Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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sponsorship will be used in the struggle against communism.
In fact, he used that to build a system and state, whose energies
are concentrated to fight against those that are considered
enemies by the government. Albania's courts, the prosecutors'
offices and the secret police spent more than half of the budget
and their time to accuse, investigate and condemn Berisha's
antagonists.
In the past days, the international media wrote a great bit about
the peace proposal of the president. Nevertheless, ordinary
Albanians who have been celebrating their achievements in the
past days, are fully aware that Berisha's change of tone is due
to the imposition made by other regions. The report is that 70%
of the army has deserted and the soldiers have joined the
insurgents.
The only way to hand - in the weapons is to buy them, and if this
is taken into account, then the assistance the West will give to
Albania will have to increase. Especially the assistance meant
for southern Albania where starvation is threatening - in which
the state could swap food for weapons or finally buy the stolen
weapons.
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Any postponement of the beginning of the disarmament of southern
Albania, could allow the appearance of the Albanian version of
Jokhar Dudayev, whose appetite for adventures will be much bigger
that the whole of Albania is.
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between the clans in the North and the South, despite the huge
differences between the lands of the Gegë up North and the Toskë
down South. With the exemption of Shkodër, the North remains
mainly underdeveloped compared to the South that is economically
more vital and more prosperous. A loss for the North was also the
'72 law that declared the Toskë dialect the only and the official
dialect of Albania.
During the five years in power, Berisha followed the same tactics
as his communist predecessor. Anyhow, he failed in his attempts
to win the support of the South or to bring in leaders from the
South in his government. On the contrary, his supporters from
Tropojë and other parts of the North were appointed leaders in
the Southern localities. Their governments were corrupted: the
South's indifference became hatred towards Berisha and all his
work. The ruin of the pyramidal schemes in which they had
invested incited their anger and turned into open rebellion - and
this was the reason why the largest part of the army joined the
Southerners against the chief commander of the army and the
state, president Berisha.
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It has been said that Berisha could mobilize the young in the
North to resist the "Southern rebels" because "they wish to take
over Tirana and go as far as the North". It seems that his
propaganda, for the first time in Albania, will be successful in
transforming the conflict between the people and the government
in a civil war between the North and the South.
SO CLOSE, SO FAR
Then Italian TV was the only mirror of the free world that we
had. Our dreams of freedom would get different magic forms as we
watched their TV. The TV circle among us was made of seven
hangers connected to one pole and two spoons connected to the
cable's hanger. Such inventions were banned and this is why they
were placed behind the closets or under the beds, meanwhile under
the splendor of the warm Albanian sun the huge statues of Enver
Hoxha and other heroes of real-socialism would spread the shadow
over the people.
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Later they closed the eyes to the first signs of the
authoritarian regime and then to the irregularities in the May
elections. When a group of opposers went out to the street to
protests, the "democratic" opposition in Tirana attacked them as
if they were refugees in an Italian football stadium. "The
bloodshed caused by the Albanian police is nothing compared to
the bloodshed in Paris and London in 1960", said the Italian
ambassador wishing to stress that violence is primary in
democratic states.
In 1993, the leader of the opposition Fatos Nano was arrested and
condemned. Europe's silence helped the confirmation of the
sentence and the former communist opposition to be cursed,
responsible for the crimes committed in the past, regardless of
the fact that Berisha has been member of Enver Hoxha's communist
party for 25 years. Supported by Europe, Berisha led Albania into
a corrupt and vulgar circle. The state property became private
so it could turn Berisha's supporters richer, meanwhile
journalists and the militants of the opposition were being
arrested. The police used force to interrupt the hunger strike
of the former political prisoners who were asking for full
rehabilitation in the post-communist society. Berisha took over
the radio and TV using it to irritate the opposition. He also
made impossible the existence of other channels. The professors
who wouldn't prove loyal enough were dismissed. Writers and
artists that dared to protest against the obstacles to democracy
were attacked with metal tubes. Indifferent to the brutality in
Albania, Europe saluted the strong man from Tirana.
Europe thought that Berisha was the only one who could guarantee
stability in the Balkans. His duty was to prevent the centring
of the attention on the violation of human rights in Kosova and
Macedonia. In the meantime, the shadow of the old dictatorship
started showing again. Many appeals came form the opposition and
the intelligentsia in Washington, but none from Europe. The
ambassadors of Italy and Germany pressured the OSCE to validate
the May elections' results. Europe denied all principles
democracy is based on and now it is shocked with Berisha, the man
that created the illusion of the post-communist economy of
Albania.
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photographs: one of Maksude Kademi, the inventor of the pyramidal
schemes and the other of Lenny Fischer, chairman of the European
Council Assembly and at the same time Berisha's strong supporter.
The title of the article was: "The two most famous women of
Albania". After being decorated by Berisha, Fischer had declared:
"Albania is rapidly advancing towards democracy". The world knows
what happened.
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inhabitants.
During 1994 and 1995, the newspaper improved the structure and
enriched the contents with new columns and materials. Its profile
always tended to be close to the Western newspapers. At the same
time, KOHA JONË remains critical towards the government and the
DP, publishing information of the trafficking of weapons and
drugs as well as the corruption of the government. Journalists
of KOHA JONË regularly paid a high price for their freedom of
speech - they were often beaten by the secret police.
On 15 January 1996, the deputy minister of interior, Agim Shehu,
reacted to an article that revealed the corruption within this
ministry, and confiscated all distribution vehicles that we had.
We were forced to rent other cars, at a considerable high price.
Our cars remained blocked in the police stations for over 65
days, two of them even 7 months without any explanation.
On 25 February 1996, after the explosion that happened in the
center of Tirana in front of the VEFA Supermarket, armed
policemen broke into our premises and arrested 33 journalists who
were interrogated till the next day. In May 1996, journalists
Altin Hazizaj was arrested for an article on the police
activities in Tirana's suburbs. After three days of arrest, he
was fined 500 dollars. With the beginning of the pyramidal
schemes' crisis, the pressure on KOHA JONË increases. In December
1996, the journalists are beaten by the police. On 17 January
1997, our correspondent from Korçë was held in detention and
beaten for 11 days. In the first months of January our
circulation reached the incredible 65 thousand copies, while the
second-highest circulation was of the pro-government daily
"Albania" with 14 thousand copies. Our circulation was even
limited because the printers controlled by the government would
refuse to print more copies.
In the early hours of 2 March 1997, with the proclamation of the
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(Nikollë Lesi is publisher and director of KOHA JONË)
ALBANIA
The rebels holding three fingers up asked us: "Why are you
leaving Albania?" - whereas the Montenegrin policemen provoked
us: "Which is your fatherland?"
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rifles in their hands. Some of the women in the bus started
panicking. As we saw the three fingers in the air, we didn't know
whether this was Albania or Serbia, whether they would spare us
or kill us. A child wanted to urinate, but the bus driver said
that at no price would he stop. After we passed Laç we came to
the area that I believe was the most dangerous, as regards the
number of weapons in the hands of the people. As we entered
Lezhë, two people with an endelss number of weapons on them,
stopped the bus. One of them entered. He asked whether there was
something for them. He repeated the question three times. He
finally got the reply from the driver: "these are all Kosovars".
He asked why were we leaving. Then he told us that we were lucky.
Half an hour ago Fushë Krujë and Laç went under fire.
We had no problems along the road, no one mistreated us. The most
interesting detail was the absence of the Albanian border
policemen, for the cross-point was now controlled by the
"rebels". They let us go without any problems. When we reached
the Macedonian side. The reception was accompanied by their
ironic smiles. It was the first time, though, that we crossed the
border without any rigorous check-up.
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MACEDONIA
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Ljupco Georgijevski tried to assure that his party considers that
"all inter-ethnic relations are matter of the governmental
coalition personified in two parties, SDLM and PPD".
KOSOVA
INTERVIEW,
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FK: You claim to the dissatisfied with the actual politics in
Kosova. You share this feeling with many other people in Kosova.
Is national reconciliation necessary in Kosova too, before
something bad happens?
FK: Where do you find the guilty for the tragedy Albania is
living?
BAKALLI: Very bad. Why did he have to reelect himself in the most
tragic times in a parliament which is almost of one party, i.e.,
as if it were a central committee? The election could have
waited.
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Then how are you going to go to America? Second, in 1992 there
was an initiative for national reconciliation. Berisha has done
it, without including us. What is your opinion?
BAKALLI: You are right about the question regarding America, for
practically there is no agreement between political forces. There
will be 5-6 of us as individuals or as representatives of
political parties. We must coordinate things before going there.
Regarding you second question. National reconciliation as a
notion, as an idea, as an aspiration is something different from
what Berisha's program foresees. I don't agree with the name the
agreement in Albania has. National reconciliation is a matter of
the people in a historical process which should involve all
societal, political and intellectual forces. National
reconciliation can't be done with the decision of a political
organ. Another term should have been found.
FK: You said that conditions for friendly relations with the
neighboring countries should be created, How much has your
generation worked in this direction in favor of our generation?
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requests came later. I still believe that the '81 demonstrations
were not welcome, because they deteriorated the position, not of
the leadership, but of Kosova as a constituent of the federation.
I believe that the demonstrations could have waited, but I also
believe that the demonstrators shouldn't have been beaten either.
This is why I demanded in the Provincial Committee the creation
of a state commission that would punish those who used the force.
The leadership didn't support the demonstrators because they
believed that they were doing no good to our people. I didn't
agree with the demonstrations, but neither with the draconic
measures of Serbia and Yugoslavia against the Albanian people.
This is why I resigned from all political functions I had.
FK: How much will the tragic events in Albania influence the
national question in Kosova?
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