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ANALECTA
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AESTHETIC MAINTENANCE
OF CIVIC SPACE
The 'Classical' City
from the 4th to the 7th c. AD
by
LJACOBS
A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
CONTENTS
["'TRODUCTION.
CHAPTER
DESCRIPTION
OF THE SUBJECT
19
FORTIFICATIONS
1.1. Introduction
1.2. General appearance and building technique
1.3. Gates
1.4. Fortifications and the city
1.5. Summary .
CHAPTER
2.1.
2.2.
2.3.
2.4.
2.5.
2.6.
2.7.
19
34
60
92
106
111
AND SQUARES
111
126
140
159
184
195
200
MONUMENTS
205
205
219
237
250
264
268
CHAPTER
4.1.
4.2.
4.3.
4.4.
STREETS
Introduction
Street width and course
Pavement .
Colonnades
Additional decoration
The later history of streets.
Summary .
CHAPTER
3.1.
3.2.
3.3.
3.4.
3.5.
3.6.
DECORATIVE
RELIGIOUS
ARCIDTECTURE
Introduction
Temples
Positioning churches in the landscape
Church entrances
272
272
285
307
326
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
5.1.
5.2.
5.3.
5.4.
5.5.
STATUARY.
395
Introduction
Honorific statuary in Late Antiquity
Pagan and mythological statuary.
Christian public statuary
Summary .
CHAPTER
LATE
ANTIQUE
CHANGES.
CHAPTER
INITIATORS
AND CONSTRUCTORS
USING
395
406
427
442
444
ARCHITECTURAL
446
8.1.
8.2.
8.3.
8.4.
8.5.
342
383
390
URBAN SPACE
Everyday maintenance.
Dumping waste .
Graffiti, acclamations and paintings.
Encroachment.
Summary .
446
460
472
479
480
502
533
545
563
584
588
588
598
612
622
641
CONTENTS
J.
Xl
Co CLUSION.AESTHETICMAlNTENANCE
OF THE CIVICLANDSCAPE 644
.1. Evolutions
in the urban landscape between the 4th and
the 7th c. AD .
._. Constants and changes in the aesthetic maintenance
of
the urban landscape .
9.3. Influence of the status of the settlement on its appearance
9'-+. Decline or change of the ancient city in Asia Minor?
655
671
675
679
702
BIBLIOGRAPHY .
763
LIST OF FIGURES
832
l'\DEX
Themes and subjects
Place names .
841
850
644
INTRODUCTION
DESCRIPTION
OF THE SUBJECT
DECLINE OR CHANGE?
During the last three decades, the period spanning the 4th to the 7th c. AD
has gradually conquered its own position in archaeological research'.
Our data and knowledge of these centuries have expanded enormously.
General overviews have made way for a more detailed and more regionalised view, based both on a re-examination of older information and the
increased amount of attention for late antique and Early Byzantine
remains in ongoing excavations-, Attention, originally focused on classical monumental architecture, inscriptions and art-objects, has extended
to other material categories. Evidence on craft production, faunal and
botanical remains has also proven to be useful for the contextual reconstruction of human occupation, rebuilding and abandonment',
Furthermore, the quality and quantity of research on the late antique and Early
Byzantine countryside has vigorously progressed".
Nevertheless, despite this progress, we are still a long way from a generally accepted (regional) model of what a late antique or Early Byzantine
city looked like and how urbanism between the 4th and the 7th c. AD
evolved. In particular, there is still an extensive debate on whether the role
and relevance of the city in this period 'declined' and eventually disappeared, or was only 'transformed'. The discussion is partially one of terminology. Changes in late antique and Early Byzantine times have been
I Bibliography relevant to the late antique and Early Byzantine period has been
collected and made comprehensible in the thematic volumes of the series Late Antique
Archaeology 1-7 (Lavan and Bowden 2003; Bowden, Lavan and Machado 2004; Bowden,
Gutteridge and Machado 2006; Lavan, Ozgenel and Sarantis 2007; Lavan, Zanini and
Sarantis 2007; Lavan, Swift and Putzeys 2008; Gwynn and Bangert 2010; Lavan and
Mulryan 2011) and their predecessor Lavan, L. (ed.) 2001b Recent Research in Late
Antique Urbanism.
2 See for example Walmsley 1996; Brandes 1999; Brandes and Haldon 2000; Banaji
2001; Poulter 2004; Waelkens et al. 2006, Poulter (ed) 2007.
3 For instance for Sagalassos, see Putzeys 2007.
4 Recent examples include Niewohner 2007: 71-82 for Aizanoi and Vanhaverbeke,
Martens and Waelkens 2007 for Sagalassos. A recent overview of literature on the countryside is provided in Chavarria and Lewit 2004.
LJACOBS
INTRODUCTION
a cepted that the 'classical' city had disappeared by the 7th c. AD. The
reasons for the disappearance of the 'classical' city are likewise still
under debate. There were four large causes that may have influenced this
hange, those being: political instability and military invasions; natural
disasters; fundamental structural changes; and, finally, the decay and
eventual disappearance of municipal government'",
The research presented in this book on the aesthetic maintenance of
the urban landscape between the 4th and the 7th c. AD cannot provide
definite answers to any of these three aspects. Through the provision of
a new and detailed data-set and through an objective reconstruction
and description of evolutions in the appearance of the city, based on
tratified and well-dated evidence where possible, it in the first place
intends to present a 'fresh' view on the concept ofthe 'classical' city in
late antique and Early Byzantine times. Indeed, since the urban fabric is
the product of changes in society, 'its internal socio-political organisation, its ideological priorities and aspects of daily life' 14, I believe that
a reconstruction of the physical appearance of the city, the combination
of architecture, streets and squares, statuary and smaller-scale additions
in all their detail is essential to understand past ways of urban life and
their evolution thrcugh time". In this way, and by integrating this new
view of the physical evidence of urban sites, this book can offer a contribution to the debate of 'transformation'
or 'decline' of the ancient
city.
reduced urban population and there may have been a ruralisation of sites as early as the
mid-6th c. AD, but they maintain that some cities in Asia Minor continued to flourish until
at least the 620's. Conversely, the appearance of the cities had, according to them, already
declined from the late 5th c. onwards (Haldon 1999: 4; Brandes 1999: 37).
13 The invasions of both Persians and Arabs, in combination with the usurpation of
Phokas in AD 602, may have been decisive according to Foss 1975; 1976; 1977a-b; 1979;
Howard-Johnston 1995; 1999; Whittow 1996. On the role of natural disasters, see Haldon
1990: 111. Also the Plague may have been an important factor, see recently Little (ed)
2007 for an overview of the evidence. See also Stathakopoulos 2004 for an overview of
epidemics, among which the Plague, in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine period and
the consequences for social life. For fundamental structural changes, see Haldon 1990:
9-40 and 92-99; Cameron 1993: 152-175. The importance of the decay of municipal
government was stressed by W. Liebeschuetz (1996: 163,169-170; 2001: 237,401 and
4(6), but contradicted by M. Whittow (1990: 18,28-30) and W. Brandes and J. Haldon
(2000: 147-150, 156-157).
14 Zanker 2000: 25.
15 See also Liebeschuetz 2001: 400; Fauvinet-Ranson 2006: 34.
LJACOBS
AIMS
INTRODUCTION
I. JACOBS
The research further attempts to see from what moment onwards and in
which manners these elements influenced the ideas of the elite concerning
the city and eventually also its appearance.
Once the decision to intervene in public space was taken, intentions
needed to be materialised. The nature of initiators also influenced the
amounts and identity of the constructors involved in the separate projects
and thus the quality of the undertaking. We can therefore also judge the
professionalism of the constructors involved in separate projects.
Finally, after a certain component of public space had been finished,
it would be viewed and used often for centuries in a row. Thus a final
aim is the reconstruction of later reactions of the population at large, also
comprising the original initiators and constructors, to the surroundings
created around them. Regarding the long presence of monuments and
statues in the urban landscape, it can be expected that they enticed diverse
reactions throughout time.'? These reactions sometimes could become
quite violent, as is seen in the examples of religiously inspired demolition
of temples. This could have been common practice, but such actions
could also have been rather local 'incidents', outnumbered by positive
adjustments to the provided framework. At times, individuals can be
expected to have reused monumental infrastructure or architecture for
their own private needs. Likewise, the engendered behaviour towards
statuary in all likelihood varied, ranging from continuous veneration over
passive preservation, reuse in walls, and burning in limekilns, to intentional destruction, mutilation, insertion of crosses, ritual disposal and
burial.
INTRODUCTION
y its inhabitants and visitors, considering this is what they viewed and
experienced on an everyday basis'". Examining how long and to which
extent the populace held on to the perception of what a 'classical' city
should look like can therefore be a very useful input.
:\1ETHODOLOGY
1. JACOBS
or related tenus appears in literary sources of the Roman and Late Roman
period-", The difficulty is to trace what was regarded as pleasing in
Antiquity and even more why this was S021. Objective rules did not exist
and interpretation by contemporary city dwellers was a vital factor for
the preservation of an urban element.
In any case, although archaeologists are by the nature of their evidence
forced to limit themselves mainly to visual impressions, aesthetic maintenance also involved the senses of smell, touch and hearing". These
elements could likewise have a strong positive or negative influence on
appreciation of urban space. They will only rarely be touched upon in
these pages, for instance when the positive influence of cooling waters
of nymphaea is reviewed or when the dumping of refuse is discussed.
Finally, things 'received by the senses' also comprises all activities carried out in the late antique and Early Byzantine city, which falls outside
the boundaries of this dissertation":
Aesthetic maintenance
the urban landscape
of the composing
elements of
See for instance Tacitus, Annales 15.43.5 and Cassiodorus, Variae 7.6.
Smith 1994.
22 Tatarkiewicz 1970: 25; Holgate 1992: 1-4.
23 Activities carried out in urban spaces, such as processions, wedding ceremonies, the
sale of foodstuff and artisanal products, etc., are currently the research topic of L. Lavan,
see for instance Lavan 2003b; 2006; 2008 and forthcoming.
24 Lynch 1960: 46-49,83-85;
Rossi 1982; MacDonald 1986; Kostof 1995: 10; Ball
2000: 247.
20
21
INTRODUCTION
10
LJACOBS
INTRODUCTION
11
Since all urban components were eventually part of the whole of the city,
actions that were disastrous for a structure by itself could have had a
more positive meaning when seen in relation with the rest of the city'".
The composition of a city as indicated on a plan tells us nothing about
the physical reality that its citizens or visitors experienced. They experienced their environment space by space and step by step, gathering new
26 Thomas 1998 on the notion that all ornaments of a city were a whole. Alchermes
1994: 169 on reuse as preservation of urban ornaments.
12
1. JACOBS
Kostof 1995: 9-10; Bek 1997: 61; Bauer 2001a: 94. Cerasi 2004: Chapter 8.
Laurence 1999: 161. See also McDonald 1986: 5 for 'urban armature.' and Lynch
1960: 49-51 on the dominance of particular paths over others.
29 A typical example is the presence of statues of emperors and proconsular governors
on the city's agorae from the 1st c. onwards.
30 Bauer 1996; 2001a-b and 2003a.
27
28
INTRODUCTION
13
(Chapter 7)
The largest part of our information provides us with insights into the
circles of the imperial, provincial and local upper or governing classes,
whom possessed land, urban and/or suburban villas and goods of every
possible kind, including works of art, and whom could afford the luxury
of construction and renovation. These elites possessed the means to convey an image of themselves, and by extension of their city, to both fellow
city dwellers and visitors. In this way, they determined what the 'good
taste' in the definition cited above meanr". They were also able to translate their political, social, religious and commercial aspirations into material form. The city, its streets and its monuments, and by extension also
the ceremonies taking place within them, were thus shaped according to
the wishes of the elite. Changes in the composition of the elite and/or
their attitudes towards the urban environment were thus likely followed
by changes in the compositional
elements of the city and its general
maintenance. Nevertheless, even though the appearance of the city was
to a very large degree determined by the elite, there is little doubt that
most of their opinions were shared by other city dwellers as well. It is
accepted on the whole that the opinion of all city inhabitants on what a
city should look like was shaped by what they saw around them ". Moreover, interventions by the elite in the public domain were invariably
expected to be appreciated and were, consequently, in turn tuned to the
expectations and standards of other city dwellers.
31
La Rocca 1992: 163; Elsner 1998: 14; Machado 2006: 160. Also Holgate 1992:
32
Bek 1997.
39.
14
I. JACOBS
However, members of the elite were probably not the only initiators
of actions influencing urban space. Smaller-scale interventions could
have been the work of more humble city dwellers. Their actions in urban
space, at least in the city centres, were probably controlled by the government for a large part of the period under review.
There were, no doubt, various motives behind the actions of these
initiators. Although these could have comprised aesthetic aspects, aesthetic concerns in se did not exist in the antique, late antique or Byzantine
world. Aesthetics invariably served another purpose, be it political, commercial, religious, or a combination of several. Appreciation of a monument was likewise invariably interwoven with its significance or contents, or its use in the broadest sense of the word ".
Using the earlier estimate on the construction quality, the skills of the
architects and workmen involved in separate projects will be evaluated,
keeping in mind that faults and corrections were no exception even in
earlier centuries and that what we fmd today need not be what a late antique
inhabitant of the city would have seerr'". This can be a stepping stone for
an assessment on the involvement of mechanikoi or architects from the
capital, regional and local professional and non-professional builders. At
the other end of the spectrum are buildings that are no longer in use but
were left to dilapidate and thereby became available for dismantling. I will
search for examples of organised dismantling of buildings, looking at the
amount of building blocks with the same origin reused together within one
building and, ideally, also at the presence of re-assembly marks.
Viewers and users (Chapter 8)
Eventually, all city dwellers had the ability to influence the appearance
of the city. They were confronted with a created environment and could
respond to this shared environment in diverse manners. Most of these
smaller-scale actions can be expected to have left no traces at all, while
others may have been recorded in literary sources, and still others may
also have left material traces in the archaeological record.
Smith 1994.
Sloppy building work could have been covered by plaster, mortar, etc. so that its
makeshift quality would have been disguised.
33
34
15
INTRODUCTION
Aesthetic maintenance
ancient city
or 'decline'
of the
OL~CES
16
LJACOBS
difficult to obtain. The status of these settlements and their position within
the wider Roman Empire are sure to have influenced the nature of initiators, constructors and thus the final appearance of their monuments. For
this reason, information pertaining to Constantinople has been added to
the discussion". On one hand, the capital can be expected to have been
exemplary for developments in other cities of the Empire, on the other
hand, its exceptional status should also be obvious in the extent, nature,
number and decoration of its public monuments. Furthermore, due to their
diverse geographical locations, the sites figuring in the following chapters
have different histories. Asia Minor was on the whole a much more
peaceful region than the provinces more to the north or those along the
Persian border.
Although it strongly leans on the evidence from these diverse settlements, this discussion of aesthetic maintenance is primarily conceived
thematically. Therefore, additional evidence pertaining to the diverse
themes from other well published and illustrated sites has been assembled
in order to improve our knowledge of the appearance of urban fabric".
Throughout the chapters, the town of Sagalassos will occupy a prominent position, as my attachment to the Sagalassos Archaeological
Research Project involved my own field work and thus guaranteed
direct access to site notebooks and excavation reports, resulting in a
better knowledge of this site. Field trips to other cities were undertaken
with the intention of supplementing published material and especially
photographs. Since I try to reconstruct urban space as it was seen by
contemporary city dwellers, elevation drawings and photographs of
separate walls and monuments, but also of viewpoints along streets or
overviews of city quarters from major monuments, are indeed vital to
this research.
This archaeological evidence can be supplemented by literary or written sources such as law edicts, travel descriptions, city descriptions,
hagiographic texts and so on. There were quite a few late antique law
edicts intended to regulate city life, ancient authors describing their home
INTRODUCTION
17
:- Both literary and iconographic sources pertaining to the period under research have
extensively reviewed in H. Saradi (2006) The Byzantine City in the Sixth Century.
Luerary Images and Historical Reality.
ss See Chapter 7.1.1.
: Lepelley 1997 and Roueche 1997 on late antique epigraphy and geographic varia- in the epigraphic record.
.:een