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Donato Cruz
Dr. Murphy
History 312
Spain's Popular Front, Communist International and Origins: International or Internal

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"In the summer of 1935 the Communist International reversed its policy of constant
struggle against the Social Democrats, and with great energy and publicity launched the slogan
of a 'Popular Front' of all liberal and left forces against the threat of fascism."1 One of the most
documented reasons for the Spanish Popular Front was the Communist International congress of
1935 and the October Revolutions of 1934. Gabriel Jackson, author of The Spanish Republic and
The Civil War, centers his view point on the coming of the October Revolution and the
Communist International directly influencing the formation of the Popular Front. Moreover,
Raymond Carr characterizes the reasons of the October Revolution, "The Revolution of October
1934 was the direct consequence of the demand of the Socialists and anti-Radical Republicans
that the largest elected party in the Cortes must be denied any participation in government."2
While the October Revolution was internal to Spain, the Communist International is an
international influence to create a Popular Front for as an anti-fascism force. The creation of the
Popular Front, during the Spanish Second Republic, had national and international driving
forces. The Seventh Congress of the Communist International drove a Popular Front platform
internationally in 1935. Moreover, the Spanish successfully elected a Popular Front in 1936.
France and Spain bear striking resemblances both attended the Communist International, elected
Popular Front governments in 1936 and created similar program unifying such a movement.
The Popular Front was an elected platform based on the coalition of multiple left groups. Gabriel
Jackson has written on the Popular Front, "The Frente Popular which won the Spanish
parliamentary elections of February 1936 was a loose coalition of parties ranging in character
1 Gabriel Jackson, The Spanish Republic and The Civil War, (Princeton University
Press: New Jersey, 1965) 185
2 Raymond Carr, 1808- 1939 Spain, (Oxford University Press: London, 1966) 630

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from the liberal Republicans through the Socialist party to the communist (both Stalinist and
anti-Stalinist) from the far left."3 The coalition formed the Popular Front to grant the left a
majority rule and voice. The left had acquired an agenda and initiatives. The loose coalition,
according to Jackson, formed the Popular Front to fight the 1936 elections.4 According to E. M.,
author of "The Cause of Revolt in Spain," the fight was to counteract the Government's putdown
of the Left revolt in the mining communities in Oviedo, also known as the Asturias Revolt or the
October revolution of 1934. The 1934 Government led a series of reforms restricting liberties,
dissolving two town councils and closing down Trade Union centers.5 Moreover, the Frente
Popular or the Popular Front was consolidated on main points, "1. Amnesty of prisoners and
reinstatements of workers who were considered victims of the October revolt. 2. Reestablishment of the 1931 Constitution wherever waived by the Right Government. 3. Large
scale public works for the relief of unemployment..."6 The Popular Front won the 1936 election
based on the coalition of Left parties and their desires for reform. According to Lawrence A.
Farnsworth, "The victory of the Front swept them in, not as Communist but as members of the
ticket."7 The ticket initiative was the reason to joining the Popular front according to Farnsworth.
The ticket was not to join or convert to communism, but for a greater battle of winning the 1936
3 Gabriel Jackson, "The Spanish Popular Front 1934-7," Journal of Contemporary
History 5, no. 3 Popular Fronts (1970): 21 JSTOR (259672)
4 E. M. "The Cause of Revolt in Spain," Bulletin of International News 13, no. 3
(1936): 5 JSTOR (25639559)
5 E. M. The Cause of Revolt, 5
6 E. M. The cause of Revolt, 6
7Lawrence A. Farnsworth, "Mass Movements in Spain, " Foreign Affairs 14, no 4
(1936) 665 JSTOR (20030767)

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majority. Moreover, Farnsworth elaborates, "The real Soviet plan seems to have been to assume a
passive attitude toward Spanish democracy as providing a bulwark of against fascism... All this
would be in accordance with the rules laid down by the Seventh Congress of the Communist
International, well explained by Ludwig Lore in the pages of this review last January."8 The
Popular Front was regarded as a safeguard against the spread of fascism. Farnsworth visualizes
Soviet passivity of the Spanish democracy. Indeed, the passivity was underlined in the Seventh
Congress of the Communist International. Ludwig Lore, mentioned by Farnsworth, wrote the
"Two Internationals Find a Common Foe." In his article, Lore states the Communist
International's goals, worries and key players of concern. Lore states the congress main concern,
"Now the deliberations of the world concave of communist leaders were devoted almost entirely
to the problem of collecting the anti-fascist elements among the proletariat and the bourgeois
groups and parties for a united offensive."9 The Communist International was a meeting to unify
the proletariat, bourgeois and parties that attended against an anti-fascist movement. The
Communist International was a meeting to collaborate all efforts against the fascist machine. The
power to defeat fascism was seen in a collaboration of parties never before united under a
common cause. Moreover, Lore explains, "But things move more rapidly in Europe and already a
new situation has arisen. The Communist party, in conformity with its new policy, advocated the
ideas of a Leftist government of Communist, Socialist and Radical Socialist, and even right wing
politicians if their republicanism was beyond question."10 The Communist party has incorporated

8 Farnsworth, Mass Movements, 665

9 Ludwig Lore, "The Two Internationals Find a Common Foe," Foreign Affairs 14, no.
2 (1936): 227 JSTOR (20030721)
10 Lore, The Two Internationals, 239

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the ideas of many different groups of the Left, even some of the Right, in order to conform to its
new policy of passivity towards democracy for a collective movement against fascism. The
movement was a collective front united by ideas to stop fascism and its spread. However, Lore
does not mention the Spanish, or their current situation. The focus is Hitler, the USSR, France,
England and briefly Italy. Moreover, Lore does mention their goals and the conference's
initiative. Farnsworth states the parties included in the Spanish Popular Front were not only
communist, "The electoral pact was effected between a group of three left parties, forming the
Republican wing, and three revolutionary parties, the Socialist, the official (Moscow)
Communist, and a Syndicalism fraction. The 'Popular Front' so constituted has 286 deputies in a
Cortes of 470 members."11 The popular front included different Left wing groups in order to
create a majority in the Cortes. The Communist International was a driving force to consolidate
the left towards anti-fascism majority.
More than just the Communist International program and personal goals for reform, a French
influence has been stated as present or resembling the Spanish Popular Front. According to Leon
Trotsky, this is more than apparent. Moreover, Trotsky states, "The newspapers report that in
Spain all the 'left' parties, both bourgeois and working class, have made an electoral bloc on the
basis of a common program, which in the nature of things differs in no way from the program of
the French Popular Front and all other fake program of the same type."12 Trotsky sees the French
and Spanish Popular Front all too common as a fake program. Indeed, Trotsky sees more than
just a political movement, but moderate similarities in program. Walter R. Sharp characterizes
11 Farnsworth, Mass Movements, 663
12 Leon Trotsky, The Spanish Revolution (1931-1939), (Pathfinder Press: New York,
1973) 208

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the French Popular Front and its initiatives, Sharp stated, "What is the Popular Front? In its most
general aspect, it represents the mobilization of heterogeneous and previously divergent forces
for the defense of French diplomacy against the growing specter of fascism."13 Like the Popular
Front in Spain, the French had an anti-fascism initiative. The French and the Spanish both create
a manifesto of common interest of the Popular Front. The French declare a manifesto of
"Liberty, Peace, and Bread."14 Moreover, just to state the beginning of each program, "In the
defense of 'liberty,' their program called for a general amnesty for political prisoners... In the
defense of 'peace,' the Popular Front proposed to strengthen the collective security... In the
defense of 'bread' it was proposed to restore consumer purchase power... to alleviate the
agricultural crisis... to conduct a 'financial house cleaning...'."15 The Popular Front was more than
just a fight against fascism. The Popular Front was also a collective agreement of the Popular
Front parties. The Spanish yielded similar results. Their Popular Front included amnesty for
political prisoners, the reestablishment of the 1931 Constitution, land and economic reform.16
However, the similarities their Popular Front agendas did differ on their national crisis and
specific concerns of political parties and the nation. However, W. Horesfall Carter, author of
"Spain and the Social Revolution," does not compare the French and Spanish Popular Fronts in
their program. Indeed Carter only compares the two nations under influence of the Communist
13 Walter R. Sharp, "The Popular Front in France: Prelude or Interlude?" The
American Political Review, 30, no. 5 (1936): 859, JSTOR (1948354)
14 Sharp, The Popular Front in France, 862
15 Sharp, The Popular Front in France, 861
16 W. HorseFall Carter, "Spain and the Social Revolution," International Affairs
(Royal Institute of International Affairs 1931-1939) 15, no. 5 (1936) 656 JSTOR
(2602413)

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International's anti-fascism, "To day in France and in Spain you have a Popular front of all
democratic and Left parties against the menace of Fascism: There are many differences, but on
common factor is the considerable influence of Communist representatives in cementing the
alliance, Communist acting of course... set forth by Dimitrov at the last Comintern Congress."17
According to Carter, the Spanish and French Popular Fronts were products to counteract fascism,
while under direct influence of last Communist International Congress. Yet the common
influence of the Communist International and programs, both Popular Fronts were announced
almost days after another. On January 15, 1936, the Spanish Popular Front was signed as a
specific pact.18 Moreover, the French Popular Front was created on January 10, 1936 as a united
Left, after five months of negotiations.19 The Spanish and French Popular Fronts have had major
similarities and according to Farnsworth, Sharp, Jackson and Carter all lie in what Lore stated,
"This was more than a mere change in tactics. It involved a revision in the communist definition
of fascism and indicated that the communist will fight the fascist menace not only with new
weapons but with a new conception of ultimate aims."20 The Communist International had great
influence on the French creation of the Popular Front and the Spanish Popular Front. However,
the creation of a Popular Front government had different underlying causes.
Similarities are somewhat clear and mentioned by some historians and writers of the time. Yet
the underlying differences and national demands of different parties also existed. Carter analyzed
17 Carter, Spain, 649
18 Jackson, The Popular Front, 27
19 Sharp, The Popular Front in France, 861
20 Lore, Two Internationals, 227

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the Spanish Popular Front origins. Carter stated the alliance of the Popular Front had its origins
in 1934 with the suppression of land reform, wage level drop, reinstatement of army officers who
plotted against the Republic, suppression of Catalonia and the reinstatement of the death
penalty.21 Luis Araquistain, writing in early 1935, sets in the sentiments of the October
Revolution and 1934. Araquistain states, "While the responsibility for the for the October
revolution of Accion Popular is great, greater still is that of the President who, contrary to the
spirit of the Constitution, opened the doors of the government to a party whose electoral power
derives from the monarchist, and whose political program, repeatedly and publically proclaimed,
is to destroy, first the social and secular aims of the Spanish Republic, and finally the Republic
itself."22 The Spanish Popular front had its roots laid in 1934 and the repercussion of the October
revolution. Yet, Araquistain gives the insight of monarchist aims. The monarchist openly stated
their continued goal of destruction of the Republic. The Popular Front won under the revolution
of October 1934.23 The Popular Front set down a program that the Socialist forces could agree,
the Republican Liberals, and a minimum the Socialist and the Sydicalist could agree.24 However,
Carter states this was no means of social reform.25 France, in addition, carried its specific origins
and program.

21 Carter, Spain, 655

22 Luis Araquistain, "The October Revolution In Spain," Foreign Affairs 13, no. 2
(1935) 251 JSTOR (20030660)
23 E. M. The Cause of Revolt, 5
24 Carter, Spain, 657
25Carter, Spain, 657

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The French laid its origins in different elements. With three different steps, the French instituted
a Popular Front. Sharp states the origins of the Popular front, "The first signs of this new unity
appeared in the nation-wide strike of February 12, 1934..."26 The origin lay in the 1934 strike.
The next step was the meeting to call for a demonstration on Bastille Day to support democracy
on June 17, 1935. The rassemblement populaire gives birth to the Popular Front.27 The origins
started in the 1934 strike and the 1935 meeting for democracy. Moreover, Sharp states the
collaboration of program, "A central committee, consisting of delegates from the nine most
powerful constituent organization, was set up and charged with the task of formulating a
common minimum program."28 While France is not covered in depth, it did have its own origins
and agenda to cover besides anti-fascism.
Spain is a complex subject to analyze. Many internal and external forces sometimes intertwine.
Spain's Popular Front, elected 1936, had many driving forces. According to various writers of the
period and scholars, the Popular Front laid its roots in the 1934 October revolution. The
revolution severely restricted the left and reversed some Republican policies. The Communist
International drove the agenda of a united left anti-fascism. January 1936 the Popular front was
consolidated under a common program. The program included release of prisoners, land and
economic reforms and the reinstatement of the 1931 Constitution. France held general origins as
well. France's Popular Front laid its roots in the 1934 strike and the 1935 meeting of Bastille
Day. France also attended the Communist International and created the Popular Front Program
days after Spain in 1936. The French Popular Front program also concluded similar conditions to
26 Sharp, The Popular Front in France, 859
27 Sharp, The Popular Front in France, 860
28 Sharp, The Popular Front in France, 861

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Spain. However, in a microscope all events were unique to each nation. Both saw a need for antifascism , however, France's border was Germany. Moreover, Luis Araquistain characterized
Spain more accurately than known, "People talk about a secret fascist organization? In Spain
there can be no fascism of the Italian or German Type. There are no demobilized men, as there
were in Italy: there are no hundreds of thousands of young men with no future, nor millions of
unemployed, as in Germany. There is no Mussolini, nor even a Hitler; there are no imperialistic
ambitions nor sentiments of revenge, no problems of expansion, nor even a Jewish problem. Out
of what could Spanish fascism be concocted? I cannot imagine the recipe." 29 The Spanish are a
recipe unique to the nation. All the outer driving forces and influences do set a number of
similarities. While one can acknowledge them, Spain remains Spanish.

Bibliography
Araquistain, Luis. "The Struggle in Spain," Foreign Affairs 12, no. 3 (1934) 458- 471
JSTOR (20030606)
29 Luis Araquistain, "The Struggle in Spain," Foreign Affairs 12, no. 3 (1934) 470
JSTOR (20030606)

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Araquistain, Luis. "The October Revolution In Spain," Foreign Affairs 13, no. 2 (1935) 247- 261
JSTOR (20030660)
Carter, W. HorseFall. "Spain and the Social Revolution," International Affairs (Royal
Institute of International Affairs 1931-1939) 15, no. 5 (1936) 647-670 JSTOR (2602413)
Trotsky, Leon. The Spanish Revolution (1931-1939), Pathfinder Press: New York, 1973
Sharp, Walter R. "The Popular Front in France: Prelude or Interlude?" The American
Political Review, 30, no. 5 (1936): 857-883 JSTOR (1948354)
Lore, Ludwig. "The Two Internationals Find a Common Foe," Foreign Affairs 14, no. 2
(1936): 227-242 JSTOR (20030721)
Farnsworth, Lawrence A. "Mass Movements in Spain, " Foreign Affairs 14, no 4 (1936)
662-674 JSTOR (20030767)
Jackson, Gabriel. "The Spanish Popular Front 1934-7," Journal of Contemporary History
5, no. 3 Popular Fronts (1970): 21-35 JSTOR (259672)
M., E. "The Cause of Revolt in Spain," Bulletin of International News 13, no. 3 (1936):
3-13 JSTOR (25639559)
Jackson, Gabriel. The Spanish Republic and The Civil War, Princeton University Press:
New Jersey, 1965
Carr, Raymond. 1808- 1939 Spain, Oxford University Press: London, 1966