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BY
GILLES QUISPEL
One of the few data in the study of Gnosticism that always seemed
rather certain was the hypothesis that the "mythological Gnosis" as
represented by the sect of the Gnostikoi of Irenaeus 1.29, the
Apocryphon of John and so many other writings found near Nag Hammadi, preceded the more "philosophical Gnosis' * of Valentinus and his
pupils.1
Bentley Layton accepted this view and made it the fundamental
historical thesis of his book The Gnostic Scriptures.1 According to him
Valentinus was a Christian reformer of an already existing gnostic tradition and in fact used a version of this gnostic myth of origins as his main
system of orientation. Christoph Markschies has recently challenged
this approach to gnostic origins and criticised it in the sharpest possible
way.3 He does not deny that all known pupils of Valentinus were influenced by this originally Jewish form of Gnosticism, but he holds that
Valentinus himself is an exception to the rule and in fact was nothing
but a more or less orthodox, apologetic, Christian theologian like Clement of Alexandria and Origen. In order to prove this assumption, he
discusses critically the evidence which seems to point out that Valentinus
knew the myth of the Gnostikoi. He has, however, ignored one passage
which seems relevant to this problem. Irenaeus quite often mentions the
Gnostikoi, mostly together with the Valentinians: according to him they
are a separate sect. He never calls other groups, the Valentinians, Marcionites, Basilidians etc. gnostic.4 The use of the word gnostic in a
general sense to indicate all sorts of heretics is modern.
Irenaeus never tells us that he had encountered Gnostikoi in his congregation at Lyon. Perhaps he got his information in Rome when he
visited pope Eleutherus in 177-178 in his endeavour to intermediate in
the Pascal controversy between Rome and Asia Minor. It was in Rome
that an adherent of the sect of the Gnostikoi, Marcellina, had seduced
many true believers during the episcopacy of Anicetus (155-166).5 The
Catholic leaders there knew what they were speaking about: they may
have informed the bishop of Lyon.
E J . Brill, Leiden, 1996
GILLES QUISPEL
GILLES QUISPEL
Howard M. Jackson, The Lion becomes Man, Atlanta 1985, 22, quotes Ferdinand
Christian Baur, Die christliche Gnosis, Tbingen 1835, 171 and Hans Jonas, Gnosis und
sptantiker Geist I3, Gttingen 1964, 358-362.
2
Bentley Layton, The Gnostic Scriptures, New York 1987, XII and XXII.
3
Christoph Markschies, Valentinus Gnosticus?, Tbingen 1992, 405: Die These .
Laytons, Valentinus sei ein "Christlicher Reformer eines klassischen gnostischen Systems
gewesen", kann nicht scharf genug widersprochen werden.
4
R.A. Lipsius, Die Quellen der ltesten Ketzergeschichte neu untersucht, Leipzig 1875,
191-225.
5
Irenaeus, Adversus haereses I, 25,6: Unde et Marcellina, quae Romam sub Aniceto
venit, cum esset huius doctrinae, multos exterminavit. Gnsticos se autem vocant.
6
Sven Lundstrm, Die berlieferung der lateinsichen Irenaeus-bersetzung, Uppsala
1985, 12.
7
fera must be the translation of the Greek , which often means: serpent. Bauer,
Greek Lexicon of the New Testament 361 quotes Acts of the Apostles 28:4, where
varites with .
8
Jean-Claude Fredouille, Tertullien Contre les Valentiniens, Sources Chrtiennes 280,
Paris 1980, I, 86.
Markschies, o.e. 405: 'Valentin hat keine Samen gewisser alter Lehren aufgenommen\
He quotes Fredouille, II, 202: 'Le platonisme, comme nous serions tent de le croire'. But
Markschies forgets to mention that for Fredouille this Platonism is identical with the
system of the Apocryphon of John of the Gnostikoi: 'Il est en effet admis que
YApokryphon de Jean a jou un role important dans la gense de la doctrine de Valentin.'
^ s
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