrican
economictheorists
as therichest
slaves,theislandwas. considered
bymercantile
in
the
St.
Kitts
both
colonists, EnglishandFrench,
agricultural
colony
hemisphere.
determined
to keep up withtheirBarbadiancompetitors,
were firstto adopta
commonmilitary
front
withrespecttoKalinagoresistance.
Duringthe1630sthey
entered
intoagreements,
inspiteoftheirrivalclaimstoexclusiveownership
ofthe
On thefirstoccasion,
island,to combineforcesagainstKalinagocommunities.
in
a
their
and
"sneak
attack"
killed over eighty
talents,"
they"pooled
night
thesuccessof their
Kalinagosand drovemanyofftheisland.Aftercelebrating
the
French
and
continued
their
alliance,
military
English
rivalryovertheisland
until 1713 when the matterwas settledin favourof the English by the
Treatyof Utrecht.16
The success of Kalinagos in holdingon to a significant
portionof the
in theLeewards,fueled
andtheirweakeningofplantingsettlements
Windwards,
the determination
of the English and French to destroythem. By the
mid-seventeenth
century,
Europeanmerchants,
plantersand colonialofficials,
wereinagreement
thatKalinagos"werebarbarous
andcruelsetofsavagesbeyond
reasonorpersuasion
andmusttherefore
be eliminated.."17
By thistimeitwas also
clearthattheslave-basedplantation
of
systemdemandedan "absolutemonopoly"
the Caribbean,and toleratedno "alternative
What
Richard
Dunn
system."18
referredto as "Carib independenceand self-reliance"
constituteda major
contradiction
totheinternal
of
accumulation
withintheplantation
logic capitalist
19 As a result, therefore,the economic leaders and political
economy.
ofthisincreasingly
andtradecomplexwere
representatives
powerful
production

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83

determinedto bring the contradictionto a speedy resolution by any means


necessaryor possible.
By the mid-seventeenthcentury,the need for a full scale war against the
Kalinagos, thoughclearlyestablishedand articulatedin Spanish colonial thinking
duringthe sixteenthcentury,now assumed greaterurgencywiththe English and
French. By this time the English were firstto successfullyestablish productive
structuresbased on sugar cultivationand black slavery,and not surprisinglytook
the lead in attemptingthe removal of principal obstacles to the smooth and
profitableexpansion of the system.Also, the English with the largestnumberof
enslaved Africans in the region, were concerned that efficientcontrol on their
plantationswould be adverselyaffectedby thepersistenceof Kalinago resistance
It did nottake long fortheAfricansto become aware of Kalinago struggleagainst
Europeans, and to realise thattheycould possibly secure theirfreedomby fleeing
to theirterritory.
Labat, who studied inter-islandslave marronagein the Lesser
Antilles,duringthis period, stated thatslaves knew that St. Vincent was easily
reached fromBarbados, and manyescaped there"fromtheirmastersin canoes and
rafts."During the formativestage of this development,between 1645 and 1660,
the Kalinago generallytook "the runaway slaves back to theirmasters,or sold
themto the Frenchand Spanish," but as the Kalinago came undermore intensive
attackduringthemid-century,
Labat noted,theirpolicy towardsAfricanmaroons
changed. They refusedto returntheAfricans,he stated,and began regardingthem
"as an additionto theirnation."By 1670, Labat estimatedthatover 500 Barbadian
runaways were living in St. Vincent. This communitywas reinforcedin 1675
when a slave ship carryinghundredsof Africans to Jamaica via Barbados ran
agroundoffthe coast of Bequia. Survivorscame ashore at St. Vincent and were
integrated in the maroon communities. By 1700, Labat stated, Africans
outnumberedKalinagos at St. Vincent.20In 1675, William Stapleton,governorof
the Leewards, notingthe significantpresence of Africansamong the Kalinagos
suggestedthatof the 1,500 native"bowmen" in theLeewards six hundredof them
"are negroes,some runawayfromBarbados elsewhere."21
Throughoutthe second half of the seventeenthcenturyEuropeans tried
unsuccessfullyto exploitthesometimesstrainedrelationsbetweenKalinagos and
Africans by encouraging the former to return runaways to their owners.
male Africanmarooncommunityand
Miscegenationbet}Veen thepredominantly
Kalinago females was a principalcause of social tensionbetween the two ethnic
groups.22Both theFrenchand English alleged thatKalinago leaders occasionally
soughttheirassistance in riddingtheircommunitiesof Africans.The significance

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84

of two
of suchallegations,
however,shouldbe assessedagainstthebackground
importantdevelopmentsin African-Kalinagorelations. First, by the
mid-seventeenth
thegroupmixedbloods,now knownas theGarifiina,
century,
was increasingrapidlyin numbers,
and by 1700 had outnumbered
bothparent
Second,joint African-Kalinago
militaryexpeditions
groupsin St. Vincent.23
a principal
the
French
and
were
and
common,
English
against
represented
- on bothlandand sea.24The full
characteristic
feature
of anti-European
activity
scale attackon the Frenchat Martiniqueduringthe mid-1650s, forexample,
The warriors
who attackedFrench
involvedbothAfricanand Kalinagoforces.25
settlements
at Grenadaduringthe same periodand keptthemin a weak and
defensiveconditionwere also describedas having an Africancomponent,
notedLabat,theEnglishexpeditions
fromBarbadossentto captureSt.
similarly,
Vincentduringthe1670swererepelledbybothAfricans
andKalinagos.26
on the
The presenceof effectiveanti-colonialKalinago communities
oftheslaveplantations,
outskirts
constituted
a majorproblemforslave
therefore,
ownersin so far as theyfosteredand encouragedAfricananti-slavery.
The
and Africananti-slavery
therefore,
mergingof Kalinagoanti-colonial
struggles,
the
twin
forces
that
the
threatened verysurvivalof thecolonising
represented
missionintheWindwards.
As such,Europeanswiththegreatest
economicstakein
theenterprise
of theIndieswastedno timein adoptinga rangeof measuresto
the
suppress Kalinago.Both the Englishand Frenchpursuedan initialpolicy
characterised
social imagesin Europe,while
by theprojectionof anti-Kalinago
at
the
same
time
to
efforts
to settleterritorial
claims.
seeking
promotediplomatic
In 1664a Barbadosdocument
entitled
"TheStateoftheCase concerning
our
withKalinagoswho
Titleto St. Lucia, "describedtheislandas being"infected"
were "abettedby the French"in theirwar againstEnglishsettlers.In this
that
BarbadianssoughttorejectFrenchclaimstotheislandsbystating
document,
it
had
from
du
the
Governor
of
who
had
they purchased
Parquet,
Martinique,
it
from
in
1650
for
livres.27
the
Likewise,in 1668,
41,500
bought
Kalinagos
ThomasModyford,
Governorof Jamaica,former
BarbadosGovernorand sugar
in theWindwards,
described
St.
another
Vincent,
magnate,
Kalinagostronghold
as a place which"theIndiansmuchinfect."28
These statements
represent
partof
theideologicalpreparation
of theEnglishmindforwhatwouldbe a genocidal
offensiveagainstthe Kalinago thatLondon merchanthouses were eager to
finance.
Buta full-scalewar,theEnglishandFrenchknew,wouldbe costly,bothin
of
termsofhumanlifeandcapital,andhopeditcouldbe averted.The significance

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85

an ultimatemilitarysolutionwas clearlyperceivedby Kalinago leadersand


in tactfuldiplomatic
colonial officialsalike. The Kalinago, by participating
to
differences
and
conflicts
between
intriquedesigned exploit
Europeans,the
In 1655,forexample,Captain
Kalinagosoughtto advancetheirown interests.
Butler
informed
Oliver
the
thatthesettlement
at
Cromwell, Protector,
Gregory
molestations
Antiguawas unableto getoffto a good starton accountoffrequent
bytheKalinagos,whoatthattimeseemedtobe inleaguewiththeFrench.29
Again,
in 1667,MajorJohnScott,an imperialCommander-in-Chief,
that
reported he led
inTobagowiththe"assistanceofa party
an expedition
againstDutchsettlements
of Caribs."30DuringthesecondDutch War, 1665-1667,in whichFranceand
Holland allied againstthe Englishin the Caribbean,the Kalinago played an
rolein shifting
thebalanceof powerbetweenEuropeanswhileat the
important
same timeseekingto expandthescope and effectiveness
of theirown war of
In June1667,HenryWilloughby
stationed
intheLeewardsinformed
resistance.31
WilliamLordWilloughby,
hisfather
Governor
ofBarbados,thatwhenhe arrived
at St. Kittshe received"intelligence"
of further
atrocitiescommitted
by the
by theFrench.European
KalinagosagainsttheEnglishwhichwere"instigated"
Michael
Craton
was
used
concluded, effectively bytheKalinagonationas
rivalry,
of
evidentinthedelayedloss ofSt.Lucia andGrenada,andinthelongerretention
fullcontroloverSt.VincentandDominica.32
The English and French also targetedthe Kalinago for diplomatic
The firstsystematically
offensives.
by theEnglishto
pursueddiplomaticeffort
in the Windwardswas the
establisha footingwithinKalinago territory
Governor
ofBarbados,
initiative
of 1667.WilliamLordWilloughby,
Willoughby
had long recognisedthe greatfinancialgain thatwould accrue to himself,
could be
Barbados,and England,if the Windwards,the last island frontier,
intoslave-basedsugarplantations.
Forovera decade,thesugarkingsof
converted
Barbadoshad been signallingtheirdemandforlandson whichto expandtheir
economic
andtheWindwards
weretheperfect
place givenprevailing
operations,
of
slaved-based
cultivation.
Small
scale
about
the
conditionalities
sugar
concepts
had been repelledby theKalinagosincethe 1630s,and so
military
expeditions
not
assault,optedto send
Willoughby, yetorganisedfora largescale military
withKalinagoleaders.
missairesto opennegotiations
as is often
The Kalinagos,in response,showedsomedegreeof flexibility,
a peace
wanted
thecase withpeoplesinvolvedinprotracted
struggles.
Willoughby
treatythatwould promoteEnglishinterestsby removingobstaclesto slave
buttheKalinagoweresuspiciousandvigilant.In 1666,
plantation
expansionism,

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86

their"rights"to inhabit
theyweretrickedby theEnglishto signawayby treaty
The WindwardIslandsweretheirlast
Tortola,and weredrivenofftheisland.33
and
their
was
now
more
developedthanever.
refuge,
siegementality
On March23, 1667, Kalinago leadersof St. Vincent,Dominicaand St.
thepeace.34At the
Lucia metwithWilloughby'sdelegationin orderto negotiate
signingof the Treatywere Anniwatta,the Grand Babba, (or chief of all
Kalinagos),ChiefsWappya,Nay,Le Suroe,Reburaand Aloons.The conditions
theBarbadianslaverswantedatthatparticular
ofthetreaty
wereeverything
stage
ofdevelopment:
1. The Caribsof St. Vincentshalleveracknowledgethemselves
to all in amitywith
subjectsoftheKingofEngland,andbe friends
theEnglish,andenemiesto theirenemies.
2 The Caribsshall have libertyto come to and departfrom,at
therein,
pleasure,anyEnglishislandsand receivetheirprotection
andtheEnglishshallenjoythesamein St.Vincentand St. Lucia.
3.His Majesty's subjectstakenby the Frenchand Indiansand
delivered
remaining
amongtheIndians,shallbe immediately
up,as
also anyIndiancaptivesamongtheEnglishwhendemanded.
runawayfromBarbadosshallbe deliveredto
4.Negroesformerly
His Excellency;and suchas shallhereafter
be fugitives
fromany
English island shall be securedand deliveredby as soon as
required.35
The Willoughbyinitiativewas designedto pave the way for English
colonisation
oftheWindwards,
forsettlement.
usingBarbadosas thespringboard
In essence,itwas anelaboration
thatwas madebetweenthe
ofa similaragreement
defeatedKalinagoand victoriousFrenchforcesat Martiniqueafterthewar of
du Tertre,who describedin
1654-1656.On thatoccasion,notedJean-Baptiste
detailthenatureof theconflictand itsresolution,
theFrenchwereable to obtain
thattheywouldassistin
settlement
from
the
as
well
as
rights
Kalinago,
guarantees
all
thecontrol
ofrebelslavesbynotencouraging,
andmoreimportantly,
returning
Withintwomonthsof theKalinago-Willoughby
runaways.36
Treaty,a partyof
at
in orderto
colonists
from
Barbados
arrived
St.
Vincent
fifty-four
English
The Kalinago,Garifuna,and Africansobjectedto their
pioneera settlement.
off
theisland,andbroketheTreatywithBarbados.
drove
them
presence,
The collapse of the Barbados diplomaticmission angeredGovernor
Willoughbywho swiftlymoved to the nextstage of his plan - fullmilitary

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87

offensive.His opportunity
came in March the followingyear when English
SirJohnHarman,leftbehindinBarbadosa regiment
offoot
commander,
military
soldiersandfivefrigates.
informed
the
Colonial
Office
that
since
he
Willoughby
knewnothowto"keepthesoldiersquietandwithout
pay"theonlycourseopento
himwas to "tryhis fortune
the
Caribs
at
St.
Vincent."37
Once again,the
among
Kalinago provedtoo much for Willoughby,and the expeditionreturnedto
Barbadoshavingsuffered
heavylosses.
communications
Englishawarenessof Kalinago solidarityand efficient
theislandsoftheLesserAntillesmeantthattheyhadreasonstoexpect
throughout
for
reprisals the Willoughbyoffensiveanywhereand at anytime.Governor
Modyfordof Jamaica,a most knowledgeableman about EasternCaribbean
has opposedWilloughby
's warplan.He toldtheDuke ofAlbermarle
that
affairs,
whileWilloughby
was "makingwarwiththeCaribsofSt.Vincent"he fearedthe
at Antigua,and otherplaces.Suchan untimely
war,he
consequencesforsettlers
those
in
at
or
best
into
near
broils."
"Ithad
said,"mayagainput
plantations hazard,
beenfarbetter,"
he continued,
"tohavemadepeace withthem,"foriftheyassist
the Frenchagainstus the resultwould be "the totalruinof all the English
Islanders"anda "wasteoftherevenueofBarbados."38
was perceptive
inhisassessment
ofKalinagoresponses.A report
Modyford
sentto theColonialOfficein Londonfromofficialsin Nevis datedApril1669,
"An Intelligence
entitled
ofan IndianDesignuponthePeopleofAntigua,"stated
that"The Caribbee Indians have latelybrokenthe peace made with Lord
andhavekilledtwoandleftdeadtwomoreofHis Majesty'ssubjects
Willoughby,
inAntigua."Reference
was madeto twenty-eight
whoarrived
Kalinagowarriors
in twocanoesand whoparticipated
in theraiduponAntiguain
fromMontserrat
s warinSt.Vincent.39
In addition,
Governor
of
responsetoWilloughby'
Stapleton
theLeewards,in a separatedocument,
outlinedhis fearforthelivesof Leeward
Islanders,includingthosewho had gone to workin a silverminein Dominica
underan agreementwiththe Kalinago.40The Barbadiansalso offeredtheir
In 1676,Governor
criticisms
ofWilloughby'
s wareffort.
Atkinsdescribeditas a
"fruitless
design,"whoseoverallresultwas thatthereremain"nolikelihoodofany
plantations
uponDominica,St. Vincent,St. Lucia and Tobago.,,41Meanwhile,
theAntiguanswereforcedto keep "fourteen
filesof men,"doubledthreedays
beforeandaftera fullmoon"as a protective
measureagainstKalinagowarriors.
Governor
on thecollapseoftheWilloughby
initiative,
Stapleton,
reflecting
and consideringthe prospectsfor Englishsettlements
in the Leewards and
'
Windwards,
quicklymovedtothefront
stagewhathadbeenWilloughbys hidden

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88

of"all theCaribbeeIndians"he concluded,couldbe


agenda.Onlythedestruction
In December,1675,a
the"bestpieceofserviceforthesettlement
oftheseparts."42
of
"Several
Merchants
of
London"
addressed
to
the
Lordsof Tradeand
petition
insupport
Plantations
ofgovernor
thesis,calledforthe
Stapleton'sextermination
of
a
commission
to
toraisesoldiersto
granting
PhilipWarner,
Stapleton'sdeputy,
thebarbaroussavages."43
go intoDominicato"destroy
hadpre-empted
theColonialOfficeintheirresponseto
however,
Stapleton,
theLondonmerchants
andhadalreadysentWarner"withsix smallcompaniesof
foot,"totaling300 men,intoDominicato "revenge"on the"heathensfortheir
in the
villanies.[sic]"44One WilliamHamlynwhoparticipated
bloodyperfidious
Warnerexpedition,
describedtheassaultupontheKalinagoas a massacre.Atleast
thirty
Kalinago,he said,weretakenand killedon thefirstround,notincluding
"threethatwere drawnby a flag of truce"and shot.Aftertheseexecutions,
another"sixtyor seventymen,womenand children"were
Hamlynreported,
invitedto Warner'scampto settlematters
overentertainment.
Theseweregiven
rumtodrink,
andwhenWarner"gavethesignal,"theEnglish"felluponthemand
them."46
Includedin thosekilledby theEnglishwas IndianWarner,
destroyed
whosemother
was a Kalinago,and who had
PhillipWarner'sownhalf-brother,
risentobecomea powerful
intheTower,
Kalinagoleader.Warnerwas imprisoned
triedforthemurder
ofhisbrother,
butwas foundnotguilty.The decisionpleased
theLondonmerchants
who describedhimas "a man of greatloyalty"whose
serviceto the Crown in the destruction
of the Kalinagos "who have often
toruintheplantations"
shouldbe commended.47
attempted
In spiteof losses sustainedin Dominica,Kalinagostherecontinued
to use
theislandas a military
In
base forexpeditions
the
against English. July1681,300
KalinagosfromSt.VincentandDominicain sixperiagos,led byone whonamed
himselfCaptainPeter,and who was describedas a "good speakerof English
having lived for some time in Barbados,"attackedthe unguardedEnglish
in Barbuda.48The Englishwerecaughtby surprise.Eightof them
settlements
werekilled,and theirhousesdestroyed.
The actionwas describedas swiftand
without
warning.
Frustrated
toprotect
thelivesandproperty
ofLeeward
againbyhisinability
his call fora war of extermination
Islanders,Stapletonreiterated
againstthe
"I
He
wrote
to
the
Colonial
Office:
if
I
am
tedious,but
Kalinagos.
begyourpardon
I beg youto represent
theKingthenecessity
fordestroying
theseCaribIndians."
"We arenowas muchonourguardas ifwe hada Christian
canany
enemy,neither
such surpriseus butthesecannibalswho nevercome 'marteaperto'...If their

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89

at leastwe must"drivethemto
destruction
cannotbe "total,"insistedStapleton,
themain."49
He was aware,however,of theinabilityof LeewardIslandersto
forKalinagos'ability
andhad also becomerespectful
financea majorwareffort,
withrespecttotheirplans,giventhesetwocircumstances,
toobtain"intelligence"
to preparethe
Londonto ordertheBarbadosgovernment
Stapletoninstructed
he
was
closer to the
the
Kalinagos. Barbados, added,
granddesign against
Kalinago'infested'islandsof St. Vincentand Dominica;also, on accountof the
colony'swealth,itwouldbe the"bestpiece ofservice"theycouldofferEngland
whilsttherewas "amitywiththeFrench."50
Colonialofficialsin LondonacceptedStapleton;s
They
planin itsentirety.
them
to
the
or
"drive
himtomakeplansto"utterly
instructed
suppress" Kalinagos
DuttonofBarbadostomakeall possible
Governor
themain"51
Theyalso directed
tothewareffort.
contributions
Dutton,however,wouldhaveno partofit,butnot
theColonial Officethat
theKing's orders,he informed
wishingto contradict
no suchdesignagainstthe
Barbadianswouldsupport
thoughhewas inagreement,
oftheLeewardIslands
consider
the
affairs
for
three
reasons.
First,they
Kalinagos
of the
none of theirbusiness.Second,theydo not considerthe advancement
iftheLeewards
Leewardsas good thing,indeedtheyconsideritin theirinterest
would declineratherthanprogress.Third,plantersconsideredpeace withthe
Kalinagos in the Windwardsa betterobjectiveas thiswould assist themin
fromthoseislands.52
cutwoodandotherbuildingmaterials
securing
had to look to theirown resourcesto
The LeewardIslanders,therefore,
financetheirmilitaryoperations.In June 1682, a bill was proposedto the
an expedition
fundstooutfit
LeewardsAssemblyrequesting
againsttheKalinagos
in Dominica.The councilagreed,buttheAssemblyof Nevis dissentedon the
groundsthatsincetheyhad notbeen attackedby theKalinagosin over"twenty
theirpeace.53MonthswentbyandStapleton
years:theydidnotintendtoendanger
to agreeon a financialplanfortheexpedition.
failedto gethisplanters
By 1700,
thegranddesignhadnotyetmaterialised.
Whenon the1lthApril,1713,EnglandandFrancesettledtheir'American'
withtheTreatyofUtrecht,
difference
Kalinagoswerestillholdingon tenaciously
St. Vincentand Dominica,thoughinhabitedby some
to considerableterritory.
a rearguardwar
andtheywerefighting
Europeans,werestillundertheircontrol,
to retainsomespace at St. Lucia, Tobago and Grenada.Since theFrenchfeared
of Dominica would lead to the cuttingof
thatsuccessfulEnglishsettlement
betweenMartiniqueand Guadeloupein timesof war, they
communications
andoccasionallywithweapons
toassisttheKalinagoswithinformation
continued

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90

in theiranti-Englishresistance.The best the English could do was to continuethe


attemptto settleprivatetreatieswiththeFrench,as theyhad done duringthepeace
of Ryswick in 1697, which enabled themto go unmolestedto Dominica forthe
sole purpose of purchasinglumberfromthe Kalinago.
Kalinagos, then, succeeded in preserving some of their territorial
sovereigntyand by so doing were able to maintaintheirfreedomfromEuropean
enslavement.While othernativeCaribbean peoples sufferedlarge scale slaveryat
thehands of Europeans,theKalinagos were neverfoundin largenumbersworking
the mines, latifudia,or plantationsin the Lesser Antilles. Though Spanish slave
raids during the sixteenthcenturydid take many into the Greater Antilles to
supplementTaino labour gangs, European controlledproductivestructuresin the
Lesser Antilles were not built and maintainedon the basis of a Kalinago labour
supply.
The involvementof Kalinagos intothecolonial economy,then,tendedto be
small scale, and confined to areas such as fishing, tracking and hunting,
agriculturalconsultingand a rangeof pettydomesticservices.When, forexample,
a group of Barbadian sugar planters, concerned about the shortage of white
indenturedservants,and the rising cost of African slaves, encouraged Captain
Peter Wroth in 1673 to establish a slave trade in Kalinagos fromthe Guianas,
colonial officialsinstructedGovernorAtkinsto make arrangementsforthereturn
of all those "captured and enslaved." The reason being, they stated,was that
"consideringthe greaterimportanceof a faircorrespondencebetween the Carib
Indians and the English" in establishingsettlementson the Amazon coast, it was
necessarythat"provocationbe avoided" and all propermeasuresbe takento gain
their"goodwill and affection."54
GovernorAtkins,in informinghis superiorsof
thiscompliance indicatedhis agreementthatitwas necessaryto "keep amity"with
Kalinagos, since theyhave "always been verypernicious,especially to thesmaller
Leeward Islands."55
Between 1492 and 1700 theKalinago populationin the Lesser Antillesmay
have fallen by as much as 90 percent,noted Michael Craton,but theyhad done
much to "preserve and extend theirindependence."56By this time the Dominica
population,accordingto Labat, "did notexceed 2000" and warriorswere too weak
in numbersto do any serious harm"to European colonies.57Nonetheless,colonists
in the "outlyingdistricts"still had reasons to believe that any night Kalinago
warriors could take them by surprise and "cut their throats and burn their
houses."58By refusingto capitulate under the collective militarymightof the
Europeans, Kalinagos certainlykepttheWindwardsIslands in a marginalrelation

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91

to theslave plantation
complexof theNorthAtlanticsystemfortwo hundred
to the Caribbean's
years,and in so doing, made a principalcontribution
anti-colonial
andanti-slavery
tradition.
Vol.38,Nos.2&3, Special issue(ReproducedfromCaribbeanQuarterly,
June-Sept.1992)
CaribbeanQuincentennial,
Notes
1. See MichaelCraton,Testingthechains:ResistancetoSlaveryIn theBritishWest
Indies(Ithaca, 1982) pp. 2 1-23; HilaryBeckles,"The 200 YearsWar:Slave
Jamaica
ResistanceintheBritishWest Indies:An OverviewoftheHistoriography,"
HistoricalReview^ oV 13, 1982,1-10.
2. See J.Paul Thomas,"The Caribsof St. Vincent:A StudyinImperial
Vol. 18,No.2, 1984,pp.
1763-73," JournalofCaribbeanHistory,
Maladministration,
B. Sheridan,
"The
141
Richard
the
Craton
Chains,
153,
183-194;
60-74;
pp.
Testing
oftheBritish
andEconomicDevelopment
ConditionofslavesintheSettlement
Vol. 24, No.2, 1991,pp.
Windward
Islands,1763-1775,"JournalofCaribbeanHistory,
in theBritish
and
White
Reaction
"Slave
Resistance
Bernard
Marshall,
128-129;
this
volume.
see
Windward
Islands,1763-1833,"
Cultureand
3. David Watts,The WestIndies:PatternsofDevelopment,
Environmental
1987) pp. 41, 51-52.W. Borah,"The
Changesince1492 ('Cambridge,
at
ofAboriginalandColonialAmerica:An Attempt
HistoricalDemography
in W. Denevan,TheNativePopulationofthe Americasin 1492 (Madison,
perspective,"
WisconsinUniv.Press,1976) pp. 13-34.J.M.CruxentandI. Rouse,"Earlymaninthe
No. 221, 1969,pp. 42-52. B. MeggersandC. Evans,
WestIndies"Scientific
American,
AncientNativeAmericans
"LowlandSouthAmericaandtheAntilles,"inJ.D.Jennings,
(San Francisco,W.H. Freeman,1978)pp. 543-92.
In CaribbeanThought:TheHistoricalEvolutionof
4. GordonLewis,Main Currents
1492-1900(Heinemann,
CaribbeanSocietyIn itsIdeologicalAspects,
Kingston,1983)
41.
5. On KalinagoassistancetoTainosin PuertoRico,see Carl Sauer,TheEarlySpanish
Main (Berkeley,Univ.ofCaliforniaPress,LA, 1966) pp.32,58, 192.See EricWilliams,
Documentsof WestIndianHistory,1492-1655(Port-of
Co.,
Spain,PNM Publishing
A
Greenwood, SketchmapHistoryoftheCaribbean
1963)pp. 62-70,89-94.Robert
(MacMillan,1991) pp. 18,23.
Sauer,C. TheEarlySpanishMain,pp. 35, 180, 193; see also Lewis,Main
Currents,
p. 64.

6.

TroyS. Floyd,TheColumbianDynastyIn theCaribbean,1492-1526


Univ.ofNew MexicoPress,1973)p. 97. For an accountoftheSpanish
(Albuquerque,
7.

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92
'handsoffpolicywithrespectto theLesserAntilles,see K.R. Andrews,Trade,Plunder
and Settlement:
Maritime
and theGenesisoftheBritishEmpire,1480.1630
Enterprises
.1986) p. 282.Craton,TestingtheChains,p. 22. See also,NellisM. Crouse,
(Cambridge,
TheFrenchStruggle
Press,
fortheWestIndies1665-1713(N.Y. ColumbiaUniversity
1943)p. 8-10.
8.

See Sauer,p. 35; Lewis,p. 64.

9. See Lewis,p. 64; RichardDunn,Sugarand Slaves: theriseofthePlanterClass in


theEnglishWestIndies,1624-1713(N.Y., 1973)p. 24; Sieurde la Borde,Relacindes
Caraibes(Paris,ColeccinBillaine,(1694); JeanBaptisteDe Uertre,
HistoireGenerale
des AntillesHabitespar les Fran,cais (Paris,1667-71);JohnEaden,ed.,The
MemoirsofPereLabat,1693-1705 ( 1970 edition,FrankCass, London).
10. MemoirsofPereLabat,p. 75.

11. Ibid,p. S3,


12. Ibid,p.9S.
13. Ibid,p. 104.
14. Ibid,p. 109.
15. Watts,pp. 17 1-172. RichardSheridan,
Sugarand slavery:AnEconomicHistoryof
theBritishWestIndies(CaribbeanUniversities
Press,Bridgetown,
1974) pp. 80, 85,
87,456.
16. See Dunn,p. 8.
17. Lewis,p. 104.
18. Ibid,p. 105.
20. MemoirsofPereLabat,p. 137.
21. GovernorStapletonoftheLeewardsto theLordsofTradeandPlantations,
Nov. 22,
Calendar
of
State
Colonial
Series
499.
1676,
(C.S.P.c.) 1676,p.
Papers,
22. See C. Gullick,"Black CaribsOriginsandEarlySociety,"in Transactions
ofthe
SeventhInternational
on
Pre-Columbian
Cultures
of
the
Lesser
Antilles
Congress
(Quebec,1978)pp. 283-87.
23. See WilliamYoung,An AccountoftheBlackCaribsIn theIslandof St. Vincent's
London1971) pp. 5-8; Also VancyGonzalez,Sojournersofthe
(London,1795 reprint,
Caribbean:Ethnogenesisand Ethnohistory
oftheGarifunta
(Chicago,1988).
24. See VincentMurga,ed.,HistoriaDocumentde PuertoRico,Vol. I (Rio Pedras,
Du Tertre,
histoire
n.d.)p. 227. 25. See foran accountofthebattlesat Martinique,
Generalp. 467-68.
26. See HilaryBeckles,BlackRebellionIn Barbados:theStruggle
AgainstSlavery,
1627-1838(CaribResearchandPublications,
1988) p. 36.
Bridgetown,

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93
ourtitleto St. Lucia," 1664;C.S.~., 1661-68,
27. 'The StateoftheCase Concerning
No. 887. See also,Rev. C. Jesse,"BarbadiansbuySt. Lucia fromCaribs,"Journalofthe
BarbadosMuseumandHistoricalSociety,(J.B.M.H.S.)Vol. 32, Feb. 1968,pp. 180-182.
March16, 1668,
totheDuke ofAlbermarle,
SirThomasModyford
28. Governor
C.S.P.c. 1661-68,No. 1714.
29. VereLOliver,The HistoryoftheIslandofAntigua(London1894-99)Vol. I, p. xix,
XXV; also, Sheridan,
Sugarand Slavery,p. 87.
ofMajorJohnScotttotheKing,1667,C.S.P.c, 1661-68,No. 1525.
30. Petition
to theKing,Feb. 11, 1668,C.S.P.CA 1661-68,
WilliamLordWilloughby
31. Governor
to WilliamWilloughby,
24243.
the
West
Indies,
HenryWilloughby
p.
p. 547; Watts,
June15, 1667,C.S.P.c, 1661-68,No. 1498.
32. Craton,TestingtheChains,pp. 22-23.
to theKing,July9, 1668,C.S.P.C, 1661-68;
WilliamLordWilloughby
33. Governor
No. 1788.
and severaloftheChief
34. Copyofa TreatybetweenWilliamLordWilloughby
1717.
No.
C.S.P.C.
march
of
1661-68,
23.1668,
Captains Caribs,
35. Ibid
HistoireGenerale,pp. 467-68.
36. Du Tertre,
to theKing,March13, 1668,ColonialPapers,vol. 22, November
37. LordWilloughby
5,es.p.c,No. 1714.
March16, 1668,
to theDuke ofAlbemarle,
SirThomasModyford
38. Governor
C.S.P.C. , No. 1714.
39. Governor
May 27, 1672;Colonial
Stapletonto theLordsofTradeandPlantations,
Papers,Vol. 28, No. 61.
40. Ibid.The EnglishclaimedthattheDominicasilverminewas "lawfullypurchased"
LeolinLloydto Secretary
fromtheKalinagoswhorecognisedthecontract.
Arlington,
ColonialPapers,voL, 29, No. 46; also, ColonialPapers,Vol. 28, No. 12.
Atkinsto LordsofTradeandPlantations,
41. Governor
July4, 1676,ColonialPapers,
Vol. 37, No. 22.
December1675,Colonial
42. Governor
Stapletonto CouncilofTradeandPlantations,
Papers!Vol. 35, No.63.124
to theCaribbeanIslandsto
ofLondonon Adventures
43. PetitionofSeveralMerchants
the Lords of Tradeand Plantations,
1676,ColonialPapers,Vol. 36, No.5.

44. Governor
8, 1675,C.S.P.C.
February
StapletontotheCouncilforPlantations,
1675-76,No. 428.
forColonies,February17, 1675C.S.P.C, 1675-76,
Atkinsto Secretary
45. SirJonathan
No. 439. 46. ibid
to theCaribbeeIslandsto
ofLondonAdventurers
47. Petition
of SeveralMerchants
LordsoftradeandPlantations,
10,1676,C.S.P.c, 1675-76,No. 774.
January

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94
48. GovernorStapletonto LordsofTradeandPlantations,
August16, 1681,Colonial
Nos.
410-41
1.
No.
see
also
C.S.P.c.
Vol.
1681-85,
46,
45;
Papers,
49. SirWilliamStapletonto LordsofTradeandPlantations,
August16, 1681,C.S.P.c.
October18,
1681-85,No. 204. See Also,JournalofLordsofTradeand Plantations,
1681,No. 259.
50. Ibid.
51. The Kingto SirWilliamStapleton,
1682,C.S.P.C. 1681-85,No. 411.
February,
52. SirRichardDuttonto LordsofTradeandPlantations,
3, 1682,C.S.P.c.
January
Vol.
No.l.
also
colonial
1681-85,p. 181,No.357;
48,
Papers,
53. JournaloftheAssembly
ofNevisJun14, 1682,C.S.P.C. 1681-85.
54. The Kingto SirJonathan
Atkins,December30, 1674,C.S.P.C. 1675-76,No. 401.
55. SirJonathan
Atkinsto Secretary
ofPlantations,
C.S.P.C, February17,No. 439.
See Jerome
"Amerindians
and
their
contribution
toBarbadosLifeinthe
Handler,
Slave Population
Seventeenth
112-117.
'The
Amerindian
J.B.M.H.S.,1971,35,
Century,
Barbados
in
the
Seventeenth
and
Centuries,
J.B.M.H.S.,vol. xxxiii,
earlyEighteenth
of
1
an
to establisha Barbados-Guianas
No.3, May 1970,1 1-135.For accountofthisattempt
slavetradein Kalinagos,E.G. Breslaw,"Price's His Desposition': Kidnapping
"
Amerindians
in Guyana,1674, J.B.M.H.S.,vol. 39, 1991,pp. 47-50.
56. Craton,TestingtheChains,p. 23.
57. MemoirsofPere Labat,p. 115.
58. Ibid,,pp. 110-111.

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