O'Callaghan (Joseph F.) - The Beginnings of The Cortes of Leon-Castile

The Beginnings of the Cortes of Leon-Castile
Author(s): Joseph F. O'Callaghan

Source: The American Historical Review, Vol. 74, No. 5 (Jun., 1969), pp. 1503-1537
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Historical Association
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The Beginnings
of theCortesof Leon-Castile
JOSEPH F. O'CALLAGHAN
THE originand developmentof the Cortesof Le6n-Castile,while reflecting

theunique conditionsof lifein the IberianPeninsula,also exemplify
a phenomenoncharacteristic
of all of WesternEurope duringthe High Middle
Ages: theriseof representative
institutions.
In thatsense,Spain,farfrombeing an extensionof Africa,was an integralpartof Europe and a participant
in a commonEuropeanexperience.Indeed,by theveryappearanceof townsmen in the Leonese royal council at a remarkablyearly date in the late
twelfthcentury,
Spain holds a specialplace in thehistoryof medievalparliamentarygovernment.Whereas parliamentsand assembliesof estateswere
just beginningto functionin England and France by the close of the thirteenthcentury,the Cortes had anticipatedthese developmentsby many
years.In largemeasuretheriseof theCortesto prominencein thepubliclife
of Le6n-Castileis explainedby the continualstruggleagainstIslam and the
concomitanttask of colonizing reconqueredlands. These circumstances
strengthened
the royalpower and retardedthe developmentof feudalism,
while fosteringthe growthof municipalitiesdirectlydependentupon the
crown.The emergenceof themunicipalities
factorsin themilias significant
taryand administrative
structure
of the realmwas a major reasonforsummoningtownsmento thecouncil.
In spiteof currentinterest
and thegrowth
in theconceptof representation
of representative
assemblies,the study of the medieval Cortes has been
largelyneglected.'The formative
periodin thehistory
of theCortes-thelate
InI1957 Mr. O'Callaghan receivedhis Ph.D. fromFordham University,
where he worked
with JeremiahF. O'Sullivan. He is now an associateprofessorat that university.
The author
of the Order of Calatrava with the Order of Citeaux," Analecta Sacri
of "The Affiliation
OrdinisCisterciensis,
XV (1959), XVI (1960), he is interested
in medievalhistory,especially
medievalSpain. He has receiveda Fulbrightfelolwshipand a grantfromthe Instituteof InternationalEducation.
1 Numerousstudiesof representative
assemblieshave been presentedto the International
Commissionforthe Historyof Representative
and Parliamentary
Institutions.
AntonioMarongiu,
in a surveywrittenin conjunctionwith Helen Maud Cam and GuntherSt6kl,"RecentWork
and PresentViews on the Originsand Developmentof Representative
Assemblies,"Relazioni
del X CongressoInternazionaledi Scienze Storiche(6 vols., Florence,1955), I, 58-63, commentedon the scantynumberof studiesdealing with the Cortesand emphasizedthe need
for criticalinvestigations
of earlv Spanish assemblies.In his book II Parlamentoin Italia nel
medio evo c nell'eta'moderna:Contributo
alla Storiadelle instituzioni
parlamentari
dell'Europa
occidentalc(Milan, I962) he has reviewedthe growthof representative
institutions
in Western
I503

I504
Joseph F. O'Callaghan
centuries-hasnot receivedthe attentionit

twelfthand the earlythirteenth
froma
in showingthetransition
important
deserves,and yetit is particularly
royalcouncilattendedby bishopsand noblesto an assemblyin whichrepreThis articleundertakesa reviewof
sentatives
of thetownsalso werepresent.2
royal assembliesheld during the years iI88-1250 to determinewhen the
in the
townsmenwere summonedand to illustratethe extentof continuity
earlydevelopmentof the Cortes.Althoughthe functionsof the Cortesand
of the memberswere not fullyarticulatedduringthistime,
the prerogatives
cena traditionwas beginningto take shape: by themiddleof thethirteenth
collaboratingwith the king and
turythe Corteswas a familiarinstitution
of constitutional
fordevelopmentas an instrument
havinggreatpossibilities
government.
One should logicallyseek the originsof the medievalCortesin the exsessionsof the royalcouncil in the late twelfthand earlythirtraordinary
teenthcenturies.Numerousdocumentsof the periodreveala small council
businessof government;
of noblesworkingwiththe king in the day-to-day
repeatedlythattheking acted"withthe counselof the
royalcharterscertify
countsand princes,""of the nobles,""of my barons,""of the chiefmen of
From timeto timethesovereignconvenedthecounmycuria,"and so forth.3
or plenarysession,in curiaplena,as thedocumentssomecil in extraordinary
timesexpressit. On such occasionsthe chiefmen of the realm-the members of the royal family,palatine officials,nobles, and bishops-were
summoned.Documentaryevidencerelatingto theseassembliesis frequently
scantyand may consistonlyof a notationin a royalcharterindicatingthat
to determinethe purposesof a
an assemblywas held. But it is oftendifficult
givenmeetingor thepersonagesin attendance.4
to the assembliesof Leon, Castile,Aragon,
Europe and has devoteda section(pp. I03-25)
thathe does not seem to be familiarwith the
Catalonia,and Valencia. It is rathersurprising
severalstudiesof Claudio Sanchez Albornoztouchingon problemsconcerningthe originof
the Cortes.
2Many of the recordsrelatingto the Corteshave been publishedby the Real Academiade
la Historiain Cortesde los antiguosreinosde Leon y Castilla (5 vols., Madrid,I86I-I903),
thoughthe value of this collectionfor the presentstudyis limited.Modern works treating
the Cortesinclude:FranciscoMartinezMarina Teoria de las corteso grandesjuntas nacionales
a las
de los reinosde Leon y Castilla(3 vols.,Madrid,I813); Manuel Colmeiro,Introduccio'n
Cortesde los antiguosreinosde Leo'n y Castilla (2 vols.,Madrid,I883-84); R. B. Merriman,
"The Cortesof the SpanishKingdomsin the Later Middle Ages," AmericanHistoricalReview,
XVI (Apr. I9I1), 476-95, relyingheavilyon Colmeiro;and WladimirPiskorski,Las Cortes
tr. Claudio
de Castillaen el periodode trdnsitode la Edad Media a la Moderna II88-I520,
Sanchez Albornoz(Barcelona,I930). Piskorski'sbook, originallypublishedin Russianin I897,
is still the most intelligentstudyof the Cortes,thoughit does not deal with the formative
periodwhichis thesubjectof thisarticle.
see the several studiesof JulioGonzalez, Regesta de FernandoII
31For documentation,
(Madrid,I943), Alfonso IX (2 vols., Madrid,I944), El reinode Castillaen la epoca de Alfonso
VIIl (3 vols.,Madrid,1960).
4 Claudio Sanchez Albornoz,in La curiaregia portuguesa:Siglos xii y xiii (Madrid,1920),

The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile
1505
bothsectheroyalcounciltreated
ofthereconquest
In theearlycenturies
arerevealed
in thedecrees
Thesedualconcerns
affairs.
ularandecclesiastical
byAlfonsoV in thecouncilof Le6onaboutIOI7 and byFerpromulgated
nandoI in thecouncilof Coyanza aroundI055. When AlfonsoVII convened

a councilat Le6onin i I35 to celebratehis coronationas emperorof Spain,one
day was devotedto discussionof "thosethingsthat.. . are convenientforthe
salvationof thesouls of all men" and anotherday to "thosethingsthatpertainto thewelfareof thekingdomof all Spain... ."6 In thelatertwelfthcentury,as a resultof the reformof the Church,the royal council seldom
toucheddirectlyon ecclesiasticalmatterswhich henceforthwere resolved
assembledChurchcouncils.
in themorefrequently
ordinarily
With theseparationof Leon and Castileafterthedeathof AlfonsoVII in
II57 the bishopsand nobles of each kingdomusuallyattendedthe extraorsovereigns.
dinarymeetingsof the royalcouncilconvenedby theirrespective
In NovemberiI69, forexample,AlfonsoVIII of Castileattainedhis majorityand held thefirstcuriaof his reignat Burgos"withthecounseloftheprelates of holyChurchand theprincesof our kingdom."'In thefollowingyear
his uncle,FernandoII ofLeon, convokedhiscuriaat Tuiy.At firstglancethis
would seem to have been an exceptionalassembly,as the textindicatesthat
milites,and burgenthe King soughtthe adviceof boni homines,pontifices,
of
the
first
intervention
that
this
marked
Manuel
Fernandez
argued
Ses.8
the townsin the royalcouncil; both Claudio Sainrepresenting
procurators
chez Albornozand Nilda Guglielmiwere inclinedinitiallyto agree.Lately,
however,Sanchez Albornozhas pointedout thatthetextwas tamperedwith
is of dubious value. In any case the document
around I228 and therefore
has writtena perceptiveessay showing the relationshipbetweenthe Leonese curia and the
Visigothicofficiumpalatinumand the councilsof Toledo. His disciple,Nilda Guglielmi,has
sessions
producedan extensivestudyin two partsdealing with the ordinaryand extraordinary
of the royal council: "La curia regia en Leon y Castilla," Cuadernosde historiade Espania,
30), chalXXVIII (I958), 43-IOI. Marongiu(Parlamento,
XXIII-XXIV(I955), II6-267;
lengingthe notionof the curia plena and questioningits importance,apparentlyis not acquaintedwith thesestudies.
5 Cortesde los antiguosreinosde Leo'n y Castilla,I, I-25; Luis Vazquez de Parga, "El
fuerode Leon," Anuariode historiadel derechoespanol,XV (1944), 464-98; AlfonsoGarcia
ibid.,XX (I950), 275-633.
de Coyanza,"
Gallo,"El Concilio
ed. Luis SainchezBelda (Madrid, I950), 54-57. Claudio
6 ChronicaAdefonsiImperatoris,
Sanchez Albornoz,in ,Burguesesen la curiaregia de FernandoHIde Leon? (Coimbra,I964),
evidencefor the presenceof townsmen
while admittingthat thereis no documentary
I2-I3,
at this assembly,suspectsthat theywere there;he cites,in supportof his opinion,a passage
in the chroniclein which the King orderedthe alcaides of Toledo and otherinhabitantsof
Extremadurato wage war against the Muslims.Even though the alcaides may have been
presentat the assembly,it should be pointedout that they were militarycommandersapelectedby thetownsmen.
pointedby theKing and not representatives
7 Gonzalez, Reino de Castillaen la epoca de AlfonsoVIII, II, Nos. I24-26,
pp. 2II-I5.
de la iglesia de Espania,ed. Enrique Florez
8 EspaniaSagrada: Theatrogeografico-histo6rico
XXII,282.
I754-79),
(5I vols.,Madrid,
9 Manuel Fernaindez,"La entradade los representantes
de la burguesiaen la curia regia

I506
and Fernandez'use of thattermis unwardoesnotmentionprocurators,

wastherelocation
ofTuytoa safer
underdiscussion
Sincethematter
ranted.
site,itseemslikelythatthe"goodmen"and "burghers"
andmoredefensible
of Tuiywho wouldbe imweretheinhabitants
whomtheKing consulted
was
The question notofsuchmagnitude
byhisdecision.
affected
mediately
fromall thetownsof the
of representatives
as to requirethesummoning
it
thewholekingdom
touching
realm;iftheKingwantedtodiscussmatters
exthathe wouldselectTuiy,a townat themostwesterly
seemsimprobable
Ocean,as theplaceofmeetnotfarfromtheAtlantic
tremeofthekingdom,
forsuch a
convenient
more
far
ing. Any othertownwould have been
purpose.
II78, afterthefallof Cuenca,AlfonsoVIII held a curiaat
In January
generaleat
FernandoII conveneda concilium
and in September
Burgos,10
and
abbots,
the
counts
and
barons,
werethebishops
In attendance
Salamanca.
in any
arenotmentioned
The townsmen
ofprovinces.'1
and thegovernors
at Salamanca,and yetone wouldthink
to theassembly
ofthetextsrelative
have
to Tuiyin II70 theywouldcertainly
thatif theyhad beensummoned
Nor
do
not.
theywere
beensummoned
to Salamancain II78. Apparently
in
thecuriaheldbyFernandoII at Benavente
theyappearto haveattended
VIII at Medinade Riosecooneyearlater."3
Ix8i12northecouncilofAlfonso
in
to theroyalcouncilmayhaveoccurred
oftownsmen
The summoning
growth
ofthe
inLeonin i i88.A briefexposition
Castilein II87 andcertainly
ofthetownsinLeon andCastilewillaid us in understandanddevelopment
century,
as
earlydates.Bythemiddleofthetwelfth
ingthesecomparatively
of reconquered
lands,many
and repopulation
a resultof the reconquest
in the
especially
or concejoshad developed,
highlyorganizedmunicipalities
regionsbetweentheDuero and theTagus Rivers.AmongthemoreimportantwereSalamanca,Avila,Cuellar,Valladolid,Segovia,Ledesma,Alba,
Osma,and
Madrid,Guadalajara,Soria,Sigiuenza,
Zamora,CiudadRodrigo,
leonesa," Anuario de historiadel derechoespafiol,XXVI (I956), 757-66; Guglielmi,"Curia
regia en Leon y Castilla,"77; Claudio SainchezAlbornoz,Espania,un enigmahistorico(2 vols.,
BuenosAires,I962), II, 8i, and 6Burguesesen la curiaregia de Fernando11 de Leon? 22-30.
10 Gonzalez, Reino de Castillaen la epoca de AlfonsoVIII, II, Nos. 296-97,
pp. 485-87.
Gonza'lez,Regestade Fernando
11EspaniaSagrada,ed. Florez,XVIII, 356-59; XLI, 330-33;
459; Coleccio'nde documentosde la Catedralde Oviedo, ed. Santos Garcia Larii, I22-23,
ragueta(Oviedo, i962), Nos. I93-94, pp. 468-70; id., "La Ordende San Juanen la crisisdel
5I6-I7.
By suggesting that
imperiohispanicodel siglo xii," Hispania, XII (No. 49, I952),
of the towns,Sanchez Albornoz (Espaiia,
terremighthave been representatives
institutiones
II, 8i, and ,Burguesesen la curia regia de FernandoII de Leon? 14) mistakenlyinterprets
this passage: "quando rex Fernandushabuit curiam suam in Salamanticacum episcopiset
ordinavit."The sentence
terresue per decretasua firmiter
baronibusregni sui et institutiones
of his
means that the King, meetingwith his bishopsand barons,set in orderthe institutions
kingdom.
12 Gonzalez,Regestade FernandoII, No. 4I, pp. 305-307, 475.
13 Id., Reinode Castillaen la e'pocade AlfonsoVIII, II, No. 398, p. 687.

I507
centurythe greatMuslim citiessouthof the

Toledo. In the earlythirteenth
Tagus, includingBadajoz, Merida,Jaen,Cordoba,and Seville,werealso conquered. The men who colonized these frontierzones were freemen,independentof everylord exceptthe king; as militiaforcestheyrenderedextremelyvaluable servicesin the reconquest.Some of them were fortunate
enoughto acquirehorsesand to be able to serveon horsebackin timeof war.
They constituteda class of nonnobleknightsor urban cavalry(caballeros
of the
villanos)and in the courseof timecame to dominatethe government
towns.14
The towns of Extremadura,Old Castile, New Castile, and Andalusia
were,in general,organizedon similarlines.The municipalityincludedan
urbannucleusand an extensiveruraldistrictdottedwithvillagesin juridical
and economic dependenceupon it. Although some towns such as Coinpostela,Tuiy,Orense,Lugo, and Palencia were held as lordshipsby their
bishops,the greattownssuch as Burgos,Toledo, Salamanca,and Sevillederightsof selfpended directlyupon the king who grantedthemsignificant
was theconciliumor concejo;
The chieforganof government
government.15
thisassemblyof the adult male inhabitantsmet at regularintervalsto deal
with the essentialaffairsof the communityand to elect its own officials.
These includeda judex or juez and severalalcaldes (magistrates)chosen
annually.'6By virtueof theircharters(fueros) the concejos were officially
with commonrights
entitiesof public law and administration,
constituted
They could buyand
of theiridentity.'7
and interests
and a trueconsciousness
censell property,
receiveit as gifts,or give it away. By the earlythirteenth
turytheywere beginningto use seals to authenticatesuch transactions;the
oftheconcejo."8
character
sealsymbolizedthecorporate
14 Sanchez Albornoz,Espafia,II, 7-104,
Despoblacio'ny repoblaciondel Valle del Duero
del pais (Zaragoza, I95I); Luis G. de
(Buenos Aires,i966); La reconquistay la repoblacio'n
Valdeavellano,Historiade Espafia (2d ed., i vol. in 2 pts., Madrid, 1955), I, Pt. 2, 59-80,
456-98; Carmela Pescador,"La caballeriapopular en Leon y Castilla," Cuadernosde historia
de Espafia,XXXIII-XXXIV (I96I), 101-238; XXXV-XXXVI
(i962), 56-20I.
15 Toma's Mufiozy Romero,Colecci'on
de fuerosmunicipalesy cartaspueblasde los reinos
de Castilla,Leon, Corona de Arago'ny Navarra (Madrid, i847); J. M. Font Rius, "Les villes
et judiciares,"La
administratives
dans l'Espagne au Moyen Age: Histoirede leurs institutions
et judiciares(Brussels,1954), 263-95.
administratives
Ville. PremierePartie.Institutions
16 Valdeavellano,Historia,I, Pt. 2, 476-88, and Sobre los burgosy los burgtesesde la
Espafia medieval (Madrid, ig60); Rafael Gibert,El concejo de Madrid (Madrid, 1949), and
in Los fuerosde Sepu'lveda,ed. Emilio Saiez (Segovia, 1953), 339Estudio histo'rico-juridico,
(Buenos Aires,i968).
569; Maria del CarmenCarl', Del concejo medievalcastellano-leone's
the diplomaticcollectionsin Gonzailez,Reino de
17 Many royal charters,
foundthroughout
Castillaen la epoca de AlfonsoVIlI and AlfonsoIX, are addressedto "universoconcilio,""toti
concilio de Legione," or recordacts "cum consensuet voluntateconconcilio," "universitati
cilii,"or "cum voluntateet beneplacitotociusconcilii."A charterof 1203 refersto the comunis
utilitasof theconcejoof Toledo.
18 JulioGonzaflez,
"Los sellosconcejilesde Espafiaen la edad media,"Hispania,V (No. 20,
339-84, notes that the oldest examplesof municipalseals extantdate fromthe first
I945),
the seal of Leon for 12I4.
century.Among othershe illustrates
thirdof the thirteenth

i5o8
with one another,withbishops,

Concejosalso engagedin litigation
boundaries,
rightsof
orders,usuallyconcerning
and military
monasteries,
persons
to
theyhad to designate
andthelike.In theseinstances
jurisdiction,
A numberof twelfth-century
themand to defendtheirinterests.
represent
how they
concejosdo notspecify
involving
to litigation
referring
charters
In a
allegations.'9
recordthattheymadecertain
butsimply
wererepresented,
few cases (I I72, II84, and I207) disputeswere resolvedby means of a duel
foughtby personsacting fortheirconcejos.20From time to time one also
to advocatior voceroswho actedas spokesmenforconcejosin
findsreferences
the royal court; apparentlytheywere men with somethingmore than an
amateur'sknowledge of law and judicial procedure.2'Other documents
mentioningindividualswho spoke "pro parte concilii"or "vice atque nominetociusconcilii"may referto advocatesor perhapsto the electedmagistratesofthetowns.22
Probablythealcaldesappearedmostoftenon behalfof theirtownsin the
royalcourtor in otherjudicial tribunals.Certainfuerosauthorizedthemto
participatein juntasor assembliesof men fromneighboringtownsto settle
lawsuitsbetweentowns.The fueroof Salamanca, for example,statedthat
numberof good
the concejoshould send two alcaldesand an undetermined
men (boni homines)to the junta, and theirtravelexpensesshould be provided.23 The term"good men" is broad and oftenappears in inquisitions
19 Gonzailez, Reino de Castilla en la elpoca de Alfonso VIII, II, Nos. 46I, 557, pp. 791,
956; III, No. 1029, pp. 766-68.
20 Ibid., II, Nos. I69, 429, pp. 286, 741; III, No. 807, p. 4I6.
21 In i i86 an advocatus defended the concejo of Mayorga before the royal court in a suit
against the abbot of Sahaguin. (Gonzalez, Regesta de Fernando II, No. 57, pp. 334-35.) The
jueros mention the vozero who speaks on behalf of another in court, and the fu ros of Salamanca and Coria both refer to uozeros del concejo, who appear to be advocates officiallydesignated by the concejo, but whether they acted for the concejo in litigation is not clear. (See
Fuieros leoneses de Zamora, Salamanca, Ledesma y Alba de Torines, ed. Americo Castro and
Federico de Onis [Madrid, I9I6],
I6o; El fuero de Coria, ed. Jose Maldonado and Emilio Saez
76-77; Fuero de Guadalajara, ed. Hayward Keniston [reprint, New York,
[Madrid, I949],
s965], 3; El fuero de Madrid, ed. Galo Sanchez [Madrid, I963], 5i, 56.)
22 For examples of II96, I2I4,
and 12I7, see Gonzalez, Rcino de Castilla en la epoca de
Alfonso VIII, III, Nos. 653, 922, pp. I57, 6ii; and Coleccidondiplomadticade San Salvador de
OQa,ed. Juandel Alamo (2 vols.,Madrid,I950), II, No. 409, p. 504.
23 See Fuetros leoneses de Zamora, Salamanca, Ledesma y Alba de Tormes, ed. Castro and
Onis, 138, i65, I8I, 236, 3I3, 328; and Fuero de Coria, ed. Maldonado and Saez, 69. For
see Gonzalez, Reino de Castilla en la 6poca de Alfonso
juntas held in ii66, I209, and I2II,
VIII, II, No. 83, p. I4I; III, Nos. 858, 882, pp. 506-507, 54I-46. The fuero of Caceres I229,
published in id., Alfonso IX, II, No. 596, p. 692, refersto the junta; in El fuero de Cuenca, ed.
Rafael Urcfia (Madrid, I935),
855, there is mention of a junta of all the concejos of Extremadura at Sepuilveda about I249. Juntas were gatherings of towns for judicial purposes; they
were not hermandades or associations of towns bound by a pledge of friendship. The texts of
hermandades dated about 1200 and linking Avila, Escalona, Plasencia, and Segovia have been
published by Claudio Sanchez Albornoz, "Carta de hermandad entre Plasencia y Escalona,"
503-508; Teodoro Ruiz Jusue, "Las cartas
Anuario de historia del derecho espanol, III (I926),
387-463; and Luis Suarez Fernanndez,"Evolucion
de hermandad en Espafia, ibid., XV (I944),
6-78.
historica de las hermandades castellanas," Ctuadernosde historiz de Espana, XVI (1951),

I509
inquisa,pesquisa)carriedoutby royalagentswho summoned

(inquisitia,
under oath.24It
bonihominesfroma town to give pertinentinformation
sentbya concejoto acton

to concludethatbonihomines
seems
reasonable
or mostillustrious
itsbehalfin a courtof law werethemostimportant
men;
thefueros
indicatethatthesewerethealcaldesand othersdrawnfromthe
ranks
ofthecaballerosvillanos.25
oftherevivalofRoman
century,
as a consequence
In theearlythirteenth
a branchof studyin thenewlyfounded

constituted
law,whichundoubtedly
Universities
of Palencia and Salamanca,26the concejosbegan to adopt the
Gaines Post has raisedthe fundamental
system
of proctorialrepresentation.
sent by the towns to the earliest
the
representatives
questionof whether
Corteswere procurators
endowed with plena potestas.To my knowledge,
who have touchedon this
hisstudiesare unknownto thoseSpanishhistorians
of the townsin theseearly
point;theyhave assumedthattherepresentatives
century.
as theywere in the fourteenth
assemblies
were indeed procurators
24 There are numerousdocumentsof the twelfthand thirteenth
centuriesdescribingthe
of boni homines,probi homines,and so forthto participatein royalinquisitions.
summoning
inquisitivoen el
(See JoaquinCerradaRuiz-Funes,"En tornoa la pesquisa y procedimiento
de la edad media," Anuariode historiadel derechoespafiol,XXXII
derecho
castellano-leones
[i962], 483-518; Evelyn Procter,The JudicialUse of Pesquisa (Inquisition) in Leon and
Castille,
1157-s369, EnglishHistoricalReview,Suppl. 2 [London,x966].)
25 The fuerosof Salamancaand Coria citedin note 23, above,do indeedspeak of caballeros
goingto thejunta.
26 C. M. Ajo y Sainz de Zufiiga,Historiade las universidades
hispdnicas(7 vols. to date,
antedateI200, and
Madrid,1957- ), I, 195-20I, 435-36, pointsout that both universities
of Palencia.
to the studyof law at the University
he publisheslettersof HonoriusIII referring
RodrigoJimenezde Rada, De Rebus Hispaniae, Bk. VII, Chap. xxxiv, in Hispaniae Illustrateseu Rerum UrbiumqueHispaniae,Lusitaniae,Aethiopiaeet Indiae ScriptoresVarii,ed.
a. M., I603-I609), II, I26, notes thatAlfonsoVIII sumAndreasSchott(4 vols., Frankfurt
Palentiaecongregamoned"sapientesa Galliis et Italia . . . et magistrosomniumfacultatum
vit."Lucas of Tuiy,Cronicade Espaiia, ed. JulioPuyol (Madrid, 1926), 422, indicatesthat
to Salamanca.Amongthose
Alfonso
IX called "maestrosmuy sabios en las sanctasescripturas"
whoprobablyhelped to introducethe conceptsof Roman and canon law into Castilianusage
thenservedas chancellor
onecan citePeterof Cardona,a Catalan,who taughtat Montpellier,
of CastilefromI178 tO II82 and as abbot of Husillos in Palencia untilAlexanderIII named
hima cardinal.(See Dictionnairedu Droit Canonique [7 vols.,Paris,I935-65], VI, col. I473;
andF. Valls Taberner,"Le juristecatalanPierrede Cardona,"MelangesPaul Fournier[Paris,
of Italianoriginin the royalcourtand in postssuch
I929], 743-46.) The presenceof magistri
as thatof archdeaconof Palencia about I200 suggeststhatRoman and canon law were probThese magistriinclude the royal notaryand archablysubjectsof studyat the universities.
deaconof Palencia,MagisterGeraldus(iI84) also called GeraldusLombardus;MagisterLanand MagisterMichael legum doctor (1203).
francus,
canon of Palencia (I200);
(Gonzailez,
Reinode Castillaen la epoca de AlfonsoVIII, I, 626-35, and AlfonsoIX, I, 453-6o.) In the
centurythe noted canonist,LaurentiusHispanus, afterteachingat Bologna,
earlythirteenth
returned
to Spain wherehe servedas magisterscholarumat Orenseuntilhis electionas bishop
of thatsee in 1218; he held the bishopricuntilhis death in I248. (AntonioGarcia Garcia,
y estudiocriticode sus obras [Rome, 1956]; see also
Laurentius
Hispanus: Datos biogrdificos
Javier
Ochoa Sanz, VincentiusHispanus: Canonistabolofiesdel siglo xiiI [Rome, i960].) The
use of the books of Roman and canon law in the late twelfthcenturyis indicatedby several
wills.(See Isalas da Rosa Pereira,"Livros de direitona Idade Media," LusitaniaSacra, VII
on
[i964-66], 7-60. Guglielmi["Curia regia en Leon y Castilla,"148-49] commentsbriefly
at
of Roman law into the peninsulaand notesthe appearanceof iurisperiti
theintroduction
theLconesecourtin 1219. Gonzalez,AlfonsoIX, II, No. 383, p. 497.)

isio
however,
thatthereis "no clear
concludes,
ManuelColmeiro,
Post,following
untilI305."27Takingup his
proctorial
representation
ofcorporate,
evidence
by
EvelynProcterhas shownthatthetownswererepresented
challenge,
in the royalcourtat leastfromthemiddleof the thirteenth
procurators
century.8
was becomingcominstitutions
by ecclesiastical
The use of procurators
century,and in the minorityof Enrique I of

mon in the earlythirteenth
was entrustedto AlvaroNu'nez de Lara
thegovernment
Castile (I2I4-I217)
et
regni.29
A fewyearslaterthedistinguished
withthetitleprocuratorregis
noble Pedro Fernaindez,beforedepartingfor the Holy Land, designateda
procuratorin the king's court and declared that he would ratify(ratum
The earliest
penitushabiturus)whateverwas done by his representative.30
is
found
in a textof
a
concejo
by
referenceto thisformof representation
to represent
I223 in whichtheconcejoof Compostelaappointeda personarius
it in the royalcourtand an advocatusto argue its case. The textclearlydisThe termpersonartinguishesbetweenthepersonariusand the advocatus.31
as numerouslegal texts
ius or personerowas the equivalentof procurator,
suchas theFueroReal and theSietePartidasmakeplain.32
and
in Spain and Italy,II50-I250,"
27 Gaines Post, "Roman Law and EarlyRepresentation
"Plena Potestasand Consentin Medieval Assemblies,"in Studiesin MedievalLegal Thought:
(Princeton,N. J., I964), 6I-I6o. Guglielmi ("Curia
Public Law and the State, 1100-1322
at the royalcourt,but she is
by procurators
regia en Leon y Castilla") discussesrepresentation
unawareof Post'sarticles;nordoes SanchezAlbornozappearto know them.
28EvelynProcter,"The Towns of Leon and Castilleas Suitorsbeforethe King's Court,"
LXXIV(Jan.I959),
Review,
Historical
English
I-22.
Gonzailez,Reino de Castillaen la 6pocade AlfonsoVIII, III, No. 98I, p. 693. The bishop
forthe archbishopof Compostelain documentsof II65of Mondofiedoappearsas procurator
II67. (Id., Regestade FernandoII, No. 13, pp. 258, 386-88.) In 1177 Henry II of England
sent
notedthatthe kingsof Castileand Navarrewho submittedtheirquarrelsto his arbitration
and advocatesto his court.(Id., Reino de Castillaen la epoca de AlfonsoVIII, II,
procurators
No. 279, p. 459.)
de las Huelgas de Burgosy el Hospital del Rey
30Amancio Rodriguez,El real monasterio
III
of May 27, I222, Fernando
(z vols.,Burgos,I907), I, No. 6I, pp. 414-I5. In a charter
super his quidquid faceret
procuratorem
declaredthat Pedro Fernandez "coram me constituit
of the monastery.
ratumpenitushabiturus."The same textrefersto the procurator
3lGonzalez, AlfonsoIX, II, No. 426, pp. 542-43. On this occasionthe canons of Comand an advocatus.Procter("Towns of Leon and Castille,"
postelaalso appointeda personarius
whichappearsto be truerepresentation."
3) holdsthatthisis "something
que son
32 JacopoRuiz, tutorto AlfonsoX, Flores de las leyes,tit. III: De los personeros
opuzsculos
in Memorialhistoricoespafiol:Coleccionde documentos,
dichosen latin procuratores,
que publica la Real Academia de la Historia (49 vols., Madrid, I85I-I948),
y antigiuedades
de otrodebe mostrar
II, I8o; Fuero Real, lib. I, tit.7, ley 6: como aquel que se dice procurador
la personeriae poder; tit. i0, leyes I-I5; Siete Partidas,TerceraPartida,tit. 2, ley I3; tit. 5,
leyes I-2; tit. I8, ley 98 (the text of a carta de personeriafor a concejo); Leyes del Estilo,
de las Leyes,lib. IV, tit. 8. These textsare
leyes 8, 37, I66 (personerosof concejos); Espe4culo
found in Los co'digosespanioles,ed. Antoniode San Martin (I2 vols., Madrid, I872-73), 1,
333, 358-6I; III, I0, 65-66, 242; VI, I02. Post ("Roman Law and EarlyRepresenta3II-I4,
tion," 67, n. 27) pointsout that thereis a slightinfluenceof the Roman law on procurators
as used in the code seemsto referto an adminisin the Visigothiccode. The termprocurator
of the code done on the ordersof Fernando
tratorof royalestates.In the Castiliantranslation
of the
III, someoneappearingin courton behalfof anotheris called a personero,a translation
29

I II
representaofproctorial
yearsotherexamples
Duringtheensuingtwenty
was repretionappear.In I225, forexample,theconcejoof Sotoavellanas
goodmen
sent
of
Belver
Six yearslatertheconcejo
sentedbya procurator.33
abierta
(con cartade procuracio'n
ofprocuration
(bonosomnes)witha letter
et seellada)to theking'scourt;in orderthattherenotbe anydoubtabout
In
describes
themas procuradores.34
theirlegalstatus,thesamedocument
I248
FernandoIII declaredthatifseveralconcejosin Asturiashad business
In a suitbeforetheroyal
at his courttheyshouldsendtheirpersoneros.35
del concejoand pretribunal
in I250 thejusticiaof Tutyactedas personero
thatitwouldabidebywhatever
in whichtheconcejoaffirmed
senteda letter
he did.36In thesameyearMoyasentomesbonoscon cartade personeria
personconletras
sentan alcaldeandanother
totheroyalcourtwhileAstorga
concartasde
personeros
The concejoofSantiagodispatched
de personeria.37
"inwhichitwassaidthattheconcejogavethemfullpower[lieno
personeria
mein thissuit."38
theydidbefore
poder]andthatitwouldabidebywhatever
was
Finally,in thelastyearofFernandoIII's reign,theconcejoofSigiuenza
inhiscourtbyfivepersoneros.39
represented
toconcludethatat leastfromthesecFromtheaboveit seemsreasonable
in the
ofthethirteenth
concejosusuallywererepresented
century
ondquarter
usedmostoftentodescribe
eventhoughtheterms
royalcourtbyprocurators,
from
ofcourse,
or omnesbonos.Thereareothertexts,
themwerepersoneros
court
men
sent
to
the
without
to
refer
royal
only good
thesameperiodthat
or whether
theycarriedletters
whether
theywereprocurators
anyindication
to
I believethattheywereintended
Evenin theseinstances
ofprocuration.40
~ II, tit.~ I, ley 17, tit. 3, leyes I, 5-10, in

Latin adsertoror persona. (See Fuero juzgo, lib.
Co'digosespanoles,ed. San Martin,I, 6, II, II3, II8-I9.)
33 Colecciondiploma'tica
de San Salvadorde Onia,ed. Alamo,II, No. 439, p. 542.
No. 234,
34Romualdo Escalona,Historiadel real monasteriode Sahagu'n(Madrid, I782),
pp. 585-86. In a suit betweenthe abbey of Sahaguinand the burghersof the concejo the
The
"burgesesescogieronentresi algunos para enviar a Sevila al rey don Fernando...."
procuraKing then orderedthe abbot to appear beforehim in person "o por sus suficientes
dores." (Ibid., 354.)
35CiriacoVigil, Coleccio'nhisto'rico-diplomatica
de Oviedo (Oviedo, I889),
del ayuntamiento
I
4'.
36 Miguel de Manuel Rodriguez,Memoriaspara la vida del santo rey don FernandoIII

(Madrid, I8oo), 5I9. The justiciaappeared"con carta del concejo que estarieel concejo por
as
to themselves
quanto el ficieseante mi." The personerosof the chapterof Tutyalso referred
procuradores.
37 Ibid., 5 I 2, 523.
38 AntonioL6pez Ferreiro,
Fueros municipalesde Santiagoy de su tierra(Santiago,i 895),
As far as I have been able to ascertain,this is the firstdocumentthat speaks of the
2I6-I8.
of a concejo.See also ibid.,220, 225-26, 23I-34.
plenapotestasof representatives
39 ToribioMinguella,Historiade la dio'cesisde Sigiuenzay de sus obispos(3 vols.,Madrid,
I, No. 205, pp. 567-68.
1910-13),
40 For example,the concejosof Alcabon and Maqueda were represented
by omes bonos in
the royalcourtin 1227, Oviedo in 1234, Alcaraz in 1243, and Jaenin 125I. (Madrid,Archivo
Hist6ricoNacional,Documentosrealesde la Orden de Calatrava,No. 6i; Vigil, Coleccio'nhis-

I5I2
JosephF. O'Callaghan
clearlywas knownto
representation
The idea of proctorial
act as procurators.
as a
itsdevelopment
tofoster
and itwasin theroyalinterest
theroyalcourt,
in
rendered
If judgments
andbindingformofrepresentation.
moreeffective
thatthe
it was essential
theking'scourtwerenottobe subjectto challenge,
fullpowertoactforthemand tobindthem
givetheirrepresentatives
parties
the
Thus it seemslikelythatoncethekingdiscovered
by theiractions.41
he wouldbe inclinedto
fromone concejo,
procurators
utility
of requiring
themfromall.
require
ofthetownsin theroyalcourtis directly
The questionofrepresentation
theCorteswas
oftheCortes.As thenameimplies,
relatedtothebeginnings
andas suchitcouldactas
form,
expanded
thoughingreatly
theking'scourt,
of bishops,
bodyor as a tribunalof justice.The assembly
a consultative
not only to
nobles,and townsmenprovidedthe king with an opportunity
of publicpolicybut also to adjudicatemuchlitigation,

matters
determine
especiallythatinvolvingtowns.The Cortesthushad a judicial characterand
intoitsorigins.
whenoneisinquiring
thatshouldnotbeforgotten
function
thereviewof
will
resume
mind
I
in
considerations
Withtheforegoing
townsmayhavebeen
noted,theCastilian
As I havealready
royalassemblies.
if onlyin a
in theroyalcouncil,
timeto participate
forthefirst
summoned
a curiaat
limitedway,in II87. In MayofthatyearAlfonsoVIII celebrated
Barbarossa
the
of
Frederick
with
envoy
discuss
San Estebande Gormazto
withtheEmperor's
of theInfantaBerenguela
son,Conradof
themarriage
in Aprilii88,
signedat Seligenstadt
The marriage
Hohenstaufen.42
contract,
with
swore,together
ofthechieftownsoftherealmwhosemaiores
listsfifty
and
and
Avila,
of
the
bishops
ofToledo,
Burgos,Calahorra,
thearchbishop
theconthetermsofthepact.43Although
to observe
and nobles,
theprinces
No. 26, pp. 50-5I; Manuel Rodriguez,Memorias,466-68, 525-27.) In other
to'rico-diplomatica,
cases the King indicatedonlythathe had summonedtownsmento appearin court.(Minguella,
No. 14, P. 37.)
Historia,1, Nos. I92-93, pp. 553-56; Vigil, Coleccionhist6rico-diplomdtica,
Procter("Towns of Leon and Castille,"5) believesthat"when no names are givenand there
to a mandatethe generalnatureof the termbuenoshombresmakes it
is no specificreference
to."
to deducethestatusof themenreferred
impossible
or personeroswith lettersof procurationor per41Numerous examplesof procuradores
soneriafromthe townsto act forthemin the courtof AlfonsoX (I252-1284) mightbe cited.
I doubt that he or his father,FernandoIII, would have receivedthemif theydid not have
powerto bind theirconstituents.
VIII, II, No. 471, p. 8o8. Apparently
42 Gonzailez,Reino de Castillaen la epoca de Allfonso
neitherColmeiro,Post, Guglielmi,nor Procterknew of this curia whose existencehas been
researchof Gonzailez.
by the indefatigable
established
53lbid.,No. 499, pp. 857-63; see PeterRassow,Der Prinzgemahl:Ein Pactummatrimoniale aus dem Jahresi88 (Weimar,I950). Sinchez Albornoz(Espafia,II, 8i) says"casi seguraof the above townsattendedthe assemblyat San Esteban;his use of
mentelos procuradores"
is not warrantedby the text.He also suggeststhatdelegatesof the towns
the termprocurators
thosetownswithtowns
identifies
givenas dowryto Berenguelawerepresent,but he mistakenly
givenby AlfonsoVIII as dowryto Queen Eleanor,whose rightsin her dowertownswere spetownsbeguaranteedin themarriagecontract.It shouldbe notedthatthe twenty-seven
cifically
longingto her are not includedamongthosewhose maioressworeto uphold the contract.

I5I3
tractwas dated in Germany,it obviouslywas preparedat San Esteban in

II87, and it is possiblethatthe maloresof the townswere summonedto the
curiato taketheoath.
The assent of the towns was doubly importantbecause AlfonsoVIII
of the kingdomto his
lacked a male heir.He realized thatthe transferral
was riskyand, if it wereto be
daughterand a husbandwho was a foreigner
carriedoffsuccessfully,
demandedtheapprovaland supportof all the major
declaredthat if
politicalforcesin the realm.Thus the contractspecifically
the King should die beforeConrad's arrivalin Spain, the barons,princes,
governors,
cities,and mastersof Calatravaand Santiagowould be bound by
oath to receivehim and to surrenderBerenguelaand the kingdomto him.
Thus the bishops,nobles,militaryorders,and townsmenwere being called
upon to give theirexpressconsentnot only to the marriagebut also to the
eventualsuccessionof Berenguelaand Conrad to the throneof Castile.The
gravityof the issue was such as to justifythe summoningof the townsmen
as well as the bishopsand nobles,and yetthe textis impreciseenough to
permitone to assumethatthemaiores ofthetownstooktheoathlocally."
withplena potestas.
Post has asked whetherthe maiores wereprocurators
SainchezAlbornozassumestheywere althoughthetextoffersno clue in this
regard.4"They were not,as Colmeirohas suggested,royalmaiorini or merinos responsible
justicein thetowns.46Obviouslythe term
foradministering
maiores is to be translatedas chiefmen,which is suggestedby a charterof
the citizensof Toledo to send him ten
AlfonsoVIII dated II74 instructing
the
civitatis
to
inform
him
of anyviolationsof thecity'scharter.47
of
maiores
The maiores werethemostprominentcitizensor perhapsthealcaldeselected
buttheywerenotofficials
appointedbythecrown.
bythetownsmen,
Earlyin thefollowingyear,probablyin April ii88,48AlfonsoIX of Leon
"Towns of Leon and Castille," I7-I8.
Post, "Roman Law and Early Representation,"
44Procter,
45
II, 8I.
70-7I;
and Sa6nchez Albornoz, Espana,
46 Colmeiro (Introduccion a las Cortes, I, I2-I3)

says the maiores were "jueces gobernadores
de los pueblos liamados maiorini." He and others (for example, Marongiu, Parlamento, I07)
have assumed that the maiores took the oath at Carrion in II88, but the text indicates that
they had already sworn, presumably at San Esteban in II87.
47 Gonzailez, Reino de Castilla en la epoca de Alfonso VIII, II, No. I97,
pp. 326-27.
48 Usually this assembly has becn dated in July because at that time the King "with the
common consent and counsel of the barons and of my curia" took measures against thieves.
But Gonzailez (ibid., I, 46) believes that the curia
(Id., Alfonso IX, II, No. I2, pp. 27-28.)
was held in April because it was decided to review all the charters of Fernando II, and from
April 29 to June I7 there are several documents confirming charters that Fernando II had
Although the text of the
given to bishoprics or monasteries. (Ibid., II, Nos. 3-6, pp. 9-20.)
(lecrees enacted in the curia of ii88 is undated, Gonzailez has published it among the charters
The convocation of the curia in April rather
for June and July. (Ibid., No. II, pp. 23-26.)
than July seems reasonable to me, inasmuch as the King had to take immediate steps to assert
his authority against domestic enemies, recover royal rights and properties alienated by his
father,and determninea policy toward Castile and Portugal. As Gonzailez indicates, he probably

I5I4
significance.
He had come to
conveneda curia of extraordinary
power in tryingcircumstances
afterthe death of his father,FernandoII, in
January.His stepmother
conspiredto deprivehim of the throne,and both
Castile and Portugalassumed a hostileattitude.The nobility,especiallyin
and committedotherdisGalicia and Asturias,laid waste the countryside
orders.Through his father'sprodigality,the resourcesof the crown were
orderand afgreatlydepleted.49
Faced withthecriticalproblemof restoring
firminghis authority,
Alfonso IX summonedhis council to meet in the
cloisterof San Isidroin Leon. The assemblywas notableforthe presenceof
the archbishopof Compostela,the bishopsand magnates,and the "elected
citizensof each city[cum electiscivibusex singuliscivitatibus]."" Here for
thefirsttimeis an unequivocalattestation
of the presenceof townsmenin a
meetingof the royalcouncil.We do not know how theywere elected,nor
with
how many came fromeach town,nor whethertheywere procurators
full powers,though this last seems unlikely.The numbersin attendance
must have been quite large,althoughthe referenceto each city probably
meantonly thosecitiesdirectlydependentupon the King and not citiesor
townsin thelordshipofbishops.5"
With considerableexaggerationvariousauthorshave hailed the decrees
promulgatedby AlfonsoIX at thistime as a Leonese Magna Carta.52The
comparisonis notentirelyappropriatesinceAlfonsoIX was not a tyrannical
king whom rebelliousbaronswere attemptingto subordinateto the law of
the land; nor is thereany evidencethathis decreesever attainedan importanceand prestigein publiclaw comparableto thoseof Magna Carta.Unlike
the English charter,the decreesof ii88 were not confirmedexplicitlyby
(II88-1230)
made a journeyto Compostelato buryhis fatherin late Februaryor March and then summonedthecuriato meetat Leon in April.
49 Ibid., I, 43-60.
50 Ibid., II, No. II, pp. 23-26. An undatedletterto the archbishopof Compostela(ibid.,
No. 662, pp. 737-38) also refersto the assembly,thoughnot to the townsmen.
51 Ibid., I, 339. Presumablytowns such as Tu'y, Lugo, Compostela,and Orense, all in
Galicia and all held as lordshipsby theirbishops,were not summoned.This is the view of
Piskorski(Cortes de Castilla, 35), but Claudio SainchezAlbornoz, "Sefioriosy ciudades,"
Anuariode historiadel derechoespaniol, VI (I929), 456-59, has questionedwhetherthiswas
AlfonsoX's
alwaystrue; he publisheda letterof the bishopof Orense,dated I256, protesting
summonsto the concejoof Orenserequiringthatthreeomnesbonos be sentto him to pledge
homageto his daughter.As lord of the citythe bishopregardedthe summonsas an infringementof his rights.
52 Amalio Marichalarand CayetanoManrique,Historiade la legislaci6ny recitaciones
del
II, 427-34, comparethe textsof II88 and
derechocivil de Espaiia (9 vols.,Madrid,I86I-72),
Magna Carta and suggestthat the Englishbaronsmay have knownAlfonsoIX's decrees.See
Magna Carta Comalso Rafael Altamira,"Magna Carta and SpanishMedievalJurisprudence,"
memorationEssays, ed. HenryMalden (New York, I9I7),
Albornoz.
227-43; Safnchez
Espania,II, 82; 1. A. Arias, "La carta magna leonesa," Cuadernosde historiade Espana, IX
of the text.But see Valdeavellano,Historiade Espana,
(I948), I47-53, a Castiliantranslation
I, Pt. 2, 579.

I5I5
ofLeonese
to power,and latergenerations
uponaccession
future
monarchs
did notlookbackto thedecreesof ii88 as thesourceof their
orCastilians
On the otherhand,AlfonsoIX, like King John,acknowledged
liberties.
Swearhimself
as wellas hissubjects.
ofa bodyoflaw binding
theexistence
he promised
byhispredecessors,
established
thegoodcustoms
ingtoobserve
a
He guaranteed
and notto actarbitrarily.
justiceimpartially
toadminister
andhepromin hiscourttoanyoneaccusedbyanother,
fullandfairhearing
No action
falseaccusations.
thosewhobrought
isedtopunishappropriately
to
againsttheaccuseduntilhe had beencitedin writing
wouldbe initiated
andof
ofpersons
tolaw.The security
appear
incourttobejudgedaccording
He
of thehouseholdalso wereguaranteed.
and theinviolability
property
except
thathe wouldnot make"war or peaceor treaty
declared,
finally,
by
withthecounselof thebishops,
nobles,and goodmen [bonihomines]
ofthe
counselI oughttobe guided."Here,no doubt,he wasthinking
whose
to come to termswith his neighbors,Castile and Portugal.The
necessity
in counsel,in defending
nobles,and citizenssworeto be faithful
bishops,
of
thepeace therealm.In a separateactionthe
and in preserving
justice,
charters
in orderto recover
to reviewall hisfather's
royal
Kingundertook
FernandoII had
an excessof generosity,
and revenues
that,through
rights
alienated.53
oftheconcerted
actionofa
ofiI88 werenottheconsequence
Thedecrees
to imposeitswill upontheKing; norwere
attempting
hostile
aristocracy
to thetownsmen
disangeredbytheprevailing
theyan abjectcapitulation
toputan end
orders.54
proofoftheKing'sdetermination
Theywere,rather,
so that,in thewordsofLucasofTuy,"hewouldbe ableto keep
toviolence
AlfonsoIX pledgedto upholdthelaw,
in peaceandjustice.'"55
thekingdom
and torecover
topunishevildoers,
whatrightfully
todojusticetoeveryman,
was an attempt
to thetownsmen
to
to thecrown.His summons
belonged
a
to
counterbalance
and to use theirsupport
his resolution
demonstrate
inpower.56
himself
andtoestablish
firmly
turbulent
nobility
ofhispledgeto
weretheprincipal
beneficiaries
thetownsmen
Although
to ascertainto what extentthey
orderand tranquillity,57it is difficult
restore
G5Gonlez, AlfonsoIX, H, No. 662, pp. 737-38.

54Marongiu(Parlamento,30, I03, I05) suggeststhatthedecreesof iI88 werenot so much
concessionon the King's partas theywere the resultof tie oppositionof various
a spontaneous
politicalforcesto theKing. I do notsharethisopinion.
55 Lucas of T6y (Cronicade Espaiia, ed. Puyol,412) commented
on the King's determinationto repressevildoers.
56Sinchez Albornoz,Espania,II, 82. I believethatthe initiativecame fromthe King and
thatthe textsdo not justifyour speakingof the townsmenas havingextracted(arrancado) a
of liberdesfromhim.
declaration
57 Ibid.; Valdeavellano,
Historiade Espana,I, Pt. 2, 579.

I 5I 6
textsspeakofthe
The relevant
ofhisdecrees.
in theformulation
participated
of thecitizensof each city,theKing'spromisenotto makewar
presence
or peacewithoutthecounselof bishops,nobles,and good men,and their
mayhavebeen
oathto guardthepeaceof therealm.Whilethetownsmen
and on
continuously
it doesnotseemlikelythattheyparticipated
consulted,
thatprewiththebishopsand noblesin thedeliberations
an equal footing
ofthedecrees.58
cededthepromulgation
AlfonsoIX setout to
of theassembly,
as a directconsequence
Probably
withAlfonso
withCastile.Afteran interview
establish
peacefulrelations
in May,he agreedto becomehis vassaland to marry
VIII at Sotohermoso
a curiaat Carrion
In Junei I88 AlfonsoVIII convoked
oneofhisdaughters.
upontheKingofLeon,whokissed
theorderof knighthood
and bestowed
theLeonese,
oftheGalicians,
hishandas a signofvassalage"inthepresence
arrivedat Carrion
In JulyConradof Hohenstaufen
and the Castilians."
to theInfantaBerenguela,
and was betrothed
knighthood
and also received
authorof the Latin
who was abouteightyearsold. The well-informed
Chroniclestatedthatthe wholekingdomof Castilepledgedhomageto
shouldAlfonsoVIII diewithout
Conrad,whowouldreignwithBerenguela
ofthetowns
whether
representatives
thetextsdo notspecify
a son.Although
thattheyweresummoned
possibility
atCarrion,
thereis a strong
werepresent
Perhapsit is at thistimethat
pair.59
tooffer
homageto thenewlybetrothed
to by Alof thatconsuetudo
Ispaniereferred
one mayfindthebeginnings
andprocurators
thattheprelates,
magnates,
fonsoX in I255 whenhedeclared
to pledgetheirallegianceto theheirto
of thetownsshouldbe summoned
thethrone.60
ofmeetings
ofthegreatcounnotices
following,
In theyearsimmediately
of
A
townsmen
are
uncertain.
constitution
of
the
participation
cil and of
thepeaceand security
oftheChurchmostlikely
AlfonsoVIII guaranteeing
in ii9i.61 The samemaybe saidofthe
in suchan assembly
waspromulgated
58 An undated letterto the archbishop of Compostela (Gonzailez, Alfonso IX, II, No. 662, pp.
737-38) refersto the curia and the attendance of bishops and nobles, but not of the townsmen.
59 Chronique latine des rois de Castille jusqu'en I236, ed. Georges Cirot (Bordeaux, 19I3),
Rodrigo, De Rebus Hispaniae, Bk. VII, Chap. XXIV, 123; Lucas of Tuy,
Chap. XI, 39-40.
Cro'nicaGeneral,ed. Ramon MenendezPidal

Cronicade Espaiia, ed. Puyol, 406; Primnera
(2
vols., Madrid, c955), II, Chap. CMXCvII, 677. Returning from Carri6n, Alfonso IX probably
met with his barons, and perhaps with the bishops as well, at Leon in July to report upon the
recent curia and to take measures against thieves and other evildoers. He declared that he did
so "de communi omnium consensu" and "communi assensu et consilio baronum et curie mee."
(Gonzailez, Alfonso IX, II, No. 12, p. 27.) This phraseology is too vague to be taken as evidence of a meeting of a curia plena.
60 Piskorski, Cortes de Castilla, I96-97.
61 Gonzailez,
Reino de Castillaen la epoca de AlfonsoVIII, III, No. 570, pp. I8-I9. The
document does not refer to a meeting of the royal council, but in view of his presence in
Palencia from March through May when he promulgated the constitution, a meeting seems
likely. Perhaps he also convened an assemiblyto recognize his son Fernando, born in Novembcr

1517
redactedbyAlfonsoIX at Leon in SeptemberII94 and promulconstitutions

gated in a councilat Compostelaon October22.62 Addressinghimselfto all
theprelatesand princesof his kingdomand to all the people,he notedthat
in iI88 he had reformedthe statusregni,but of late the observanceof his
he entherefore,
decreeshad been neglected;"with commondeliberation,"
of justice,the rightsof the
actednew decreesconcerningthe administration
Church,and thepunishmentof thievesand robbers,and he orderedtheirentherealm.Althoughone mayassumethatthebishops
forcement
throughout
and nobles attendedthese assemblies,in no instanceis thereany specific
to thepresenceof townsmen.
reference
Severalyearslater,however,on March ii, I202, AlfonsoIX conveneda
plena curia at Benavente,attendedby bishops,royalvassals,"and manymen
fromeach town of my kingdom."63Here again is certainevidenceof the
of the townsin the greatcouncil,but thereis no
presenceof representatives
wayofknowinghowtheywerechosenor whatpowerstheyhad received.
In the charterissued at this time the King gave much attentionto the
but themostsignifconditionson whichpersonsheld lands of theChurch,64
II89, as heir to the throne,but I have found no traceof it. Nor do I find evidenceof an
of warassemblyheld at Carrioneitherin II92, II93, or II94 to prepareforthe resumption
fareagainsttheinfidels.(See Colmeiro,Introduicciona las Cortes, 1, I4I.)
Gonzailez(ibid., 1, 241) suggeststhat
62GonzaIlez, Alfonso IX, II, Nos. 84-85, pp. I25-29.
theKing held a cuiriaplena in NovemberII90, but thedocument(ibid., II, No. 38, pp. 63-64)
on which he based his opinionrefersonly to "consiliotociuscurie mee," a formulafoundin
many otherdocumentsand that,in my view, usuallymeans only the small council.Perhaps
he summonedan assemblyat ChristmasI197 to acknowledgehis new queen, Berenguelaof
Castile,whom he had marriedat Valladolid on December8. (Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae,
Bk. VII, Chap. XXXI, I25; and Primera Cronica General, ed. MenendezPidal,II, Chap. MIV, I63.)
I201,
Gonzalez (Alfonso IX, I, io8, 334) also refersto a councilheld at Salamancain June-July
a judgmentgivenin curia mea, a formulathatI believe
buthis evidenceis a documentrecording
onlyto thesmallcouncil.(Ibid., II, No. I58, pp. 22I-22.)
refers
63 Ibid., No. I67, pp. 236-37. Thus far only one documentfromthis curia has been discovered.
64As Sanchez Albornoz (Espafia, It, 84) has pointedout, the nobles and clergyobtained
a detailedregulationof royal rightsin lands that nobles held as beneficesof the Churchor
that the clergyheld of the nobles. The King declaredthat judges were chosen in the curia
to give judgmentin the suit betweenhimselfand the milites et alii. The sentenceprovided
that the law applicableto estatesowned by the nobles should also apply to estatesthat they
held of bishopsor abbots"in vita sua per capitulumdum illam tenuerint";thatthe law applicable to estatesowned by citizensor burghersor otherswho were not nobles should also
apply to estatesthat theyheld of the Church; that the authorityof the crown (uox regis)
should have the same forcein estatesheld as benefices(in prestimoniurm,uidelicet ad temppus
uel in pignus) of the Church,as in otherChurchlands; thatthe law applicableto the estates
of noblesshouldalso applyto any such estatethata clericmighthold as a benefice(in pignus
uel prestimonium ad tempus); that if anyone holding an estateof the Churchshould incur
the wrathof the king and be exiled on thataccount,the estateshould revertto the Church,
of
but the king should have the rentsof the estateeach yearuntilthe death or reconciliation
or thathe acquired
the exiled person; that propertythata clerichad as his own inheritance
untilhe freelyand absolutelygave
throughpurchaseshould not be treatedas Churchproperty
of theseproblems,see Luis G. de Valdeavellano,
it to the Church.For detailedconsideration
and Hilda
5-I22;
Anuario de historia del derecho espaniol, XXV (I955),
"El prestimonio,"
Grassotti,"Apostillas a El Prestimoniode Valdeavellano," Cuadernos de historiade Esobservesthat"we know
Marongiu(Parlamento, I06-I07)
I67-2I7.
paiia, XXIX-XXX (959),

icantpartofthetextrelatesto thesaleoftheroyalcoinage.In thisSainchez

thatthe townsmenwere
of his contention
Albornozfindsconfirmation
to assistthecrownbyvotingsubto theking'scouncilprimarily
summoned
andofpublicadministration.
sidiestomeettherisingcostsofthereconquest
werefixedbytheirfueros
due fromtheconcejostraditionally
The tributes
In thecourseofthetwelfth
theirconsent.
andcouldnotbe changedwithout
a name
aid calledpetitum,
thekingbegantocollectan extraordinary
century
thoughthereis no evidence
thatit was granteduponhis request,
implying
therequest
to it.Probably
as to themannerin whichthetownsconsented
Bytheendofthe
thanin an assembly.
rather
wasmadetothemindividually
exempbutfrequent
thissumtendedto be a fixedannualpayment,
century
In hissearchfornewsources
tionsreduceditsvaluefortheking'spurposes.65
of debasingthecointhekinghitupontheexpedient
therefore,
ofrevenue,
and a
inflation
through
couldcauseeconomicdistress
age. But debasement
the
towns
king's
the
purchased
a
crisis
avert
such
risein prices.In orderto
hima subhe pleased,thatis, theyoffered
rightto coinmoneywhenever
sidy,
a newtax,whichcametobeknownas monedaforera.66
in I202. The
in thecuriaofBenavente
described
was first
Thisprocedure
of
seven
a
term
for
yearsto the
thattheKing soldhiscoinage
textrecords
the landsfromthe Duero to the sea and throughout
peopleinhabiting
the
Recognizing
forone maravedipayablebyeachperson.07
Extremadura,
thattheKingmightdebasethecoinageat theendofsevenyears,
possibility
thathe shouldnotbe obligedto sellthecoinageagainst
thecuriastipulated
to buyit.The sale and purhiswill; norshouldhissubjectsbe compelled
In that
oftheparties.
bythemutualagreement
chasecouldonlybe effected
littleor nothing"of the assemblyof I202. He appearsnot to be familiarwith the textjust
describedand SainchezAlbornoz'discussionof thisassembly.
65 Claudio SainchezAlbornoz,"Notas para el estudiodel petitum,"in Estudiossobre las
medievalesespafiolas(Mexico, D. F., i965), 483-520. He tracesthe petitumto
instituciones
subsidyin I09I to meetthe threatof theAlmoravids.
AlfonsoVI's requestforan extraordinary
In returnhe grantedthe requestsof the Christiansof Leon concerningproceduresto be used
in litigationwith the Jews; apparentlyonly the nobles were summonedto consentto this
tribute.For the text,see Eduardo de Hinojosa,Documentospara la historiade las instituciones
de Leon y Castilla (Madrid, I9I9), 36-39. JuanBeneytoPerez, Historiade la administracion
(Madrid, 1958), i69-70, does not accept Sanchez Albornoz'
espaiiola e hispano-americano
thesis.
66Claudio SainchezAlbornoz,"La primitivaorganizacionmonetariade Leon y Castilla,"in
AroundII75 AlfonsoVIII began
medievalesespanolas,471-77.
Estudiossobrelas instituciones
to coin gold maravedisat Toledo in imitationof the coinage of the Muslimking of Murcia;
the kingsof Leon and Portugalsoon followedsuit. (See AntonioVives,La monedacastellana
Alois Heiss, Descripciongeneral de las monedas hispano-cristianas
13-I7;
[Madrid, I9OI],
[3 vols., Zaragoza, n.d.], I, 28; and Octavio Gil Farres,Historia de la moneda espanola
[Madrid,I9591, I98-99.) In a charterof II82 grantingthe see of Santiagohalf the profitsof
of devaluation.(AntonioLopez Ferto the possibility
the coinage there,FernandoII referred
reiro,Historiade la santa A. M. Iglesia de Santiagode Compostela[ii vols., Santiago,I898I69-70.)
19I 1, IV, 1 54; BeneytoPerez,Historiade la admrinistraci6n,
67 Gonzailez,AlfonsoIXJII, No. I67, p. 237.

I5I9
canons,knights,
case,asidefromthebishopsand nobles,onlythecathedral
All the gentesterreor
wereexemptfrompayment.
and theirfamiliares
or
to thenobility
includingtenantsof landsbelonging
nonnoblefreemen,
The Kingpledged
apiece.68
to payonemaravedi
wererequired
theChurch,
toanyone.69
oftheincomereceived
thathewouldnotgiveanyportion
Alfonso
Fromtheaboveit wouldseemthatat thecuriaof Benavente
to offerhis coinagefor
the obligation
at leastin principle
IX recognized
ofhis
way,to requesttheconsent
it,orto putitanother
debasing
salebefore
that
This suggests the
tribute.
subjectsto thelevyingof an extraordinary
wouldhave to be
curiaplena,in whichthetownswouldbe represented,
Albornoz
as Sainchez
It is conceivable,
periodicity.
witha certain
summoned
in
his
coinage
sold
King
the
that
demonstrated,
yet
not
it
is
though
believes,
thecuriaof I202, or perhapsin Octoberii94
II95, justsevenyearsbefore
One
a seriesoflawsin a councilheldat Compostela.70
whenhe promulgated
seven
a similartransaction
thathe had completed
mightevenconjecture
schedule
yearsbeforethat,in thecuriaof Leon in Julyii88. An arbitrary
ofthecuriaeverysevenyears,in ii88, II95, I202, 1209,
forthesummoning
butit is notyet
I2I6, 1223, I230, I237, 1244, and I25I, mightbe established,
thattheKing did indeedconvokehis councilin eachof
possibleto affirm
thoseyears.
reserved
especially
as a tribute
On theotherhand,monedais mentioned
in 1202, I207, I209, 1223, 1224,
exemption
forthecrownor as an exceptional
for
in Castilewhereit is mentioned
1227, and 1229.71 It also appears
1225,
are
references
other
in
I2I5;
crown
forthe
thefirst
timeas a rightreserved
ofLeon and Castile,1230,
dated12I6, 127, 29, 1225, and afterthereunion
1244,
moneda
forera
onlyevery
to collect
X's promise
and 1245.72 Alfonso
Ibid.
Ibid. Sainchez Albornoz ("La primitivaorganizacionmonetaria,"475) believes that
AlfonsoIX had sold his coinage previouslyin anothercuria because in 1197 he grantedthe
tenthof the tributecollectedfromthe sale in Asturias,Leon, Zamora,and Villafrancato the
Orderof Santiago.It is truethaton November29, II95, he grantedthe order"totamdecimam
mee monetede terraLegionis,Zamore,Villefranceet mearumAsturiarum"and on December
28, II95, "decimampartemtallii totiusmoneteregni mei." (Gonzailez,AlfonsoIX, II, Nos.
But I am not certainthatmonetaas used in the firstof thesedocuments
89-go, pp. 133-34.)
means a tributeand not a tenthof the profitsof the coinage in the places mentioned.In the
seconddocumentit appearsthatthe King grantsthe ordera tenthof the coinagethroughout
the realm.It may be notedthaton April 5, II95, he gave the see of Zamora"decimampartem
but I thinkthismeansa tenthof the coinageof Zamora. (Ibid., No. 9I,
mearummonetarum,"
68
69
pp. I35-36.)
70 Ibid.,No. 84, pp. I25-28.

71Ibid., Nos. I67, 2I9, 239, 43I, 445, 451, 5I6, 597, 603, pp. 236-37, 303-304, 327-29,
352-53, 546, 557, 565-66, 6I6, 693, 702. There is also an undatedletterof AlfonsoIX "totis
de mea moneta."(Ibid., No. 665, p. 739.) A royalcharterof iI90 exemptingthe
collectoribus
abbeyof Aguilarfrommonetamay have been tamperedwithas Gonzalez believes.(Ibid., No.

39, pp. 65-66.)
72Gonzalez, Reino de Castillaen la epoca de AlfonsoVIII, III, Nos. 986, 999, IOI5, pp.
746-47; Rodri'guez,Real monasterio,II, No. 57, p. Io9; JeronimoLopez
702-703, 719-20,

I520
JosephF. O'Callaghan
had done and the concessionof

seven yearsas his fatherand grandfather
moneda forerato Fernando IV by the Cortes of Valladolid in I295, even
thoughan entiresevenyearshad not elapsed,indicatethatthistributewas
As yet,however,clearand unmistakable
indeedcollectedeverysevenyears.73
evidencethattheCorteswas summonedeach timeto consentto the levyhas
notbeendiscovered.
The only otherspecificexample of the sale of the royalcoinage comes
fromPortugal.Afonso III declaredthat when he proposedto devalue the
coinage as his predecessorshad done "the greaterpart of the clergyand
besoughtme to conservein
people of my kingdomhumblyand insistently
weightthe accustomedand usual coinage until the next seven years,and
each one would pay me for this a certainsum of money."74He evidently
completedthe sale of his coinagein the curia of Leiria in I254, an assembly
attendedby bishops,magnates,prelates,membersof religiousorders,and
to thepresence
thegood men of thetowns.This is thefirstexplicitreference
of townsmenin the Portugueseroyalcouncil.75
Althoughthe sale of the royalcoinageclearlywas a principalconcernof
thecuriaof Benaventein March 1202, anotherreasonforthe summoningof
townsmento that assemblymay be suggested.For more than threeyears
AlfonsoIX and his queen, Berenguelaof Castile, had refusedto bow to
papal demands that they separatebecause they were firstcousins. Their
marriagewas viewed as essentialto the continuanceof peacefulrelations
betweenLe6n and Castile,and thebirthof an heirto theLeonese thronewas
de Ayala, Contribuciones e impuestos en Leo'n y Castilla durante la edad media (Madrid, I896),
29-33;
280; Luciano Serrano, "El canciller de Fernando III," Hispania, I (No. 5, 1940),
Ramon Menendez Pidal, Documtntos linguisticos de Espania: Reino de Castilla (Madrid, I966),
No. 57, pp. 86-87, a referenceto cogedores de la moneda; Manuel Rodriguez, Memorias, 47982. A charter of Alfonso VIII, dated II87, and granltingexemption from moneta to the abbey
of San Cebria'n, has probably been interpolated. (Gonzailez, Reino de Castilla en la e'poca de
Alfonso VIII, III, No. I023, p. 757.)
73 Cr'nica del Rey don Alfonso de&cimo,in Biblioteca de Autores Espanioles (203 vols.,
LXVI, Chap. XL, 3I- Jofrede Loaysa, Cro'nica de los reyes de Castilla, ed.
Madrid, 1944-67),
Antonio Garcia Martlnez (Murcia, I96I), Chap. LX, 6o, 152. There are examples of exemptions
from the payment of moneda granted by Alfonso X and his successors, but the subject is in
need of extensive investigation. By the middle of the thirteenthcentury moneda was regarded
as a fundamental right that no king could alienate. (Fuero viejo de Castilla, ed. Ignacio Jordan
del Asso y del Rio and Miguel de Manuel Rodriguez [Madrid, 177I], lib. I, tit. i, cap. i.)
741etters of Dec. 26, 1253, and Mar. i8, 1254, Portugaliae Monutmenta Historica, Leges
et Constietudines (i vol. in 2 pts., Lisbon, i856), Pt. 2, I92-97.
75Sanchez Albornoz, Curia regia portutguesa, i62; Henrique da Gama Barros, Historia da
administraCdopriblica em Portugal nos seculos xii a XV, 2d ed. by Torquato Sousa Soares (iI
vols., Lisbon, 1945-54), III, I34-40, 382-86; Marcello Caetano, As Cortes de Leiria de 1254
(Lisbon, I954). In 1205 Pere II of Aragon introduced a tribute called monedatge which seems
to have had the same character as moneda. (See Josiah Cox Russell, "The Medieval Monedatge
of Aragon and Valencia," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, CVI [No. 6,
Similar practices in France are discussedl by Thomas Bisson, Assemblies and
sq62], 483-5I4.)
Representation in Langutedoc in the Thirteenth Centtry (Princeton,N. J., I964), 95, I27-28,
241, 312-14.

The Beginningsof the Cores of Leo6t-Castile
152I
In August1201,
thetwokingdoms.
thebondbetween
expected
tostrengthen
It seemslogical
FernandoIII, wasborntotheroyalcouple."6
a son,thefuture
to supposethatthe curiaplena of March1202 was convokedin partto
old,to the
thensixmonths
Fernando,
therights
oftheInfante
acknowledge
it
was incestuous,
Giventhepapalchargethatthemarriage
Leonesethrone.
and hisclaimsto the
thatthechild'slegitimacy
was all themoreimportant
by all thepolitical
be placedbeyonddisputeand be recognized
succession
oftherealm.
forces
on behalfof his
directly
intervened
AlfonsoVIII of Castileapparently
that
ofJune5, I203, complained
III, in a letter
forPope Innocent
grandson,
theKing had broughtit aboutthat"thewholeLeonesekingdomshould
Morethanlikely
as heirto thethrone.77
theInfante
swear"to acknowledge
in MarchI202.78 But in the end
thatceremony
tookplace at Benavente
had hisway,and
and excommunication,
Innocent
III, bymeansofinterdict
the royal couple separatedearly in I204.79 Relationsbetween Castile and

but in I206 a treatyprovidingthatthe Infante
Leon promptlydeteriorated,
shouldbe recognizedas heirand thatthe Leonese shouldpledge homage to
him was concluded.80Perhapsforthis purposeAlfonsoIX summonedthe
archbishopof Compostelaand manyotherbishopsand magnatesto assemble
at Toro in I207, but littleis known of thismeeting,and the attendanceof
townsmenis notindicated.81
his three
was dissolved in II94;
76 Alfonso IX's marriage to Teresa of Portugal in II9I
children by that union, Sancha, Fernando, and Dulce, were not acknowledged as heirs to the
throne. The Infante Fernando, his son by Berenguela, is recorded for the firsttime in a royal
(Gonzailez, Alfonso IX, II, No. I55, p. 2i8.)
charterof August 5, I20I.
77 Demetrio Mansilla, La documentacion pontificia hasta Inocencio III (Rome, I955),
No.
In a letter to the archbishops of Compostela and Toledo and the bishops
276, pp. 305-306.
of Zamora and Coimbra (ibid., No. 305, pp. 336-39) he made the same charge.
78 The coincidence of the Infante's birth in August I20I,
the convocation of the curia six
months later, and the Pope's letter of June I203 sugests that the ceremony did indeed take
place at Benavente in March 1202.
79 Gonzailez, Reino de Castilla en la epoca de Alfonso VIII, I, 731-35.
Martinez Marina
(Teoria de las cortes, II, 8) says Alfonso IX held the Cortes at Leon in 1204 to recognize the
Infante as heir, but I have not found evidence of this. On November 3, 1204, at Lugo he promulgated decreta concerning thieves and other evildoers and ordered that in each diocese the
milites should be summoned by the bishops to swear to uphold the decreta. Perhaps the
decreta were published in an assembly of Galician bishops and magnates, but the text does not
mention them. I doubt that the King would have called an assembly of the whole realm,
including representativesof the towns, to Lugo which is quite remote from the center of the
kingdom. (Gonzailez, Alfonso IX, II, No. I92, pp. 267-68.)
but does not re"0The Infante is mentioned in his father's charters on August 2, 1204,
Gonzailez, Reino de Castilla
appear again until I2I6. (Ibid., Nos. I85, 205, pp. 258, 284-9I;
en la epoca de Alfonso VIII, III, No. 782, pp. 365-74.)
The text concerns litigation between the King
81 Id., Allonso IX, II, No. 217, pp. 301-302.
and the abbot of Corias who was told to come to Toro where the magnates, many bishops,
and the archbishop of Compostela had been summoned. At that time the King declared that
he had no rights over the monastery of Corias. Perhaps this assembly preceded the treaty concluded at Burgos on September 7, 1207, in which Alfonso IX acknowledged his son as his
heir. (Ibid., No. 219, pp. 303-305.) Guglielmi ("Curia regia en Leon y Castilla," i6i) does
not regard the assembly at Toro as a curia plena because the referencc to "multi episcopi"

I522
at Le6n an assembly
AlfonsoIX convened
of
In February
I208, however,
witha multitude
of
andthechiefmenoftherealm,together
barons,
bishops,
withthoseof ii88 and I202, is the
Thisgathering,
citizensfromeachcity.82
oftownsmen
is confirmed.
In eachinstance
thirdcuriain whichthepresence
a largegathering,
but the
to citizensfromeachcitysuggests
thereference
After
tothem.83
thepowersentrusted
termcitizens
offers
no clueconcerning
a
theKing promulgated
muchdeliberation,
withtheconsentof everyone,
of
dethe
property
to
seize
pledged
not
Church.
He
law in favorof the
courts,and
of ecclesiastical
thejurisdiction
acknowledged
ceasedbishops,84
Of particular
interest
fromconfiscation.85
property
ecclesiastical
safeguarded
knownas petitumupon cathedral
was his promisenotto levythetribute
norto entertheirhousesand seizetheirgoodsforthis
clergy
or ruralclergy
withequity,inasmuchas
was consonant
purpose.This,he acknowledged,
Royal
joyfully
to assisthimin hisneed.86
thebishopshad beenaccustomed
money
toextract
andtheKing'sattempts
continued
tobe a problem,
finance
In viewof thisfactit wouldnot
fromtheChurchmetwithresistance.87
forhimto haveraisedthequestionof sellingthecoinage,as
seemunlikely
in thecuriaof
periodestablished
of theseven-year
onlyone yearremained
at Le6n
to the assembly
the townsmen
he had summoned
I202; perhaps
in my view) and
indicatesthat some were not summoned (a questionableinterpretation,
because the townsmen,"who for many yearshad been includedin the assemblies,"were not
present.I do not believe that townsmenwere necessarilysummonedto all assembliesafter
to theking.
II88, unlesstheirpresencewas especiallyimportant
82 Gonzalez,AlfonsoIX, II, No. 22I, pp. 306-308.
83 Colmeiro(Introduccion
a las Cortes,I, I52) holds that the attendanceof "enviadosde
cada cibdad por escote,"as the Castiliantext reads, impliesthat theyhad a mandatefrom
theirtowns.
84The pledge is similarto one enactedin OctoberII94. Gonzailez,AlfonsoIX, II, No. 84,
Inter hec omnia. In Cortesde los antiguosreinos de Leon y Castilla,I, 50-5I, a
p. I27:
Castilianversionof the decreesof I208 includesthoseof II94 fromInterhec omnia to De
gives a
filiisvero nobilium.Mufioz y Romero (Coleccion de fuerosmunicipales,II7-I9)
Castilianversionof thedecreesof II94 as faras Interhec omnia.
fromthe Churchincurredthe king's wrath and
85 If a layman holding a prestimonium
was exiled,his holdingshould revertto the Churchand should not be restoredto him withof a similardecreeenactedin the curia
a modification
out the king's consent.This represents
of I202.
Personsbringingwine,food,and othergoods
86 Gonzalez, Allonso IX, II, No. 221, p. 307.
to the bishopsand cathedralclergywere exemptedfromportazgo.In a separatecharterthis
privilegewas assured to the cathedralclergyof Leon; a thirdcharterexemptedthe iugarii
workingthe lands of the abbeyof Valdediosfromtributesincludingpetitum;a fourthcharter
grantedpropertyto the archbishopof Compostela;and a fifthcharterdated only February2
to Valdedios may have been issued at this time. (Ibid., Nos. 222-24,
at Leon and referring
628, pp. 308-II,
722.)
The use of forcefultacticsto obtain moneyfromthe Churchis revealedby two charters,one of March 29, II93, in which the King promisedthe bishop of Orense never to
demand anythingby violencefromthe canons of thatsee nor to take any of theirgoods unless theygrantedthem to him of theirown good will. In a charterof September25, I204,
he notedthatbecauseof the needs of war with Castile,with the permissionof the bishop,he
had made an exactionof the canons and citizensof Orense,but he promisedcompensation
and pledgednot to make thisexactionagain withoutthe bishop'sconsent.(Ibid., Nos. 65, I89,
87
pp. 99-100,
264-65.)

I523
in
of monedaforerabeginning
to ask theirconsentto thelevying
precisely
This stillremains,ofcourse,a matterofconjecture.

Whethertownsmenattendedmeetingsof the royalcouncilin Leon and
to ascertain.88
One wondersespecially
Castilein thenextfewyearsis difficult
financial
whetherAlfonsoVIII of Castilecalled upon themforextraordinary
to his greatcampaignof Las
assistancein meetingthe expensespreparatory
he conNavas de Tolosa in the springof I2I2. Accordingto the chroniclers
ferredwith the archbishopof Toledo and the bishopsand magnatesof the
realm in SeptemberI2iI, probablyat Toledo, and planned the campaign.
A general edict orderingall to preparefor war was published.' On the
King's request,probablyat thistime,the clergypledgedhalfof theiryearly
incometo financethe campaign.90And indeed the King had ample funds
to take care of the needs of all the troopswho gatheredat Toledo in the
springof I212. But whetherthe Castilian townscontributeda special subsidyto the royaltreasuryat thistimeis not known.Followinghis climactic
victoryat Las Navas de Tolosa in July,AlfonsoVIII apparentlyconvened
an assemblyat Burgos to celebratehis triumph.Although none of the
chroniclesreferto a gatheringof this sort,the Primera Cronica General
relatesthatthe King, upon disbandingthe host,promised"to improvethe
fuerosand to reducethetributes"of theconcejosYl The Fuero viejo,a legal
implies
century,
compilationthatreceivedits presentformin the fourteenth
thathe did so in an assemblyat Burgos.The prologueto this textasserts
thaton December 28, I2I2, in the royalhospitalof Burgos,AlfonsoVIII
confirmedall the chartersthat the Castilian towns had receivedfromhis
fromthe timeof AlfonsoVI. He also asked the magnatesand
predecessors
knightsto recordtheirrightsand customsso that he could amend those
Probablyhe
which requiredit and confirmthose which were beneficial.92
I209.
88 Two charters
to a curia plena. The subscription
of AlfonsoIX may containreferences
to a privilegeof OctoberI, I2IO, probablvissued in Oviedo, indicatesthat it was given "in
grandi concilio." Besides the bishop of Oviedo, the alferez,and mayordomo,the text mentions six persons"et alii multi homines,"and threewitnesses.I suspect,however,that the
referenceto a grande concilitimmeans the concejo of Oviedo ratherthan a curia plena. In
the second charterdated at Santiago on April 21, I21 I, the King noted that among those
attendingthe dedicationof the cathedralwere the proceresof the realmand a vast multitude.
With the counsel and deliberationof the magnates,he granteda privilegeto the archbishop.
(Ibid., Nos. 267, 27I, pp. 36I-62, 366-68.)
89 Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot, Chap. XIX, 57-58. Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae, Bk. VII,
for war inChap. xxxvi, I26. The poetic colorationthat Rodrigogave to thesepreparations
duced several authorsto assert that the King had promulgateda sumptuarylaw, but the
King's intentwas only thateveryoneshould be suitablyequipped for war. (Colmeiro,Intro-
I, I4I.)
ducciona las Cortes,
90
III,
Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot,Chap. xxi, 62; Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae,Bk. VIII, Chap.
I 27.
91PrimeraCronicaGeneral,ed. MenendezPidal,II, Chap. MXXI, 705.

Fuero viejo, ed. Jordaindel Asso y del Rio and Manuel Rodriguez,I. The witnesses
mentionedin this text are also recordedin royal chartersof the period. The King issued
92

1524
had decidedto summonthebishops,nobles,and townsmen

to Burgosto
celebrate
theChristmas
festivities
withhimand to receivea measureof his
gratitude
fortheirfaithful
service,
forhe recognized
thathe had achieved
hisimmense
victory
overtheMuslims"notbymymerit,
butby themercy
ofGodandtheassistance
ofmyvassals."
Afterhis deathin October1214, representatives
of thetownsapparently
weresummoned
histen-year-old
to Burgosto acknowledge
son,EnriqueI,
de Rada declared
as kingofCastile.Although
Archbishop
RodrigoJimenez
theLatin
onlythattheKing was elevatedby thebishopsand magnates,93
Chronicle
that"he was receivedas kingby all the Castilians
emphasized
and thepeopleof thecities,and theydid
and theprelates
of thechurches
homagetohimbyhand."94
GiventheyouthoftheKingandtheillnessthat
and causedherdeathon October31, theconvocation
afflicted
hismother
of
theallegiance
toproclaim
andtownsmen
theprelates,
ofthewhole
magnates,
desirable.
In thethreecritical
wouldseemtohavebeenparticularly
kingdom
the
townsmen
werenotcalledto
yearsthatfollowed,
however,
apparently
to settlequestions
of theroyalcouncilthatattempted
anyof themeetings
wasnearcivilwarwhenthesuddendeathof
The kingdom
oftheregency.95
of whichthe
EnriqueI in June12I7 createda new crisisin theresolution
a
decisive
role.
weretoplay
townsmen
three charters at Burgos on December I7, 27, and 28, one of them in favor of the royal
hospital. (Gonzailez, Reino de Castilla en la epoca de Alfonso VIII, III, Nos. 902-904, pp.
578-83.) Galo Sanchez, "Para la historia de la redacci6n del antiguo derecho territorial
castellano," Anuario de historia del derecho espanol, VI (1929), 279-80, affirmsthe authenticity
of the prologue, as does Claudio Sanchez Albornoz, "Dudas sobre el Ordenamiento de Najera,"
Cuadernosde historiade Espania,XXXV-XXXVI (I962), 322-23.
93 Rodrigo,
De RebusHispaniae,Bk. IX, Chap. i, I39.
94 Chronique latine, ed. Cirot, Chap. xxxi, 82. The nobles and townsmen had hastened to
Burgos on hearing of the King's death on October 4. Martinez Marina (Teoria de las Cortes, II,
25) speaks of an assembly of "varones illustres y los representantesde todas las provincias del
reino, pontifices, abades, religiosos y seculares, magnates, nobles y soldados," but no contema las Cortes,I, I48-49) notes that the Cronica
porary text is so explicit. Colmeiro (Introduccion
general published by Floriain de Ocampo asserted that the Queen summoned "toda la tierra a
cortes de Burgos," but this text is of a much later date.
95 Gonzailez (Reino de Castilla en la epoca de AlfonsoVIII, I, 224)
suggeststhat Count
Alvaro Nufiez de Lara received custody of the King in a curia plena at Palencia in April
I2I5;
Rodrigo (De Rebus Hispaniae, Bk. IX, Chap. I, I39) implies that this occurred at Burgos.
Sainchez Albornoz (Espania, II, 84) speaks of the Cortes of Burgos at this time, but I have
found only one indication of the participation of townsmen in these affairs. A passage in the
Cronicade la poblacionde Atila, ed. Amparo Hernasndez Segura (Valencia, I966), 38-39, relates that Berenguela took counsel with the townsmen of Extremadura concerning the possible
restorationof castles to the King of Leon. One of them "en uoz de Extremadura" declared that
under no circumstances should the castles be given up. Although the text offers no precise
chronology and does not mention an assembly, it is a credible description of the intervention
of townsmen in a matter of some consequence, and it probably took place between March
and August I2, 12I6, when a treaty was signed by Castile and Leon. A curia plena
I2I5
and probably discussed
was held at Valladolid around the feast of the Assumption in I2i6
the treaty,but neither the Chronique latine, ed. Cirot (Chap. xxxii, 85-86), nor Rodrigo (De
Rebtus Hispaniae, Bk. IX, Chap. II, 139) mentions the presence of townsmen.

I525
thethronebelongedto theKing'soldersister,
By rightof inheritance
butshe proposedto yieldit to theInfanteFernando,herson
Berenguela,
menfromthetowns
Whileshewasseekingsupport,
IX ofLe6on.
byAlfonso
at Segoviato discussthe
theDueroand theTagusRiversgathered
between
anditmaybe that
It is notknownbywhomtheyweresummoned,
situation.
theyaccepted
Aftersomehesitancy
on theirown initiative.
theyassembled
RodrigoreArchbishop
to
Valladolid.6
to come
invitation
Berenguela's
whohad comeforall theothers,
portedthatthechiefmenofExtremadura,
the
offered
by commonconsent,
and theCastilianmagnatesand knights,
who,withtheapprovalof all, gave it up to her
kingdomto Berenguela,
relatedthatsuchgreat
detailtheLatinChronicle
greater
In somewhat
son.97
gatheredat Valladolid
of men fromthe townsof Extremadura
numbers
on July2, I217, thattheroyalpalacecouldnotholdthemall, and so they
andhersonstomeetwiththemoutsidethecityin an open
askedBerenguela
bythebishopsand nobles,shemetthem.One of them,
field.Accompanied
thatthekingon behalfofthepeople,recognized
forall theothers
speaking
butaskedherto giveit to herson,
right,
to herbyhereditary
dombelonged
"becauseshe,as a woman,wouldbe unabletoendurethelaborsofgoverning
and all acclaimedFernando
assented,
To thisshegraciously
thekingdom."
where"all whowerepresent,
to thecathedral
III as king.Thentheyretired
pledgedhomageto
andpeopleofthecitiesandothertowns,"
bothmagnates
belonged
in
this
assembly
took
who
part
townsmen
the
theKing.Y8Probably
to theranksof thecaballerosvillanos,as FernandoIII himselfsuggested
manyyearslaterwhenhe statedthatuponhis accessionhe had swornto
and mymagof mymother
upholdthelawsof therealm"in thepresence
of
Castileand
the
caballeros
and
the
and
bishops
archbishop
natesand the
andofmywholecourt."99
Extremadura
inNovember
ina greatcouncilconvened
townsparticipated
The Castilian
ofSwabia,a granddaughter
toBeatrice
theKing'smarriage
1219 to celebrate
"Withthemagnatesand manyothernoblesand
Barbarossa.
of Frederick
Fernando
ofthecitiesandtownsofthekingdom,"
thechiefmen[primores]
96 Chroniquelatine, ed. Cirot, Chaps. xxxiII-xxxiv,
Lucas of Tuiy, Cronica de
89-92;
Espafia,ed. Puyol,4I7.
PrimeraCronicaGeneral,ed.
97 Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae, Bk. IX, Chap. v, 14I-42.
See Claudio S'anchez Albornoz, "La
Menendez Pidal, II, Chaps. MXXVIII-MXXIX, 7I2-13.
sucesion al trono en los reinos de Leon y Castilla," in Estudios sobre las institttciones
675-78.
medievalesespaniolas,
98 Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot,Chap. xxxv,93.
99Documentof Nov. 22, I250, in Diego Colmenares,Historiade la ciudad de Segovia (4
vols.,Segovia, I846-47), II, 26-29. On August26, I2I8, FernandoIII and his fatherAlfonso
IX of Le6n concludeda treatyof peace. As guarantorsof the treatyseveralnobles fromeach
kingdomswore an oath "et similiterdecem boni hominesde singulisciuitatibuset uillis de
frontariisutriusque regni iurent." (Gonzilez, Alfonso IX, II, No. 352, pp. 460-62.)

I526
at Burgos.On November
27 in theroyalmonastery
thePrincess
III received
of Las Huelgasjust outsidethe cityhe girdedhimselfwiththe beltof
in thecathe.
was solemnized
and threedayslaterthemarriage
knighthood,
dralofBurgos.100
Then
of magnates,
witha multitude
curiawas heldin Burgos,
a mostmemorable
All thenoble
knights,
andthechiefmenofthecitieswhohadbeensummoned.
of Castileattended
and lay,fromall overthekingdom
ladies,bothreligious
in thatcuria.Fromancienttimesa curiasuchas thishad not
QueenBerenguela
beenseeninthecityofBurgos.101
not
weresummoned
nobles,and townsmen
It is clearthatthebishops,
of thisoccasionbut also to
in the festalceremonies
onlyto participate
bytheir
to theirnewQueen.The townswererepresented
pledgeallegiance
leadingcitizens,probablycaballerosvillanos;thoughtheywere not deby thistimeit is possiblethattheyhad proctorial
scribedas procurators,
powers.
Severaltimesin
I22I,102
I222,103 I224,104
and I230 theKings of Leon and
is not
of townsmen
and althoughthe attendance
Castileheld assemblies,
thisshouldnotbe takenas proofof their
in thesources,
alwaysindicated
absence.On March2I, I222, forexample,theroyalcouncilof Castilewas
Alfonsoas heir
thenewlybornInfante
at Burgosto acknowledge
convoked
the townsmenwere summonedto that
to the throne;almostcertainly
I230 hisson,Fernando
IX diedin lateSeptember
WhenAlfonso
assembly.105
bythe
manyyearsbeforeas heirtothethrone
III, whohadbeenrecognized
100
Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot,Chap. XL,
Chap.x,
98-IOO;
Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae,Bk. IX,
143.
101Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot,Chap. XL, 99-IOO; Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae,Bk. IX,

Cro'nica
ed. Menendez
Pidal,II, Chap. MXXXIV, 7I8-I9.
General,
Chap.x, I43; Primera
102 On November14, I22I,
at Zamora,AlfonsoIX pledgedto defendthecastleof Villalobos
held by Gil Manriquewho pledgedhomageto him. The documentis dated "in plena curiaet
in concilio."Those presentincludedthe archbishopof Compostela,the bishopof Zamora,the
royalmayordomo,alfe'rez,seven royalvassals,threeotherlords,the archdeaconof Salamanca,
againstCaceresforthe
and the royalnotary.Perhapsthiscuria was called to plan the offensive
Alfonso
IX,II, No. 415, pp. 530-3I.)
nextspring.
(Gonzalez,
103 See note I0os,below.
104In the springof I224 the royalcouncilassembledat Burgosto celebratethe marriage
and FernandoIII's sister,Berenguela,but
of Johnof Brienne,the erstwhileKing of Jerusalem,
the attendanceof the townsmenis not recorded.(Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot,Chap. XLII, IOI.)
Rodrigodoes not mentionthismarriage.AfterPentecostthe King announcedhis desireto go
to war against the Muslimsand for this reason summonedthe curia to meet at Carrionin
JulyI224. Presentwere the archbishopof Toledo, the bishopof Burgos,the mastersof Calatravaand Santiago,and all the magnatesof the realm,but thereis no mentionof townsmen.
(Ibid., Chap. XLIII, 102.)
105FernandoIII went to Burgoson February29, 1222. The ceremonyis mentionedin a
Alonso X (Barceroyalprivilegeto the abbeyof San Andresde Arroyo.AntonioBallesteros,
de las ciudades
lona, I963), 50-52, is emphaticin saying "La nobleza y los representantes
. . . el cancillerleyo la f6rmula
habi'anacudido a Burgospara cumplirun deberconstitucional
de las villas y ciudades."This statement,
del juramentoque habriande prestarlos procuradores
of course,goes far beyond the documentation.(See MartinezMarina, Teoria de las cortes,
II, 8.)

I527
Leonesebishops,
nobles,
andcitizens
ofthetowns,
claimedtheinheritance.'06
As theyearcameto a closehe madea settlement
withhis halfsisters
who
had attempted
to challenge
hisrights.
Presentin theassembly
at Benavente
on DecemberII, I230, weremembers
of theroyalfamily,
thearchbishops
ofToledoandCompostela,
andmanybaronsandtownsmen.lGT
Although
no
sourcedescribes
it as such,thisassembly
probably
shouldbe regarded
as the
first
curiaplenaor Cortesofthereunited
kingdoms
ofLeo6nand Castile.
Duringthenexttwenty
yearsFernandoIII vigorously
pushedthereconquest,capturing
C6rdobain I236, Murciain I243, Ja6en
in I245, and Seville
in I248. Problems
ofstrategy
andfinance
clearly
required
thesummoning
of
thegreatcouncilduringtheseyears,butevidenceforsuchmeetings
is un
certain.
Thereis reasonto believethatin I232 and I233 theKing convened
assemblies
in whichtownsmen
participated.
Aftertraversing
Extremadura
and Galicia he returned
to Carrion,probablyin July1232, and "many
peoplefromthe kingdomof Leon and manynoblesfromGalicia and
Asturias"
gathered
there.
Whenhe movedto Burgos,
perhapsin November,
"a vastmultitude
ofpeopleandnoblesofCastileandGaliciaandotherparts
of therealm"assembled,
and "withthecounselof good men"he settled
manyaffairs.108
In thefallof I233, afterthecaptureofUbeda,he returned
the whole
to Burgoswherehe dealtagain withgreataffairs
concerning
it is
is imprecise,
kingdom.109
Although
thelanguageoftheLatinChronicle
and
reasonable
tosupposethatthesegatherings
weremeetings
oftheCortes,
it is likelythatmuchof thebusinesstransacted
was of a judicialcharacter.
A fewyearslater,in September
1237, Fernando
III married
hissecondwife,
in the royal
Jeanneof Ponthieu,
at Burgoswherea curiawas celebrated
manner,
and shewas raisedto thedignity
of queen.'10The townsprobably
Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae,Bk. VII, Chap. xxv, 125; Bk. IX, Chaps. XII-XIV, 145.
Ibid., Chaps. xIII-xv, 145-46; Lucas of Tu'y, Cronicade Espafia,ed. Puyol, 427; and
Chroniquelatine, ed. Cirot, Chaps. LX-LXI, 132-34; Serrano ("Canciller de FernandoIII,"
29-33)
publishedthe textof the pact. While at Benaventeon DecemberI4 FernandoIII issued
a charterto severalconcejos. (AgustinMillaresCarlo, "La cancilleriareal en Leon y Castilla
hasta finesdel reinadode FernandoIII," Anuariode historiadel derechoespanol,III [I926],
106
107
298.)
108
Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot,Chaps. LXII-LXIII, 136-37. Afterthe pact of Benaventethe

King visitedthe towns of Extremaduraearly in I23I; around Christmashe enteredGalicia
and promulgatedconstitutions
againstmalefactors
and then returnedto Carrion.The King's
itinerary
shows thathe was at Carrionon July2, I232, and at Burgoson November20. (AntonioBallesteros,
Historiade Espana [9 vols.,Barcelona,i9i8-41],
III, 145, n. 22; and Mateo
Hernandez,Ciudad Rodrigo:La catedraly la ciudad [2 vols.,Salamanca,I9351, I, I68-69.)
109 Chroniquelatine, ed. Cirot, Chap. LXV, I38. He was at Burgos fromOctoberio to
NovemberI2, I233. (Marius Ferotin,Recueil des chartesde l'abbayede Silos [Paris, I897],
Nos. II5-i8, pp. I68-74; Cartulariode San Pedro de Arlanza,ed. Luciano Serrano[Madrid,
No. I50, pp. 270-7I; MenendezPidal, Documentoslinguisticos,
I925],
No. i86, pp. 240-4I.)
110Rodrigo, De Rebus Hispaniae, Bk. IX, Chap. xviii, I47-48;
PrimeraCronicaGeneral,
ed. MenendezPidal, II, Chap. MXLVIII, 735. GregoryIX dispensedthecouplefromconsanguinity

I528
wereinvitedto sendrepresentatives
to pledgehomageto her,as theyhad
donenearly
twenty
yearsbefore
to Beatrice
ofSwabia.The Kingapparently
convened
another
assembly
at Burgosin I241; therehe resolved
affairs
with
themagnates
andthetownsmen.1"'
financial
Duringthistimepressing
needcompelled
theKing to exploit
everysourceof revenue.In I236 Pope GregoryIX instructed

the bishopsof
Leon and Castile to give the King twentythousandgold pieces fromeach
;112 tenyearslaterInnocent
kingdomforthreeyearsto financethereconquest
IV allowed the King to use a portionof the tithesfor threeyearsto meet
the expensesof the siege of Seville.113
It seemslikelythatthe King also attemptedto obtainextraordinary
subsidiesfromthe towns,thoughtheymay
have triedto excuse themselveson the groundsthat theywere supplying
troopsfortheroyalarmy.The King evidentlycollectedmoneda114
and other
tributes,
but it is not certainthathe summonedthe townsmento the Cortes
everyseven yearsto obtain theirconsentto the levyingof moneda. While
the siege of Seville was in progress,he wrote to the concejos of Galicia,
describinghis urgentneed and askingthemto lend him moneyaccordingto
a scale based upon individualincome; he promisedto repaythe loan when
on August 3I,
I237.
Royal privileges place the King at Burgos on September 2-3,
1237.
(Manuel Rodriguez,Memorias,438; Colecc6ondiplomaticade San Salvadorde Onia,ed. Alamo,
II, No. 480, pp. 59I-93.)

111 Primera Cro'nica General, ed. Menendez Pidal, II, Chaps. MLVI-MLVIII,
"estando
739-41:
The phrase "los de la
y librando sus pleitos con sus ricos omnes et con los de la tierra...."
tierra" is commonly used in documents and chronicles of the late thirteenthcenturyto refer to
representativesof the towns in the Cortes. The Latin equivalent, gentes terre, appears in the
text recording the work of the caria of Benavente in I202. (Gonzailez, Alfonso IX, II, No. I67,
refers to this gathering, but
pp. 236-37.) Guglielmi ("Curia regia en Leon y Castilla," I59)
apparently does not consider it a meeting of the Cortes. The chronicle relates that the King
went to Cordoba in the spring of I240 and after thirteen months returned to Toledo and then
to Burgos. Documentation indicates that he was in Cordoba from April I240 to March I24I
he appeared at Burgos giving judgment in a
and in Toledo in April I24I.
On July 8, I24I,
suit between the bishop and the concejo of Leon. (C. M. Benedito, "Nuevas behetrias de Leon
y Galicia y textos para el estudio de la curia regia leonesa," Anuario de historiadel derecho
espaniol,VI [1929], 419-20.)
Cesaireo FernandezDuro, Memoriashisto'ricas
de la ciudad de
Zamora (4 vols., Madrid, I882-83),
IV, 7, says the King held the Cortes at Benavente in
1240
and that the cuaderno issued at that time was to be found in the royal library. Ursicino
Alvarez Martinez,Historia general civil y eclesiasticade la provinciade Zamora (Madrid,
I965),
also refers to the Cortes of Benavente in I240, but as yet I have found no further
I90,
evidence for this assembly.
112Les Registres de Gre'goire IX, ed. Lucien Auvray (2 vols., Paris, I896-I9I0),
II, Nos.
33I5-I6,
cols. 473-74; Javier Gorosterratzu,Don Rodrigolime'nezde Rada (Pamplona, 1925),
No. I28, p. 449.
113 Les Registres de Innocent IV, ed. tlie Berger (4 vols., Paris, I884-192I),
I, No. 2538,
p. 377; Gorosterratzu, Don RodrigoJime'nez de Rada, No. I77, pp. 468-69. This is the first
papal bull specifically authorizing the King to use the tercias (the third of the tithe destined
for the upkeep of churches) for the reconquest.
114 In two privileges to the Order of Calatrava, December 31,
the King reserved
1245,
moneda "quam detis mihi secundum quod datur per aliam terram meam." (Manuel Rodriguez,
Memorias, 479-81.) A private document of February 2, 1244, was witnessed by two cogedores
de la nzoneda. (Menen3dez Pidal, Doctin2entoslingilsticos, No. 57, pp. 86-87.)

The Beginnings of the Cortes of Lcon-Castile
I529
he nextleviedmoneda."5He apparently
extractedloansfromothertowns,1""
and it may well be thathe preferred
to deal withthe townsindividuallyor
regionallyratherthanin a generalassemblywheretheywould be betterable
to resisthisdemandsformoney.
Afterthe fall of Seville in 1248 the King spentthe remainingfouryears
of his life in that glitteringcapital,distributinghouses, lands, and rents
amonghis followersand planningmeasuresto close the invasionrouteused
so many timesin the past by the Muslims of North Africa.In November
1250 he convenedan assemblythat has been describederroneously
as the
firstmeetingof the Cortesof Castile.117It should be apparentfromwhat
has been said above that similarassemblieshad alreadybeen held both in
Leon and Castile.Evidence forthe Cortesof 1250 was firstadduced by the
seventeenth-century
writerDiego Colmenares,who publisheda royalcharter
grantedto theconcejoof Segoviaon November22, 1250, at Seville."8To my
one adknowledgeno one noted thatthe textsof two otherroyalcharters,
dressedto the concejo of Uceda on November i8119and the otherto the
concejoof Cuenca on November20,120 are nearlyidenticalwiththe charter
grantedto Segovia. The threetextsrepresentdecisionstaken by the King
in theCortesand werecommunicated
by him to thetownswhoserepresentativeswere present.The same charterwas undoubtedlysent to many other
towns,and additionalcopiesof it will surelybe discovered.Thus Colmeiro's
statementthatthe cuadernosor recordsof the Cortesof 1250 have not sur121
vivedisi*
incorrect.
The threechartersrevealthatthe King consultedwith his son Alfonso,
115 "Emprestito pedido por D. Fernando III el Santo a los concejos de Galicia para atender
a los gastos de la guerra con los airabes el afio 1248 dos meses antes de la toma de Sevilla,"
Boletinde la Comisi'on de Monumentosde Orense,III (Jan., Feb. I906), 385-87. Anyone with
property worth one thousand maravedis was asked to lend the King fifty;anyone worth five
hundred would lend twenty-five,and on three hundred the loan would be fifteen.Nothing was
asked of those whose wealth was less than three hundred. Julio Gonzailez, Repartimiento de
Sevilla (2 vols., Madrid, I95I), I, I84, n. 140, summarizes the text, but questions whether it is
entirelyauthentic. The letteris addressed to more than twentytowns, including Santiago, Orense,
Lugo, and Tu'y.
116 On November 6, 1255,
for example, caballeros of Valladolid, "con personeria de su
concejo," complained to Alfonso X of the forced loans taken from the mercaderes of the cit)
by Fernando III. (Los pritilegios de Valladolid,ed. Juan Agapito y Revilla [Valladolid, I906],
No. 29-XI, pp. 48-49.) On June 30, 1256, the townsmen of Rivadavia made a similar comIn both instances Alfonso X pledged that he would not
plaint. (Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 1074.)
indulge in this practice.
117 See, e.g., Colmeiro, Introduccio'n
a las Cortes,I, 153; Ballesteros, Historia,II, 5I2.
118
Historiade la ciudad de Segovia,II,

Colmenares,
26-29.
Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 773, fols. I39v-41r. Guglielmi ("Curia regia en Leon
y Castilla," 82) knows only the charter given to Segovia and seems to treat it as a special
privilege given to that town rather than a charter generally applicable to all the towns.
120 Mateo L6pez, Memoriashistoricas
de Cuenca y sti obispado,ed. AngelGonzailez Palencia
I, 72-75,
published the charter from the original in the municipal
(2 vols., Madrid, 1949),
archives. It is also published in Fuerode Cuenca,ed. Urenia,859-60.
119
121
a las Cories,I,
Colmeiro,Introduiccion
153.

1530
RodrigoAlfonso,Diego
Alfonsode Molina,his halfbrother
his brother
L6pez de Haro and NunioG6nzalezde Lara, headsof two of thegreat
of therealm,thebishopsof Palenciaand Segovia,themastersof
families
oftheHospital,
andtheTemple,thegrandcommander
Santiago,
Calatrava,
and goodmenof Castileand Leon.The
knights,
and otherricoshombres,
orderswas not
of themilitary
of thegreatlordsand themasters
presence
In view
thatonlytwobishopswerementioned.
unusual,butit is surprising
thereis reasonto
of the previousquartercentury
of the documentation
sentbythetownsofLeon and Castilewere
believethattherepresentatives
withfullpowers.
procurators
thegoodmenofthetowns
thathe had summoned
FernandoIII declared
thegoodestateoftherealm.Theywerereceptive
touching
todiscussmatters
Whetherhe asked
withtheirresponse.
to his words,and he was satisfied
guardtheliberties
to
him
did
ask
They
atthistimeis unknown.
fora subsidy
whenhe becamekingofCastile.Pledging
oftheirtownsas he hadpromised
all royalcharters
he nullified
hispasttransgressions
in thisrespect,
to rectify
of the towns.Friction
thathad exemptedvillagesfromthe jurisdiction
eviof manymunicipaldistricts
betweenthe urbanand ruralinhabitants
theirexclusion
resented
especially
and thecountryfolk
had increased,
dently
ButtheKing'sactionin
in towngovernment.
fromanydirectparticipation
he had grantedthevillageswas a triumph
exemptions
whatever
abolishing
ofthemunicipalguardeditscontrol
whichjealously
fortheurbanpopulation
with
againstpossiblevengeancethe King threatened
ity.As a protection
whoabusedthevillagers.'22
anytownofficials
penalties
severe
of the Cortesare the stipulations
forthehistory
interest
Of particular
sentby thetownsto the royalcourt,eitherin
representatives
concerning
of thetowns:They shouldbe
answerto a summonsor on the initiative
ofthetowns,
thatis,menfromtheuppersocialstratum
suitablecaballeros,
and to broadenthegap
towngovernment
to dominate
whowerebeginning
Usuallythreeandno morethan
andthelowerorders.'23
themselves
between
asked
wereto be sentto theKing unlesshe explicitly
fourrepresentatives
traveled;
to thedistance
according
formore.Theywereto be recompensed
as faras Toledo,forexample,wouldreceivehalf
eachcaballerotraveling
if he wentbeyondToledo towardthe Muslim
and
a maravedieach day,
Several
perhapsto Seville,he would receivea fullmaravedi.'24
frontier,
122 See Gibert,Concejo de Madrid,73-94. On July24, I222, Fernandopledgednot to separate the villages from the town of Madrid. (Timoteo Palacio, Documentosdel archivode
Madrid [2 vols.,Madrid,I888-I906], I, 68.)
a los caballeros
123 AdrianaBo and Marla del CarmenCarle, "Cuando empieza a reservarse
el gobierno de las ciudades castellanas," Cuadernos de historia de Espania, IV (1946),
I I 4-25.
124 Each
was permittedto bring threebestias,presumablya horse

of the representatives

I53I
otherchartersissuedwhile the assemblywas in progressemphasizethe fact

to presenttheirlawsuitsto
thatthe Cortesgave the towns an opportunity
the King for adjudication; it should be noted that the good men of the
letters.'25
orproctorial
townscamewithcartasde personeria
Other articlesin the cuadernoof 1250 discloseroyalencouragementof
controlof town government.The King declared,for example,
aristocratic
thatmenestralesor artisansshould not be electedto the officeof juez, the
principal magistracyin the towns. As he remarked,the juez was the
of the concejo; lest a man of vulgar originacting in that
standard-bearer
capacitybringshameupon theconcejo,presumablyby his cowardicein time
of danger,the standardwas to be born by a caballeroor good man with a
sense of honor.This appears to be an attemptto exclude the lower orders
fromthe chiefofficeof town government.The King's condemnationand
whichlessenedhis power
and associations,"
dissolutionof"evil confraternities
and dominionand workedto the injuryof the towns,suggestnot onlythat
the artisanswere attemptingto formguilds to defendtheireconomicinterestsand perhapsto exercisegreaterpoliticalinfluencebut also that the
caballerosrecognizedthe guilds as a threatto theirpredominanceand had
enlistedthe King's supportin suppressingthem.Only thoseconfraternities
of an exclusivelyspiritualcharacter-forpurposesof buryingthe dead or
AlfonsoX repeatedthese
caringforthe sick and the poor-were permitted.
injunctionsin the Cortesof I252.126 The growingluxuryamong the townsin regulationsconmen and among the upper classesin generalis reflected
of
who
number
mightbe invited,
guests
cerningweddings,specifyingthe
mightgivethebride,and so forth.'27
thatthebridegroom
thepresents
The Cortesheld at Sevillein NovemberI250 marksthe culminationof a
and pack animals; theirvalue was to be estimatedin advance by the alcaldes so thatsuitable
recompensecould be made should any of the animalsdie on the journey.AlfonsoX repeated
in a charterof June23, I26I, addressedto the concejoof Escalona. (Memorial
theseregulations
histo'rico
espafiol,I, No. 86, pp. I87-9I.) But in the Cortesof 1258I he stipulatedthateach
to his court.(Cortesde los antiguosreinosde Leo'n
town shouldsend only two representatives
y Castilla,I, 56.)
125 A charter
of NovemberI8, 1250, concernslitigationbetweenthe Orderof Santiagoand
the concejo of Ocania; anotherof November20 deals with tributesowed by Cuenca to the
Orderof Santiago;a thirdcharterof the same date recordsthatthe omes bonosof the concejo
of Moya "con cartasde personeria"complainedof the Order of Santiago. (Consuelo G. del
Arroyo,Privilegiosreales de la Ordende Santiago [Madrid,n.d.], Nos. 362, 364, pp. I74-75;
and BullariumequestrisordinisSancti lacobi de Spatha, ed. Jose L6pez Agurleta [Madrid,
1719], I84.)
Las
126 AntonioBallesteros,
Ismael Garcia Ramila, "OrCortesde 1252 (Madrid, I9iI);

denamientosde posturasy otroscapitulosgeneralesotorgadosa la ciudad de Burgospor el rey
V (Nos. 19, 20, 21, I945), 179-235, 385-439, 6o5-50.
AlfonsoX," Hispania,
127iSimilarordinancesconcerningweddingsare found in Fuero de Madrid,ed. Sainchez,
No. 115, p. 72; see also FidelFita,"Madriddesdeel anio1235 hastael de 1275," Boletinde
la Real Academia de la Historia,IX (July-Sept.i886), 11-13, for the textof the ordinance
datedApril25, I235.

I532
halfcentury
of growthand development.
The Corteshad emergedfrom
obscurity
and had takenshape as an assemblyof bishops,nobles,and
representatives
ofthetowns.The taskoftracing
theriseoftheseassemblies
do charters
has beenhampered
byscantydocumentation.
Onlyoccasionally
issuing
fromtheroyalchancery
alludetoexceptional
events
suchas a meeting
of the great council; extantdocumentspromulgatedin assembliesof this
kindarefewin number,
and othertextsclearlyintended
to haveuniversal
application
do notspecify
whether
theywerepromulgated
in a curiaplena
or Cortes.Of thenarrative
to
theLatinChronicle
is mostattentive
sources,
recording
meetings
ofthegreatcouncil;if,as hasbeensuggested,
theauthor
was Juanof Osma, the King's chancellor,
thisinterest
and the general
ofthechronicle
and that
exactitude
areeasilyexplained.128
Butthechronicle
of Archbishop
Rodrigoterminate
afterthe fallof C6rdobain I236; thus
thereis no detailedeyewitness
fourteen
accountfortheremaining
yearsof
FernandoIII's reignwhenit is likelythattheCorteswas convenedmore
to
frequentdy
thanappearsat present.
Even so, theevidenceis sufficient
affirm
oftheCortes
halfofthecentury.
a steady
development
inthefirst
The emergence
of theCortesmustbe viewedin thelightof conditions
in thekingdoms
ofLe6nand Castileat thecloseofthetwelfth
century
and
Unlikethecontemporary
thebeginning
ofthethirteenth.
Capetiankingsin
France,theLeonese-Castilian
monarchy
was essentially
strongand capable
of makingitsauthority
therealm.Feudalismhad notdefeltthroughout
velopedfullyand had not broughtaboutthe disintegration
of the state.
fewin numberand of
Episcopaland noblelordships
werecomparatively
nor
thebishops
limited
extent
andwerefoundprincipally
in Galicia.Neither
the nobleshad yetachievedthe immensewealththatenabledthemto
challengethemonarchy
so frequently
in thelatermedievalcenturies.
For
the timebeingthe kingwas the centraland predominant
figurein the
lifeofthetwokingdoms.
political
Becauseofhisposition
as commander
in
chiefhe directed
thereconquest
and reserved
thedisexclusively
to himself
tribution
Bishof thespoilsand thecolonization
of reconquered
territories.
andothers,
ops,nobles,military
ambitious
forriches,
weredependent
orders,
uponhis favor.In sum,thekingretained
thesubstance
of publicpower,
thoughtraditionally
he soughtcounselwiththebishopsand noblesbefore
determining
upona specific
policy.
Townsmenappearedin theroyalcouncilat a timewhenthetownshad
achieved
significant
statusas unitsofterritorial
administration,
as sourcesof
128
Derek W. Lomax, "The Authorship

of the Chroniquelatinedes roisde Castille,"Bulle-
tinofHispanic
Studies,
XL (Oct. I963),
205-11.

IS33
and pastoralcomagricultural
as important
forces,
large,mobilemilitary
By
oftradeand industry.
centers
as nascent
and,to a lesserextent,
munities,
military,
in theadministrative,
theirposition
century
thecloseofthetwelfth
of therealmwas suchthattheycouldnotbe igand economicstructure
to summonthetownsfoundit convenient
nored.No doubtthemonarchy
mentothegreatcouncilformanyreasons:toinquireintotheadministration
to seektheircounselin
to adjudicatetheirlawsuits,
of themunicipalities,
assistance.
financial
andtoobtaintheir
affairs,
military
conin theassemblies
recorded
is explicitly
The attendance
oftownsmen
in I202, and Leon in I208.
venedbyAlfonsoIX at Le6n in II88, Benavente
of Valladolidin I2I7, whichrecogin theassembly
Theyalso participated
at Burgos
nizedFernandoIII as kingofCastile,and in thecuriacelebrated
twoyearslateron theoccasionof his marriageto Beatriceof Swabia.In
the
whicheffected
at Benavente,
theywerepresentat the assembly
1230
at Burgosin
an assembly
reunionof Leon and Castile;theyalso attended
at
and theCortesheldat Sevillein I250. Evidencefortheirpresence
I24I
butit is possiblethattheytookpartin the
is lessdefinite,
otherassemblies
curiaheldby AlfonsoVIII at San Estebande Gormazin II87 to arrange
andin
and ConradofHohenstaufen
oftheInfantaBerenguela
themarriage
yearwhenConradand AlfonsoIX rethecuriaofCarrionin thefollowing
fromtheKingofCastile.Townsmenlikelywerepresent
ceivedknighthood
theirfuerosand perhaps
at Burgosin I2I2 whenAlfonsoVIII confirmed
twoyearslaterto
to
Burgos
returned
have
theymay
reducedtheirtributes;
recognizehis son EnriqueI as king.Thereis also reasonto believethat
in thecuriaplenaconvenedbyAlfonsoIX at Zamorain
theyparticipated
yearto recognize
heldat Burgosin thefollowing
and in theassembly
I22I
too,theyattheInfanteAlfonsoas heirto theCastilianthrone.Possibly,
tendedthecuriaat Burgosin I224 to solemnizetheweddingof Johnof
at
theytookpartin assemblies
Brienneand Berenguela
of Castile.Probably
Carrionand Burgosin I232 and I233 and againat Burgosin I237 forthe
ofFernando
III andJeanne
ofPonthieu.
wedding
is
in theearlyroyalassemblies
The legalstatusof townrepresentatives
men
used to describethem-chief
inasmuchas theterminology
uncertain,
citizens(cives),goodmen(bonosomnes),menof the
primores),
(mainores,
in thefueros
los de la tierra)-isnotprecise.
Regulations
land(gentesterre,
however,
suggest,
thedispatchof agentsto judicialassemblies
concerning
in II87, ii88, I202, I208, and so on
thatthechiefmenor citizensmentioned
Otherinof towngovernment.
werethealcaldesor otherelectedofficers
the
the
class
of
men
urban
were
from
upper
are
that
they
dications
society,

I1534
ofthetownstheywererepresentaAs theelectedofficials
villanos.
caballeros
by thecrownto controltown
tivesof thetownsand notagentsappointed
whenthe
century
Fromthesecondquarterof thethirteenth
government.
were
that
they
it
is
likely
to theroyalcourt,
townsbeganto sendprocurators
of proctorial
of thesystem
Acceptance
or caballeros.
usuallytownofficials
sincetheIberianPeninsuladid not
shouldcauseno surprise
representation
a steadyinlivein isolationfromtherestof Europe,buthad experienced
on.
century
eleventh
the
from
especially
fromnorthofthePyrenees,
fluence
and Gregorianreformhad
Justas Cluniac and Cistercianmonasticism
so toodid therevivalofRoman
impactuponthepeninsula,
had a powerful
ecclesiastical
by individuals,
and canonlaw. Thus the use of procurators
beforethemiddleof thethirteenth
and townsbecamefrequent
institutions,
carried
thattownrepresentatives
No doubtthecartasde personeria
century.
by theiractions.Whethersumauthorized
themto bindtheirconstituents
were
theirfunctions
monedtothesmallcuria,thecuriaplena,ortheCortes,
bytheking'scourtor
pronounced
thesame:toaccepta judgment
essentially
by thekingafterconsultation
to givetheirassentto a policyproclaimed
of therealm.For thesepurposesthe
withtheprincipalpoliticalelements
townrepresentaofsummoning
musthaverealizedtheadvisability
monarchy
a policy,
to a judgment,
to committheirconstituents
tivesfullyempowered
ora courseofaction.129
a substantial
fortheperiodis notextensive,
thedocumentation
Although
whiletheCorteswas in sessionprobably
transacted
of thebusiness
portion
upon thekingwho
was judicialin nature.Mosttownsdependeddirectly
overthemas wellas overthegreatecclesiastical
jurisdiction
ultimate
retained
Suitsbetweenlords,betweentowns,and between
and secularlordships.
in theking'scourt.The
lordsand townscouldonlyreceivefinaljudgment
to theroyalcourtat thesame
nobles,andtownsmen
ofbishops,
summoning
The judicialrole
ofmanylawsuits.
thesettlement
facilitated
timeobviously
at
theassembly
bythetextdescribing
ofthecuriaplenais clearlyindicated
oftherealm
theKingand themilites
Benavente
in I202. A disputebetween
byjudgeschosenin thecuria.The
was adjudicated
landholding
concerning
heldat CarrionandBurgosin 1232 andatBurgosin I233 probably
assemblies
of theKing "librandosus
and thedescription
dealtlargelywithlitigation,
at Burgosin I24I strongly
pleitosconsusricosomnesetconlosde la tierra"
suggeststhat the essentialwork of that assemblywas judicial. While the
Corteswas in sessionat Seville in November1250, documentsissuingfrom
the royal chanceryindicatethat lawsuitswere being handled at the same
129
See Post,"Plena Potestasand Consent,"I08-I9.

The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leo6n-Castile
I535
of
do notreferto meetings
litigation
describing
time.Manyroyalcharters
in a given
of suchcharters
thecuriaplenaor Cortes,buttheconcentration
had beenconvenedto
monthoftenleadsone to suspectthatan assembly
dealwiththeseandothermatters.130
to present
opportunities
to theCortesgave thetownsmen
Convocation
oftheir
theextent
to ascertain
to theking,butit is difficult
theirgrievances
taken
traditionally
king
had
The
on royalpolicyand legislation.
influence
counselwiththe bishopsand magnatesbeforeenactinglaws; townsmen
a majorfactorin thepolitical
werenow includedbecausetheyconstituted
of ii88 and I208 theKing promulgated
lifeoftherealm.In theassemblies
and he usuallydeclaredthathe
of generalimport,
decretaor constitutiones
or withthe
or afterdeliberation,
did so withthecounselof thosepresent,
thetownsmen
benefited
ofi i88obviously
The decrees
ofeveryone.131
consent
to abidebythelaw ofthelandandtorepress
in so faras theKingpromised
and abusesofpower,butit is notknownwhatrolethetownsmen
disorders
of I208, on theotherhand,
theselaws.The constitutions
had in drafting
AlfonsoIX's promisein ii88
theprelates
and nobility.
concerned
primarily
in making
nobles,and townsmen
tobe guidedbythecounselofthebishops,
war or peace may not have been intendedto set down a constitutional
butmayhavebeenrelatedto theimmediate
ofpermanent
validity,
principle
to adoptin his dealingswithCastile
whatattitude
of determining
problem
of theCastilian
thecharters
and Portugal.WhenAlfonsoVIII confirmed
actedwith
in I2I2, he presumably
townsand perhapsreducedtheirtributes
thecrownand
The rightofthetownsto petition
theircounseland consent.
is illustrated
by thecuadernoof I250.
to expectactionupontheirpetitions
the
the
townsmen
concerning
FernandoIII declaredthathe had consulted
de la tierra),and he responded
goodestateof therealm(buenparamiento
ofthenext
cuadernos
to him.Numerous
thattheypresented
to thepetitions
the roleof theconcejosin legislation
by the
halfcentury
fullydocument
exercise
oftherightofpetition.
theking'sfinancial
needas
Albornozhasemphasized
Sainchez
Although
to
it is difficult
to theCortes,
thetownsmen
thechiefreasonforsummoning
ofthereconquest.
At
themajorcampaigns
theirrolein financing
determine
130 Guglielmi("Curia regia en Leon y Castilla,"83-85) discussesthe judicial work of the
Cortes.
131 Althoughthe decreesof II88
do not specifically
statethatthe King took counsel,they
in counsel.Othertextsof II88,
do say thatthe bishops,knights,and citizenssworeto be faithful
of all, commonconsentof all, comand r208 referto counseland commondeliberation
II94,
and so forth.(Gonzailez,AlfonsoIX, II,
mon consentand counsel,counsel and deliberation,
Piskorski,contraryto Colmeiro,holds
306-309.)
I25-29,
84-85, 22I, pp. 23-27,
Nos. II-I2,
one, at least untilthe
role ratherthan a merelyconsultative
thatthe Corteshad a deliberative
century.(See Guglielmi,"Curia regia en Leon y Castilla,"86-90.)
end of the fourteenth

I536
thecuria of Benaventein I202 thetownsgrantedthe King an extraordinary

subsidyknownas moneda,in exchangeforhis pledgenotto alterthecoinage
that the king convened
forseven years.But it has yet to be demonstrated
the Cortes everyseven years to obtain consentto this levy; nor is there
evidencethatanyoftheotherassembliesheldin thefirsthalfof thethirteenth
tax. It is known thatFernando
centurygrantedthe king an extraordinary
III obtainedforcedloans fromthe townsand collectedmoneda and thathe
and his predecessors
also tappedthe wealthof the clergy,but it is not until
about the
the second half of the centurythatwe finddetailedinformation
oftheCortesin taxation.
participation
centuryreveal most clearlythat the
The textsof the early thirteenth
of a new sovereign,an heir to
of townsmenin the recognition
participation
the throneor a newlywedded queen, was a principalreasonfortheirbeing
summonedto the Cortes.For thispurposetheymay have been called to the
in I202, and
at San Estebanin II87, Carrionin ii88, Benavente
assemblies
Burgosin I2I4. In
1217
theCastilian
theyplayeda largepartin resolving
successionin favorof FernandoIII; two yearslatertheyattendedthe curia

celebratinghis marriageto Beatriceof Swabia, and theyprobablytook part
in a similarassemblyon theoccasionof his secondmarriage.The Visigothic
traditionhad assignedto the bishopsand noblesthe task of proclaiminga
new king; in thisperiodthe townsmenalso came to sharein it.132This was
the customor traditionto which AlfonsoX referredin I255 when he declared that he had convoked the bishops,barons,and procuratorsof the
In the
citiesand townsto acknowledgehis daughteras heirto thethrone.'33
Siete Partidashe set down regulationsforconveningthe Cortesto proclaim
of the realmin case of a
a new sovereignor to provideforthe government
These laws reflectthe problemsand practicesof the immediate
minority.'34
pastand do notmarkanyinnovationon hispart.
yearsof AlfonsoX's reign,the Cortesmet quite
During the thirty-two
an
of
on
average abouteverytwo years.The compositionof these
regularly,
assembliesand theirfunctionsare more fullydocumentedas the cuadernos
or recordsof decisionstakenin themhave survivedin greaterabundance.In
centurygive fulleraccountsof
additionthe chroniclesof the late thirteenth
132 Liber ludiciorum,
PrimusTitulus,in Co'digosespanloles,
ed. San Martin,I, lxxvii. See
of thistextauthorizedby FernandoIII in Fuero Juzgo,PrimerTitol,ibid., ioo.
the translation
133 Piskorski,
Cortesde Castilla,I96-97.
134 When the king died, the prelates,magnates,mastersof the military
orders,and good
of his successor.If he died without
men of the citiesattendedto his burialand the recognition
adult heirs and had not named a guardian,then all of the principalmen of the realm-the
prelates,magnates,and good men of the towns-assembledto choose a guardian.(Siete Partidas,Segunda Partida,tit.XIII, ley 9, tit.XV, leyes3-5, in Co'digosespanioles, ed. San Martin,
II, 400, 420-23.)

1537
and townsmen
magnates,
oftheCortes.The sourcesrevealbishops,
meetings
meetingat Seville,Segovia,Toledo,Valladolid,and Burgosto deal with
theregulation
ofjustice,
theadministration
changesin thecoinage,
proposed
and
betweenChristians
prices,trade,usury,relations
of weights,
measures,
ofIslamor to finance
formoneyto meetthethreat
and royalrequests
Jews,
title.ClearlytheCorteshad comeintoitsownas
thequestfortheimperial
a vigorousand vitalfactorin thepoliticallifeof the kingdomof LeonCastile.


O'Callaghan (Joseph F.) - The Beginnings of The Cortes of Leon-Castile

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The Beginnings of the Cortes of Leon-Castile

Author(s): Joseph F. O'Callaghan

This content downloaded from 193.54.110.35 on Sat, 28 Sep 2013 05:39:21 AM

THE originand developmentof the Cortesof Le6n-Castile,while reflecting

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centuries-hasnot receivedthe attentionit

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

nandoI in thecouncilof Coyanza aroundI055. When AlfonsoVII convened

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and Fernandez'use of thattermis unwardoesnotmentionprocurators,

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

centurythe greatMuslim citiessouthof the

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with one another,withbishops,

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

inquisa,pesquisa)carriedoutby royalagentswho summoned

sentbya concejoto acton

a branchof studyin thenewlyfounded

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century,and in the minorityof Enrique I of

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

~ II, tit.~ I, ley 17, tit. 3, leyes I, 5-10, in

36 Miguel de Manuel Rodriguez,Memoriaspara la vida del santo rey don FernandoIII

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of publicpolicybut also to adjudicatemuchlitigation,

especiallythatinvolvingtowns.The Cortesthushad a judicial characterand

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

tractwas dated in Germany,it obviouslywas preparedat San Esteban in

and Sa6nchez Albornoz, Espana,

46 Colmeiro (Introduccion a las Cortes, I, I2-I3)

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

G5Gonlez, AlfonsoIX, H, No. 662, pp. 737-38.

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Cro'nicaGeneral,ed. Ramon MenendezPidal

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

redactedbyAlfonsoIX at Leon in SeptemberII94 and promulconstitutions

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icantpartofthetextrelatesto thesaleoftheroyalcoinage.In thisSainchez

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

70 Ibid.,No. 84, pp. I25-28.

abbeyof Aguilarfrommonetamay have been tamperedwithas Gonzalez believes.(Ibid., No.

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had done and the concessionof

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The Beginningsof the Cores of Leo6t-Castile

the royal couple separatedearly in I204.79 Relationsbetween Castile and

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The Beginningsof the Cortes of Leon-Castile

This stillremains,ofcourse,a matterofconjecture.

Chroniquelatine,ed. Cirot,Chap. xxi, 62; Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae,Bk. VIII, Chap.

91PrimeraCronicaGeneral,ed. MenendezPidal,II, Chap. MXXI, 705.

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had decidedto summonthebishops,nobles,and townsmen